|Part of the Powerbase Brexit Portal.|
Open Europe is a Eurosceptic think tank which is part of the Stockholm Network and has neoconservative connections.
Its research output consists mainly of calls to dismantle the Common Agricultural Policy, roll back EU regulation of trade and financial services, and repatriate the EU welfare budget to member states.
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Origins and History
- 3 Research
- 4 The Fresh Start Project and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform
- 5 Examples of influence
- 6 Stockholm Network
- 7 Neo-conservative connections
- 8 People
- 9 Contact
- 10 Resources
- 11 References
The European issue has been a defining fault-line for Conservatives for a generation. Although Open Europe is not especially well known, it is arguably a very significant organisation connected to Cameron’s advisers. The think-tank is unusual in that it is directly supported by individual business leaders, and claims to refuse money from 'EU institutions, governments or big corporations'. ‘Open Europe believes’, says their website, ‘that the EU must now embrace radical reform based on economic liberalisation’.What this appears to mean is integrating all EU countries further and faster into the global economy but with a distinct eurosceptic tinge. The Marquess of Salisbury sits on its board, and some notable supporters are: John Sainsbury (Lord Sainsbury of Preston Candover, who donated to Cameron’s leadership campaign along with fellow donor Peter Gummer, Lord Chadlington), Andrew Allum, Henry Angest, Sir John Beckwith, Lord Blakenham, Roger Bootle, Lord Harris of Peckham, Sir John Coles, and Sir David Davis.
Origins and History
Open Europe grew out of a collection of broadly euro-sceptic campaign groups that appeared between 1998-2005. The first was Business for Sterling, which was launched by the Labour Cabinet minister (and ex-chairman of British Rail) Lord Marsh on 11 June 1998 as a campaign against British integration into the Euro. It had the backing of senior anti-euro business chiefs (Sir Stanley Kalms, Sir Michael Edwardes, Lord Hanson, Sir Rocco Forte) and in September 2000 combined with another anti-euro campaign group New Europe to form the simply-titled “No” campaign. The merger was announced by the launch of a multi-million-pound advertising offensive under the strap-line ‘Europe Yes. Euro No’, which was handled by M&C Saatchi. As this slogan suggests, neither New Europe nor Business for Sterling explicitly professed an anti-EU stance; both groups claimed to support the single market, but not integration into a single European currency. In May 2003 - once the perceived threat of the single currency had disappeared - Lord Saatchi backed a new cross-party group, Vote 2004, which was set up to campaign for a referendum on whether to accept the forthcoming findings of the European Convention. Vote 2004 subsequently became Vote No, and was registered as a company Vote No Ltd in May 2004.
This was the milieu of broadly euro-sceptic organisations out of which Open Europe emerged, and from which the think-tank drew its initial staff. In an op-ed in the Financial Times on 18 October 2005, Lord Rodney Leach (who had been chairman of Business for Sterling since its inception) announced that:
This week will see the launch of Open Europe, a UK think-tank that aims to set out a detailed programme of radical reform. It has commissioned leading economists to examine the potential benefits of removing the EU’s trade barriers and reforming the CAP. Their report shows that free trade is not just good for business: it is also a progressive policy.
Writing as the chairman of the soon to be launched Open Europe, Leach argued that there were two imperatives for EU reform: it needed to ‘embrace the painful economic reforms needed to succeed in the 21st century’, and to ‘abandon the historic drive to “ever closer union”’. Two days later, the think-tank launched officially at Bloomberg’s European headquarters in Finsbury Square, London. Leach spoke as chairman of the board of directors, as did Derek Scott (who had been a special advisor to Tony Blair between 1997 and 2003) as deputy chairman. Neil O’Brien, who had up to that point been campaign director of Vote 2004, was appointed as Company Secretary. Lorraine Mullally, who had also been a communications officer at Vote 2004, was appointed as head of research and communications. Paul Stephenson, a researcher at Vote 2004, was employed as a researcher, as was Tom Boal, who had previously worked for the “No” campaign.
Open Europe was incorporated as a UK company on 25 July 2005. Its website was registered on 11 July 2005.  It is hosted under the same IP address (126.96.36.199) which hosts the websites of Nick Herbert MP (CEO of Business for Sterling between 1998 and 2000, founder of the "No" Campaign, and former Director of Reform), Theos, and Policy Exchange.
As of June 2016, Open Europe's Experts were as follows:
- Raoul Ruparel - Co-director
- Stephen Booth - Co-director
- Nina Schick - Communications director
- Pawel Swidlicki - Policy analyst
- Pieter Cleppe - Head of brussels office
- Timm Luebben - Head of digital
- Vincenzo Scarpetta - Policy analyst 
As of June 2016, the board of Open Europe was comprised of the following people:
Elizabeth Gage - Jewellery designer
Open Europe’s research coalesces around eight main areas. Within each area, multiple reports have been published since 2005, many of which advance the same arguments.
The Common Agricultural Policy and EU Trade
Between 2005 and 2012, Open Europe published five reports in the area. Two of these focus on the CAP. The first (in 2005) argued for the elimination of the CAP, along with EU trade tarriffs. The second (in 2012) argued that the UK is a huge loser from the CAP, and that although full ‘liberalisation’ of the policy would be theoretically viable, it would not gain enough political support to be practicable. The report therefore proposed a streamlined version of the CAP.
Two reports published in 2007 argued respectively that the EU was blocking the achievement of a multi-lateral trade deal at WTO talks in Doha, and that the EU should stop threatening African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries with higher trade tariffs if they do not sign up to ‘Economic Partnership Agreements’ (which make provision for the removal of trade tariffs in developing countries). In 2012, Open Europe affirmed that staying within the EU was the best option for UK trade, as the various options that involved the UK leaving remained unviable.
Between 2005 and 2013, Open Europe has claimed regularly that EU regulatory legislation that impinges on the UK is incredibly costly to its economy. A report in 2005 argued that EU regulation passed since 1998 cost British Businesses £30bn, and called for an audit of the economic impact of all existing EU legislation on the UK. In 2009, a report argued that EU regulation will have cost the UK economy £356bn by 2018.In 2010, a similar report claimed that ‘Since 1998, regulation introduced in the UK has cost the economy £176 billion. Of this, £124 billion, or 71 percent, had its origin in the EU.’ A briefing note in 2013 stated that the ‘Top 100 EU regulations’ cost the UK economy £24bn per year, and that 95% of the benefits of EU regulation estimated by UK government impact assessments have failed to materialise.
Between 2006 and 2012, seven reports have been published on the efficacy with which EU welfare and aid budgets are spent. Reports in 2007 and 2011 argued that EU external aid is handled ineffectively, funneling too much money into high-GDP countries rather than into those that need it most. Because of this, they argued, the EU aid budget should be dismantled, and returned to the national aid budgets of member states.
The remaining five reports were dedicated to persistently arguing that EU regional policy is, and always has been, a failure. Reports in 2007 and 2012 focused on what Open Europe see as the poor use of EU structural cohesion funds (which could be described as intra-EU aid). Like external aid, they argued, control over these funds should be repatriated to member states. Further reports in 2011 argued that the UK should repatriate social policy currently decided in Brussels, such as employment regulations like the Working Time Directive and Agency Workers Directive. In 2012, Open Europe argued straightforwardly for slashes to the EU budget that, if implemented, would reduce the UK’s contribution by €5.7bn.
Two reports (in 2006 and 2007) indicted the EU emissions trading scheme (ETS), arguing in favour of a UK-only scheme for greenhouse gas reduction. A pan-European solution, they argued, would not be viable.
Two 2008 reports took aim respectively at the EU’s target of a 10% use of biofuels (as a portion of total fuel consumption) by 2020, and the EU Climate Action and Renewable Energy Package (CAREP). Both schemes, the reports argued, are a hugely expensive way to solve the problem of carbon emissions.
Crime and Policing
Between 2006 and 2006, six reports have argued against the cession of authority over justice and home affairs from the UK to the EU. Three reports (one in 2006, and two in 2012) argued that the European Court of Justice should not accrue any more authority than it already has, and that the UK should repatriate control over certain EU crime and policing laws. A 2010 report also argued that the UK government’s proposed ‘referendum lock’ - a piece of legislation that would prevent cession of particular powers to the EU without a referendum - does not go far enough, and should cover criminal justice, immigration, and policing laws. A report in 2009 warned that if the Lisbon Treaty were to be ratified by EU member states, the way would be paved for the creation of an EU surveillance state. In 2012, Open Europe argued in favour UK’s current approach to national/EU immigration policy, through which it can opt into EU laws which are in its national interest. This approach could be bolstered, however, by creating a ‘reversible opt-in’, so that opt-in decisions made by government x do not bind government y.
Financial Services Regulation
Since 2006, Open Europe has consistently and sharply criticised proposed or existing EU regulation of the financial services industry.
In 2006, a report indicated the EU’s Financial Services Action Plan, which (it was claimed) would be detrimental to the international competitiveness of the City of London, and induce the flight of hedge funds and private equity groups elsewhere. This familiar argument was deployed again in a 2011 report, this time in service of a denunciation of proposals for an EU VAT or an EU Financial Transactions Tax. A 2009 report also criticised an EU proposal to issue a directive on Alternative Investment Fund Managers. Consisting of a survey of two associations (the Alternative Investment Management Association (AIMA) and the British Private Equity and Venture Capital Association (BVCA)), the report found that they did not welcome the potential directive; it would, the associations said, prevent alternatives funds from being marketed to EU investors at all, and hamper investor choice.
In 2010 and 2011, Open Europe also argued that the UK’s capacity to block regulatory legislation should be proportionate to the size of its financial services industry (relative to others within the EU). The 2011 report claimed that the UK accounts for ‘36% of the EU's wholesale finance industry and a 61% share of the EU's net exports of international transactions in financial services’, but that under new rules coming into force in 2014, it would ‘only possess 12% of the votes in the Council of Ministers and 10% of the votes in the European Parliament.’ As a result, the report argued for national sovereignty over banking regulation.
The EU Constitution
In 2007 and 2008, Open Europe published two reports on the 2007 Constitutional Treaty, criticising the Labour decision in April 2007 to hold no referendum on its ratification. This made no sense, the reports claimed, as the Lisbon Treaty and the 2007 Treaty were basically identical. A 2008 collection of essays also criticised the EU’s dissemination of information about how it works to the European public, dismissing its PR initiatives as costly ‘propaganda exercises’.
Further reports in 2012 and 2014 argued respectively for more parliamentary scrutiny of EU legislation, and for limiting the powers of the European Parliament - a body held to represent a ‘failed experiment in pan-European democracy’.
The Eurozone Crisis
Since 2010, Open Europe has published reports consistently arguing against EU bail-outs for struggling debtor states. A 2010 report argued that EU leaders should either let Greece default on their repayments, or go to the IMF for a bail-out. Similarly, in the case of Ireland, another report from the same year argued that there is a ‘big risk that [EU bail-out] loans won’t solve anything at all’. In a further 2010 report, Open Europe argued that the eurozone had become a de facto debt union, with member states taking on each other’s liabilities. The EU should not, the report argued, turn a de facto debt union into a debt union by law. Attracting even deeper criticism was the creation of the ‘European Stability Mechanism’, which the report argued should be rejected on the grounds that it leaves the UK liable for €8bn of loans, should any beneficiary default. A trio of 2011 reports argued variously that: the best solution to the Portuguese sovereign debt crisis would be a small bail-out combined with large-scale restructuring; that the ECB is over-leveraged and over-exposed to potentially toxic debt; and that the position of Greece within the Eurozone needs to be re-evaluated as further bail-outs are too expensive to be viable.
The Fresh Start Project and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform
Open Europe is connected to parliament via both the Fresh Start Project, a parliamentary grouping of Conservative MPs concerned by EU issues, and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform.
The Fresh Start Project was co-founded in October 2011 by George Eustice MP, ex-CEO of Business for Sterling, and Andrea Leadsom MP, who on April 14 2014 was appointed Economic Secretary to the Treasury after serving on the Treasury Select Committee for four years. According to the minutes of their meetings, the group bases their discussions on Open Europe reports.
The APPG for European Reform was founded at a similar time to the Fresh Start Project, holding its inaugural meeting on 10 November 2011. At this meeting, Leadsom was elected co-chair of the group, and Eustice an Officer. Open Europe was instituted as secretariat to the group, giving them very close proximity to MPs.
Leadsom’s connections to Open Europe predate her involvement in the founding of the APPG and the Fresh Start Project. Before being elected Conservative MP for South Northamptonshire in 2010, Leadsom was Managing Director of De Putron Fund Management between 1997 and 1999, and a Senior Investment Officer at Invesco Perpetual between 1999-2009. Using data gathered by the Washington-based organisation the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, a July 2014 report by The Guardian found that Peter de Putron - brother-in-law of Andrea Leadsom and founder of De Putron Fund Management - had donated £816,000 to the Conservative Party since 2010, and £680,000 to Open Europe since its foundation in 2005. The donations to both the Conservatives and to Open Europe were channelled through the company Gloucester Research (now called G-Research), at which Andrea’s husband, Ben Leadsom, is a director.
The following reports formed the basis of discussion for meetings of either the Fresh Start Project, the APPG for European Reform, or both:
- ‘What works? How to reduce emissions at the lowest cost’ (22 January 2008).
The report argues against EU’s 2020 target of a 10% use of biofuels across the EU, as they are (according to OE) the most expensive way to cut carbon emissions. Accordingly, the EU should scrap the target, as well as subsidies for biofuels.
- ‘Repatriating EU Social policy: The best choice for jobs and growth?’ (9 November 2011).
The report argues that the UK should repatriate social policy currently decided in Brussels. Social policy, in this instance, involves employment regulations: the Working Time Directive (WTD), the Agency Workers Directive (AWD), as well as workplace directives on things like asbestos, levels of exposure to noise at work. Open Europe argue that these things should be brought back under national control.
A summary of the report made by Andrea Leadsom began a meeting of the Fresh Start Project on 14 November 2011. Mats Persson, the current director of Open Europe, also presented the report to a meeting of the APPG on 10 November 2011. He began by stating that ‘EU social law is costing the UK £8.6bn a year’.
- ‘Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe’ (5 December 2011).
This report argues for national sovereignty over banking regulation, and points to the potential for banks to flee London should any Financial Transactions Tax be imposed in the EU or the Eurozone. It also argues that the UK’s influence over financial regulation should be weighted to reflect its large share of the EU’s total finance industry. As the title suggests, it seeks to ‘keep the city open for business’.
- ‘Off target: The case for bringing regional policy back home’ (24 January 2012). 
One of many Open Europe reports about the EU’s structural and cohesion (welfare) funds, arguing that they continue to be poorly targeted and that funds should be repatriated to member states. Doing so, the report argues, would save on administration costs, and increase the amount of subsidy available for regional development in the UK.
- ‘An unavoidable choice: More or less EU control over UK policing and criminal law’ (29 January 2012).
A report on whether the UK should repatriate 130 EU crime and policing laws, or transfer full control over these laws to EU judges for the first time. The report argues that the UK should repatriate them.
- ‘More for Less: making the EU’s farm policy work for growth and the environment’ (27 February 2012).
Argues that the UK government should use on-going negotiations over the EU’s long-term budget to reform the Common Agricultural Policy. The UK, the report argues, is a big loser from the CAP. Whilst full ‘liberalisation’ of the CAP would be viable, it would not gain enough political support. The report proposes, therefore, a streamlined version of the CAP.
- ‘Tread Carefully: The impact and management of EU free movement and immigration policy’ (12 March 2012).
Argues in favour of the UK’s current approach to national/EU immigration policy, through which it can opt into EU laws which are in its national interest. The report argues that this approach could be improved by creating a ‘reversible opt-in’, so that opt-in decisions made by one government do not bind the next. It also argues that the UK should work with the European Commission and other member states to come up with the means to resist EU-imposed strains on public finances.
- ‘Trading places: Is EU membership still the best option for UK trade?’ (12 June 2012).
Argues that in terms of UK trade, all the options that involve leaving the EU are unviable: remaining as part of the EU is still the best scenario for the UK economy. The report warns that if either: EU ‘liberalisation’ stalls; the EU moves to protectionism in the wake of the Eurozone crisis; or the EU prevents the UK from seizing growth opportunities in non-EU countries, then membership needs to be re-evaluated.
Examples of influence
Daily Press Summary
On 1 February 2006, Open Europe launched their Daily Press Summary. It is available either on their website, or as a daily email. It professes to be a neutral round-up of articles on ‘EU issues and the eurozone crisis’ from around Europe, but appears to be slanted towards news that supports their case for a de-regulated and politically anaesthetised EU. It also includes occasional editorial ‘comments’ on various articles.
The Economist columnist David Rennie has argued that it is difficult to underestimate the influence of the daily summary, suggesting that ‘well over half the stories in the British daily press on the EU are directly inspired by Open Europe press releases and tip-offs’.
Open Europe Blog
On October 17 2006, the Open Europe blog was inaugurated. Somewhere between 200-500 entries were posted annually between 2007 and 2014.
On 5 December 2011, Open Europe published a briefing, Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe, which Ed Conway, economics editor of Sky News, said "seems to have influenced and informed the Prime Minister's position negotiating in Brussels". The Open Europe Blog suggested UK Prime Minister David Cameron "Insert a political declaration in the summit conclusions tomorrow that calls for concrete measures to protect non-euro member states' economic interests; 2) Work out concrete protocol language amounting to the UK safeguard over EU financial services". The first had already been detailed in a "secret Foreign Office diplomatic note"; the second, not published as of 14 December 2011, corresponds to the "specific protocol on financial services" mentioned by EU President Barroso that resulted in the remaining 26 countries of the EU "moving ahead [on a fiscal compact] without UK’s participation". Prior to this outcome, some commentators had suggested Cameron might succeed, and satisfy Conservative MPs: "the sceptical think tank Open Europe has argued for a protocol for the single market where Britain's influence over financial services laws could be safeguarded, particularly against decisions taken by the eurozone that will impact on all 27 EU countries. As a text contained within a formal protocol, this would have some legal basis."
Open Europe, like both Politeia and the Policy Exchange, is a member of the Stockholm Network of free market think tanks whose membership also includes the stalwarts of the free market right from the early stages of the neo-liberal revolution such as the Institute of Economic Affairs, the Adam Smith Institute, the Centre for Policy Studies and the Social Affairs Unit (of a total of 19 UK member organisations).
The Stockholm Network is the ‘main liaison channel’ for free market European think tanks. It was founded in September 1997 and claims to bring together over 120 think tanks from across Europe.The member groups are primarily ‘dogmatic free-marketeers who want to introduce minimalist "flat taxes" (thus ending redistribution via taxation), terminate social protection systems and privatise healthcare. They attack socially or environmentally progressive legislation, which is in place or under discussion, and that places restrictions on market activity. For example, these think tanks consistently cast doubt on the seriousness of climate change, oppose environmental regulations and promote free-market pseudo-solutions to virtually every problem.'
The Stockholm Network links also to the network of right wing think tanks in the US. It has close links with the Heritage Foundation, which ‘frequently’ sends staff to Europe and has ‘worked closely with five like-minded European think tanks to produce and launch a European edition of their Index of Economic Freedom, which ranks countries according to criteria like tax reduction and deregulation policies.’
The 2006 accounts of the right-wing American Smith Richardson Foundation describe a $176,000 grant given to Open Europe's then Director Neil O'Brien to research and write a book on the EU for the Policy Forum on International Security Affairs. The project was titled Reforming the E.U. for the 21st Century: Roadmaps for Reform and described as follows:
Neil O’Brien will research and write a book exploring the future of the European Union. He will commission public opinion research, conduct interviews with leading European officials, and convene a series of meetings in order to develop a roadmap for reform of the European Union.
As of July 2009 the book does not so far appear to have been published, although Open Europe did arrange a seminar called 'Reforming the EU for the 21st century' on 14 May 2009 at the Europaforum in Hässleholm. The speakers at the seminar were Mats Persson and Lorraine Mullally from Open Europe and Bruno Waterfield the EU correspondent for the Daily Telegraph. 
The 2007 accounts of the Policy Forum on International Security Affairs reveal that the forum provided a grant of $78,080 to Open Europe that year.  The accounts provide no further details of the purpose of the grant.
|Funding agency||2005||2006||2007||2008||2009||2010||2011||2012||2013||Total 2005-2013|
|Institute for Policy Research||70,000||95,346||127,000||181,500||105,000||143,000||113,000||300,000||201,000||1,335,846|
|The Sir John Ritblat Family Foundation||0||0||0||0||0||0||0||1,000||?||1,000|
In 2014 offshore financier Peter de Putron and brother-in-law of UK financial services minister Andrea Leadsom was revealed as a major donor to both the Conservative Party and Open Europe. Records obtained from a US nonprofit news organisation, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists showed he had given a total of £680,000 to Open Europe. 
Open Europe tend not to focus on the relationship of the EU to the rest of the world - the USA, the Middle East - as part of their published research output. However, they have held events on the issue.
On 22 May 2007 Open Europe co-hosted an event at the House of Commons with the International Media Intelligence Analysis called 'Iran, Britain and Europe: Post hostage crisis, what can we expect next?'. The event included presentations by Claude Moniquet, the Director of the European Strategic and Intelligence Center and Mark Fitzpatrick of the International Institute for Strategic Studies and former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Non-proliferation at the State Department.
Fitzpatrick said that Iran was looking to develop longer-range missiles capable of reaching western Europe and that Israel “has real reason to see an Iranian nuclear capability as an existential threat”. Moniquet said that there was a danger of terrorist attacks in Europe if military action is taken against Iran, saying that “Iran was a terrorist state for 23 years. We have no proof this has changed. Iran is working hard to organise terror in Europe,” targeting the UK in particular. 
On 9 October 2007 Open Europe hosted a debate on the Galileo European Satellite System. One speaker at the debate was Peter Brookes of the Heritage Foundation. According to Open Europe's account of the speech Brookes said that some in the US are alarmed about the military aspects of the Galileo and saw the push for the system as symptomatic of some in Europe that are pushing Europe to pursue its own security and defence identity, separate from the US and NATO. He said: “It could be argued that the militarisation of the EU – Galileo being part of that – marks one of the greatest geo-political shifts in the transatlantic alliance since the second world war. In the eyes of some, the ESDP [European Security and Defense Policy] embodies some of the worst elements of European animosity towards the United States.” 
It would be misleading, however, to diagnose a neo-conservative slant to Open Europe's stance on EU foreign policy (if they can be said to assume a stance at all). On 15 November 2006, Open Europe hosted a seminar by Dr John Hulsman, in which he argued (according to the account given by Open Europe) that the USA should reject neoconservative foreign policy. The 2003 Iraq war, he argued, and failed in its objective of creating a stable democratic country.
- 7 Tufton Street, London
- Open Europe 2005-2007Board Accessed 22 Aug 2007
- Open Europe 2005-2007Supporters Accessed 22 Aug 2007
- Open Europe, Make a Donation, accessed 6 August 2014
- Open Europe, About Us, accessed 25 February 2009
- Colin Brown, ‘Business for Sterling to campaign against euro’, Independent, 11 June 1998. ‘Business for Sterling to campaign against euro’, “Independent”, 11 June 1998.
- BBC News, 4 September 2000
- David Cracknell, Anti-euro groups combine to run No campaign, “Telegraph”, 3 September 2000.
- Robert Evans, “Talking about Money: Public Participation and Expert Knowledge in the Euro Referendum”, University of Cardiff School of Social Sciences Department, Working Paper 31 (November 2002), p. 17.
- Colin Brown & Francis Elliot, New campaign launched for referendum on EU ‘superstate’, “Telegraph”, 18 May 2003.
- Steve Richards, 'A campaign with a winning message - and a complete lack of self-confidence', Independent, 19 May 2005
- Rodney Leach, ‘European reformers must be bold’, “Financial Times”, October 18 2005.
- Rodney Leach, ‘European reformers must be bold’
- Open Europe Events, 2005
- Open Europe Ltd Companies House Appointments, accessed 18 June 2009
- Lorraine Mullally, LinkedIn
- Tom Boal, Portland Communications; Paul Stephenson, LinkedIn
- Open Europe Whois Record, accessed from Domain Tools at 9:35 on 18 June 2009
- Tom Baldwin, ‘Davis team plan fuels fears over factions’, The Times, 27 October 2001
- Reverse IP Search, 10:22, 18 June 2009
- Open Europe Board, June 2016, OpenEurope, accessed 15 June 2016
- Open Europe Board, June 2016, OpenEurope, accessed 15 June 2016
- ‘Open Up: why the EU must reform to survive’, Open Europe, October 2005.
- http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/CAP_2012_new.pdf ‘More for Less: making the EU’s farm policy work for growth and the environment’], Open Europe, February 2012.
- ‘Five ways to make Trade work for Development’, Open Europe, May 2007; ‘Economic Partnership Agreements: what’s the best way forward?’, Open Europe, October 2007.
- ‘Trading places: Is EU membership still the best option for UK trade?’, Open Europe, June 2012.
- ‘Less Regulation: 4 ways to cut the burden of EU red tape’, Open Europe, November 2005, p. 1.
- ‘Out of control? Measuring a decade of EU regulation’, Open Europe, February 2009, p. 1.
- ‘Still out of control? Measuring eleven years of EU regulation’, Open Europe, March 2010, p. 1.
- ‘Top 100 EU regulations cost UK economy £27.4bn a year’, Open Europe, October 2013, p. 1.
- ‘EU Aid: is it effective?’, Open Europe, May 2007; ‘EU external aid: who is it for?’, Open Europe, April 2011.
- ‘EU Regional Policy failing’, Open Europe, December 2007; ‘Off target: The case for bringing regional policy back home’, Open Europe, January 2012.
- ‘The case for European localism’, Open Europe, September 2011; ‘Repatriating EU Social policy: The best choice for jobs and growth?’, Open Europe, November 2011.
- ‘Seizing the moment: aligning the EU budget with Europe’s economic needs’, Open Europe, June 2012.
- ‘The high price of hot air: why the EU emissions trading scheme is an environmental and economic failure’, Open Europe, July 2006; ‘Europe’s Dirty Secret: Why the EU Emissions Trading Scheme isn’t working’, Open Europe, August 2007.
- ‘What works? How to reduce emissions at the lowest cost’, Open Europe, January 2008; ‘The EU Climate Action and Renewable Energy Package - Are we about to get locked into the wrong policy?’, Open Europe, October 2008.
- ‘A bridge too far? Giving up the veto on crime, justice, and policing’, Open Europe, September 2006; ‘An unavoidable choice: More or less EU control over UK policing and criminal law’, Open Europe, January 2012; ‘Cooperation not control: The case for Britain retaining democratic control over EU crime and policing policy’, Open Europe, October 2012.
- ‘The Government’s EU referendum lock: Plugging the justice and home affairs leak’, Open Europe, December 2010.
- ‘How the EU is watching you: the rise of Europe’s Surveillance State’, Open Europe, October 2009.
- ‘Tread Carefully: The impact and management of EU free movement and immigration policy’, Open Europe, March 2012.
- ‘Selling the City Short? A Review of the EU’s Financial Services Action Plan’, Open Europe, December 2006.
- ‘Why EU taxes will not work’, Open Europe, August 2011.
- ‘The EU’s AIFM Directive: Likely impact and best way forward’, Open Europe, September 2009.
- ‘Shifting Powers: What the EU’s financial supervisors will mean for the UK and the City of London’, Open Europe, September 2010; ‘Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe’, Open Europe, December 2011.
- ‘Continental Shift’, p. 3.
- ‘The new treaty: what will it mean, and do we need a referendum?’, Open Europe, May 2007; ‘A guide to the constitutional treaty’, Open Europe, February 2008.
- The hard sell: EU communication policy and the campaign for hearts and minds’, Open Europe, December 2008, p. 5.
- ‘Upgrading UK influence in the European Union: a strategy to improve upstream scrutiny of EU legislation’, Open Europe, December 2012; ‘The European Parliament: a failed experiment in pan-European democracy?’, Open Europe, May 2014.
- ‘A Greek Bailout: is it legally possible and what will it cost EU taxpayers?’, Open Europe, February 2010.
- ‘What will the Irish bailout solve?’, Open Europe, November 2010.
- ‘The Rise of the EU’s economic government’, Open Europe, June 2010.
- ‘Stopping the rot? The cost of a Portuguese bail-out and why it is better to restructure’, Open Europe, March 2011; A House built on sand? The ECB and the hidden cost of saving the Euro’, Open Europe, June 2011; ‘Abandon Ship? Time to stop bailing out Greece?’, Open Europe, June 2011.
- Andrea Leadsom; George Eustice, We must make progress on the EU sooner rather than later, Fresh Start Blog, 31 October 2011.
- See the minutes of their inaugural meeting, Fresh Start Project, 14 November 2011.
- APPG on European Reform, 10 November 2011; UK Parliament registration information for APPG on European Reform.
- ‘LEADSOM, Andrea Jacqueline’, Who's Who 2014, A & C Black, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing plc, 2014; online edn., Oxford University Press 2013, accessed 9 July 2014.
- David Leigh, James Ball and Leila Haddou, Top Tory has family link with offshore banker who gave party £800,000, The Guardian, 8 July 2014, acc 16 July 2014
- What works? How to reduce emissions at the lowest cost, Open Europe, January 2008.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG for European Reform, 12 June 2012.
- Repatriating EU Social policy: The best choice for jobs and growth?, Open Europe, November 2011.
- Meeting Minutes of the Fresh Start Project, 14 November 2011.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG on European Reform, 10 November 2011.
- Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe, Open Europe, 5 December 2011.
- ‘Continental Shift’, p. 4.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG on European Reform, 5 December 2011.
- Off target: The case for bringing regional policy back home, Open Europe, 24 January 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the Fresh Start Group, 25 January 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG for European Reform, 24 January 2012.
- An unavoidable choice: More or less EU control over UK policing and criminal law, Open Europe, 29 January 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the Fresh Start Project, 1 June 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG for European Reform, 31 January 2012.
- More for Less: making the EU’s farm policy work for growth and the environment, Open Europe, 27 February 2012.
- ‘More for Less’, p. 3.
- Meeting Minutes of the Fresh Start Project, 29 February 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG for European Reform, 28 February 2012.
- Tread Carefully: The impact and management of EU free movement and immigration policy, Open Europe, 12 March 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG for European Reform, 31 March 2012.
- Trading places: Is EU membership still the best option for UK trade?, Open Europe, 12 June 2012.
- Meeting Minutes of the APPG for European Reform
- Open Europe, Daily Press Summary, accessed August 2014.
- David Rennie, ‘Open Europe: the Eurosceptic group that controls British coverage of the EU’, The Economist, 31 March 2010.
- Open Europe, Blog, accessed August 2014.
- Open Europe press release, "UK Government should use EU Treaty negotiations to secure “emergency brake” on financial laws", 5 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011; PDF of report
- Ed Conway, What the PM Really Asked For In Brussels, Sky News, 9 December 2011
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