Lobbying regulation - chronology 2010-2019

This page lists the history of debates on Lobbying regulation, predominantly in the UK.

1920s-1980s

1928

USA: In the U.S.A, the Senate enacts a bill which required lobbyists to register with both the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House. The bill is blocked by the House of Representatives.

1946

USA: The Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act is adopted by Congress. The term ‘lobbyist’ is defined as referring to any person who by himself, or through any agent or employee or other persons in any manner whatsoever, directly or indirectly, solicits, collects, or receives money or any other thing of value to be used principally . . . to influence, directly or indirectly, the passage or defeat of any legislation by the Congress of the United States.

1973

USA: In 1973, the Senate and House Bills are introduced. Prior to this, lobbyists were required to register with and report to each house of the legislature separately.

1987

UK: Westminster lobbyist Ian Greer of Ian Greer Associates solicits money from clients (including Harrods owner Mohamed Al-Fayed) to support the constituency campaigns of twenty six Conservative MPs.

1988

UK: The House of Commons’ Select Committee on Members’ Interests begins its inquiry into the lobbying of parliament (Rush, 1994: 641).

June

UK: Evidence is given by Dr Michael Rush, a member of the Study of Parliament Group, to the Select Committee on Members' Interests. In their memorandum, Rush et al (1988) suggest:

There is no doubt that not only has there been a growth in the number of organisations that lobby Parliament but also in the number of professional lobbying consultants, a number of whom specialise in parliamentary lobbying. Developments in this area, justifiably or otherwise, have given cause for concern and, if for no other reason, further consideration should be given to establishing a register of professional lobbyists. At the same time, it should be noted that our data would not support the view that the growth in lobbying is a product of the growth in the number of consultants, in that lobbying has grown far more than has the number of consultants.

In his subsequent oral evidence to the Committee, Rush (1988) remarks:

The only advantage I can see of a register, whether it is of professional lobbyists or lobbying organisations in the wider sense, is that it provides publicity. It opens up the process more so that Members of Parliament or members of the public may, if they wish, be able to see who is lobbying. But I take your point [MP William Shelton suggested ‘that it is almost impossible to have a register unless those who register are accorded some sort of privilege’]. I could not agree more. If you say, "As a consequence of registering you have some privilege or other, access to Members or access to certain Parliamentary papers," that is something which I think would be very difficult to control but it would also, I would say, be something to be deplored.

1990s

1990

UK: At the Commons Select Committee on Members’ Interests, Greer admits making payments to MPs in return for business introductions.

May

UK: Dr Michael Rush gives evidence to the House of Commons Select Committee on Members' Interests. He raises the following points: the register must have a clear purpose; with particular consideration to the question of who would be required to register, what information lobbyists would have to provide, the arrangements for keeping the register up-to-date, questions around access to the register, and whether registration confers and rights or privileges (Rush, 1990).

In a later article, Rush (1994: 641) notes that although the House of Commons’ Select Committee on Members’ Interests considered the registration of lobbyists on four occasions , it was only on the fourth that it recommended a register. He observes: In its most recent report the committee detected a sufficient shift in opinion among professional lobbyists, MPs, academics and other observers to merit recommending a register.

As Rush (1994: 641-642) notes, although the quarterly publication of a register would be ‘primarily informational’, the proposals included a significant regulatory element in the recommendation for a code of conduct. The code would include a complaints and arbitration procedure. Although there is no mention of penalties, being struck off the register would have ‘moral force’ which ‘would probably damage the reputation of the firm concerned’. The responsibility for compiling and maintaining the register would lie with the Registrar of Members’ Interests; with one copy available in the House of Commons Library and an additional copy available for inspection by the public.

1993

June

UK: The proposal for a register of lobbyists is debated by the House of Commons , nearly two years after the presentation of the report by the Select Committee on Members’ Interests. Rush (1994: 642) argues that this ‘provides clear evidence, if any were needed, that it was not a matter high on the Government’s agenda’. The most significant objection of the government was that the reform would simply give an apparent ‘seal of approval’ to those registered, thereby be of most benefit to the lobbyists themselves. Favouring a voluntary code, the government referred the issue back to the committee which subsequently re-examined its proposal (Rush, 1994: 643).

Referring to what he describes as ‘The most striking lesson of the Canadian experience’, Rush (1994: 643) argues that registering lobbyists has been of most value to those within the public affairs industry itself; as professional lobbyists now have a resource with which to monitor their competitors and identify potential new clients. He contests that the British government is therefore vindicated in its contention that a register would be of principal benefit to lobbyists themselves. He concedes that other lessons have been learned; namely that any register should include lobbying of the House of Lords and ‘the most important actors in the political process’: ministers and civil servants; in addition to those who directly represent (direct advocacy), those who advise (information gatherers) should be required to register; and that clearer definitions of lawyers and professional lobbyists be reached.

Rush (1994: 644) argues that while there is no doubt that registering lobbyists can contribute to open government, there is no evidence that informational schemes have a significant impact on lobbying itself unless the information requested ‘exposes or is likely to expose lobbying abuses’. Beyond the disclosure of information about fees, expenditure, and records of contacts, Rush (1994: 644) suggests that ‘registration tends to become regulatory and the purpose of regulation is to create and maintain norms of behaviour’. These norms can be enshrined in codes of conduct, legislation against certain practices, or a combination of both these approaches.

1994

May

UK: Forced by the affair to confront the problems it had previously been avoiding, the public affairs industry takes action to convince decision makers and the public about its apparent commitment to ‘ethical standards’. To this end, five consultancies came together to establish the self-regulatory Association of Professional Political Consultants (APPC) under the chairmanship of Andrew Gifford, founding director of lobbying firm GJW. The APPC developed its own code of conduct and makes publicly available its register of clients. It purports to enforce a ban on financial relationships with politicians.

July

UK: The story of the ‘cash-for-questions’ scandal breaks, in which a Sunday Times reporter posing as a businessman offered twenty MPs £1000 in exchange for tabling a parliamentary question. Conservative MPs Graham Riddick and David Treddinick are fined and suspended from parliament. As a result of the furore, then Conservative Prime Minister John Major establishes the Nolan Committee.

October 20th

UK: In a second scandal, first reported in The Guardian, it emerges that Greer had paid Conservative MPs Neil Hamilton and Tim Smith to table parliamentary questions on behalf of Al-Fayed. Smith admits having accepting payments of £2000 per question directly from Al-Fayed - rather than from Ian Greer, as was alleged in the original Guardian report. Hamilton and Greer initiate libel proceedings against the newspaper. Greer famously said to Al-Fayed, regarding his feud with Roland "tiny" Rowland over the sale of the House of Fraser, ‘You need to rent an MP just like you rent a London taxi’ (Hencke, 1994).

October 25th

UK: Responding to concerns in the wake of the cash-for-questions affair, then Prime Minister John Major makes an announcement in the House of Commons announcing the establishment and terms of reference of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. Often referred to instead as the ‘Nolan Committee’, Sir Michael Nolan chairs the Committee from its establishment until November 1997. According to an obituary in The Guardian following his death in January 2007, Nolan ‘made a profound mark on national life by substantially cleansing the Augean stable of corrupt politics as founding chairman of the Committee on Standards in Public Life’ (Roth, 2007). Only days after his appointment, Nolan demonstrated his independence; announcing his intention that the Committee sit in public and thereby contradicting Major’s statement that the Committee would ‘probably sit in private’ (Roth, 2007).

Neil Hamilton is forced to resign as Corporate Affairs Minister after Prime Minister John Major made it clear that due to the allegations against Hamilton, it would be impossible for him to carry out his responsibilities effectively.

1995

May 11th

UK: The First Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life, ‘Standards in Public Life’, is published; provoking what Roth (2007) describes as ‘shrieks of protest’. Nolan’s Report stated that MPs should declare incomes gained from acting as parliamentary consultants; they should not be able to work as paid agents on behalf of lobbyists; and they should end their self-regulation with the introduction of a permanent and independent parliamentary commissioner (Roth, 2007). The Report set out the ‘Seven Principles of Public Life’ (the ‘Nolan Principles’) as follows:

• Selflessness – Holders of public office should act solely in terms of the public interest. They should not do so in order to gain financial or other benefits for themselves, their family or their friends.
• Integrity – Holders of public office should not place themselves under any financial or other obligation to outside individuals or organisations that might seek to influence them in the performance of their official duties.
• Objectivity – In carrying out public business, including making public appointments, awarding contracts, or recommending individuals for rewards and benefits, holders of public office should make choices on merit.
• Accountability – Holders of public office are accountable for their decisions and actions to the public and must submit themselves to whatever scrutiny is appropriate to their office.
• Openness – Holders of public office should be as open as possible about all the decisions and actions they take. They should give reasons for their decisions and restrict information only when the wider public interest clearly demands.
• Honesty – Holders of public office have a duty to declare any private interests relating to their public duties and to take steps to resolve any conflicts arising in a way that protects the public interest.
• Leadership - Holders of public office should promote and support these principles by leadership and example.

November

UK: PR Week reports that despite having apparently ‘captured the moral high ground’ by setting up its own register of lobbyists, the APPC remained ‘coy’ about revealing the contents of the register. During the making of a Channel 4 Dispatches programme on peers and their outside interests, Observer Films attempted to gain access to the register - and were duly informed that the contents were not open to the public. This was confirmed by then APPC Secretary and managing director of the lobbying firm Public Policy Unit, Charles Miller, who explained that the register was only available to MPs, Peers, APPC members and their clients: ‘it does not exist to feed salacious stories in the media’. However, this position was not uniformly agreed upon within the industry (PR Week UK, 1995). Michael Burrell of Westminster Strategy, one of the founders of the APPC, remarked ‘We were trying to promote greater transparency and disclosure. My view is the register should be made available to journalists’. Miller responded: If other members feel like Michael, I dare say we will open it up... we are going to have think very carefully about way the clients are listed at present - it’s too easily misinterpreted (quoted in PR Week UK, 1995).

1996

March

UK: The APPC announces its intention to move to publishing its previously annual register of membership twice yearly. Additionally, whereas the register could previously only be accessed via the Association offices in Rochester Row, it was now to be available by post. Michael Burrell remarks that ‘Some members felt that yearly publication meant the register was too historic’ (quoted in PR Week, 1996).

May 16th

UK: The Second Report, ‘Local Public Spending Bodies’, of the Committee on Standards in Public Life is published.

October

UK: The APPC announces that it will be extending its code of conduct to ban its members from having financial links with sitting peers and MEPs, as well as MPs and public servants. Members are also explicitly prohibited from making contributions to political parties. The Association reports that it is ‘stepping up its marketing efforts’; investigating the creation of ‘developing a new visual identity’; and creating an online presence.

1997

July 8th

UK: The Third Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life, ‘Standards of Conduct in Local Government in England, Scotland and Wales’, is published.

July 3rd

UK: A report commissioned by Parliament is published by Sir Gordon Downey, Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards serving the newly-formed Committee for Standards and Privileges. In the report, ‘Complaints from Mr Mohamed al-Fayed, The Guardian and others against 25 Members and former Members’, Greer, Hamilton and Smith are cleared of the original allegation that Greer had paid the MPs to table questions. However, Downey rules that the testimonies from three of Al-Fayed’s employees that they processed cash payments to Hamilton amounted to ‘compelling evidence’; though he refutes their claims that payments were processed to Greer. In the eventual Hamilton/Al-Fayed libel trial at the High Court in 1999, Hamilton loses and is ordered to pay costs; eventually declaring himself bankrupt in 2001.

November 7th

UK: The Fourth Report, ‘Review of Standards of Conduct in Executive NDPBs, NHS Trusts and Local Public Spending Bodies’, of the Committee on Standards in Public Life is published and Lord Nolan is succeeded as chairman by Sir Patrick Neill QC. On the 12th November, Prime Minister Tony Blair extends the Committee’s terms of reference: ‘To review issues in relation to the funding of political parties, and to make recommendations as to any changes in present arrangements’.

1998

March

UK: The APPC sets out to review its sponsorship rules to consider allowing the sponsorship of political events by lobbyists' clients. Although the existing rule prohibited members from causing a client to give financial incentives to public servants (or persons acting on their behalf), representatives or employees of Parliament; except for entertainment and token business mementos, APPC secretary Charles Miller remarked:

We’ve all broken that rule. If approached by Government, lobbyists should be able to ask their clients whether they are interested, but they can’t push anybody - a lobbyist’s first duty is to the client... Labour is increasingly wooing business directly through the party’s business unit and not through lobbyists anyway.

July

UK: The series ‘Lobbygate: Cash for Access’ is published by Greg Palast and Antony Barnett in The Observer. The investigative accuses three consultancies (two of which are members of the APPC) of unethical behaviour; particularly with regard to bragging about having close links to politicians. The APPC launched an inquiry from which emerged a series of recommendations endorsed by the Association and designed to foster a ‘culture of compliance’ with the APPC code of conduct amongst member consultancies; prompting APPC 2006 management committee member Michael Burrell to conclude:

Partly as a result – and while there will never be room for complacency – one could reasonably claim that the professional political consultancy business in the UK today has one of the best ethical track records of any in the world.

July

UK: The APPC comes out in support of a single lobbyists’ code, despite traditionally opposing the idea of running a joint code with the Institute of Public Relations (IPR, now Chartered Institute of Public Relations) and the Public Relations Consultants Association (PRCA). The APPC had previously resisted closer association with the PR industry, holding lobbying to be a distinct industry. The PRCA, however, also represents full service agencies such as Hill and Knowlton and Burson-Marsteller which run large lobbying operations - and are not members of the APPC.

October 13th

UK: The Fifth Report, ‘The Funding of Political Parties in the United Kingdom’, of the Committee on Standards in Public Life is published (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

Lobbygate splash in the Observer, 26 September 1999

1999

September 26th

Scotland: The Observer breaks the Scottish 'Lobbygate' story:

New Labour is today embroiled in a fresh scandal over its contacts with political lobbyists. A lobbying firm claims to be able to fix meetings with Ministers and influence the diary of a top Minister in the Scottish Executive.

Scotland's First Minister, Donald Dewar, last night called for an investigation of the lobbyists' claims. It is less than 15 months since The Observer revealed how lobbyists close to Tony Blair's inner circle were offering their clients meetings at No. 10 and insider information.

At the centre of the affair is Kevin Reid, the son of the Scottish Secretary and leading Blair ally Dr John Reid. Kevin worked for the Labour Party before joining the PR agency Beattie Media to head its political lobbying arm.

In a secretly filmed meeting with an Observer reporter posing as a potential client, Reid boasted: 'I know the Secretary of State very, very well because he's my father.'

Beattie launched its lobbying arm last summer when it appointed Jack McConnell, then General Secretary of the Scottish Labour Party.

The Observer's businessman was told McConnell had been taken on 'in the certain knowledge that Jack would get a safe seat from the Labour Party', said a Beattie director, 'and in the hope and expectation that he would also get a Cabinet position within the new administration.'

After quitting Beattie's lobbying arm, McConnell became Scotland's Finance Minister.

In a meeting with The Observer's businessman, Reid and Beattie Media director Alex Barr claimed the firm had:

• Arranged for Scottish Sport Minister Sam Galbraith to be entertained by the Scottish Premier League (SPL) at a Rangers European cup tie to lobby for money for soccer training;

• Helped persuade Transport Minister Lord Macdonald to grant trans-shipment rights at Prestwick Airport to US couriers Federal Express;

• Enjoyed regular contact with Finance Minister Jack McConnell;

• Been able to place an engagement in his diary through a former Beattie employee who had become his personal assistant.

A government spokesman yesterday confirmed that Galbraith had been lobbied at a Rangers game, but strongly denied Labour had included the policy in its manifesto as a result.

October 13th

UK: A Consultation Paper setting out the issues and questions that the Committee on Standards in Public Life proposes to consider in its review of recommendations in its First Report is published (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010)

November 18th

Scotland: Standards Committee (1999), “Report of an inquiry into matters brought to the attention of the committee by The Observer newspaper”, First Report, SP paper 27, ST/99/R1, 18 November, para 34-35, available at: www.scottish.parliament.uk/s1/official_report/cttee/ stan99-00/str01-1.htm#conclusions

2000 - 2009

2000

January 12th

UK: The Sixth Report, ‘Reinforcing Standards – A Review of the First Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life’, is published by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

October 25th

Scotland: The Standards Committee issues its first consultation paper Lobbying in the Scottish parliament: consultation paper The paper asked twenty seven questions about lobbying including sixteen attempting to gather information on the practice of lobbying by respondents. The last eleven questions asked for view about the 'regulation of lobbyists' including posing the two alternatives thought to be up for discussion:

• 3.1 Would you support the establishment of a statutory registration scheme for professional lobbyists?
• 3.2 In your view what would be the benefits of introduction of statutory regulation of lobbyists?
• 3.3 In your view what would be the drawbacks of introduction of statutory regulation of lobbyists?
• 3.4 If you support statutory regulation, who do you think should administer the regulatory scheme? How should it be `policed' and what sanctions should be available?...

• 3.9 In your view what would be the benefits of introduction of voluntary code of conduct for lobbyists as outlined in this paper?
• 3.10 In your view what would be the drawbacks of introduction of a voluntary code of conduct?
• 3.11 In your view what should be the principal components of a voluntary code and how widely should it be drawn? How should it be 'policed' and what sanctions should be available?

December 5

Scotland: Deadline to respond to the Standards Committee consultation on lobbying. Stirling Media Research Institute submits evidence to the standards committee consultation on lobbying the Scottish Parliament. It states that SMRI 'has been engaged in an ongoing programme of research into the public relations and lobbying industry in Scotland, the UK and Europe since 1996.':

We have been encouraged by the Standards Committee's recognition of the importance of lobbying as a matter of both professional and public concern, and we welcome the opportunity to respond to the consultation paper. Our contribution is offered in the spirit of independent academic analysis. We have monitored the growth and development of the lobbying industry in Scotland and interviewed a wide range of lobbyists and public relations professionals ranging across the commercial (consultancy and in-house) and voluntary sectors.

November 16th

UK: The Seventh Report, ‘Standards of Conduct in the House of Lords’, is published by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

2001

January 14th

Scotland: The Sunday Herald reported the findings of the SMRI research on lobbying.

January 17

Scotland: The Standards Committee of the Scottish Parliament Issued an Interim report outlining the main themes in the responses to its consultation paper on lobbying. According to PR Week:

It received 29 responses which included the four public affairs umbrella organisations, three public affairs agencies, two public bodies, two trade unions, one charity and one private sector company.

The report also noted that 'The majority of respondents remain opposed to statutory regulation.'

January 28th

Scotland: David Miller, William Dinan and Philip Schlesinger of the Stirling Media Research Insitute issue a response to Ian Coldwell, Chairman of the Institute for Public Relations (IPR) in Scotland. In the letter, published in the Sunday Herald they state:

"Ian Coldwell, Chairman of the Institute for Public Relations (IPR) in Scotland takes us to task for claiming that lobbyists are subterranean creatures (Reader's Views, January 21). He claims that all the lobbying trade associations have argued for openness and transparency in their dealings with the parliament. This is misleading. In fact every single lobbying and Public Relations trade body (including the IPR) argued against disclosure in their responses to the Standards Committee consultation on lobbying."

February 25th

Scotland: Article of Interest: Kenny Farquharson 'MSPs warned over lobbyists' Sunday Times Scotland, February 25 2001. No longer available online.

February 28th

UK: The Prime Minister Tony Blair announces that Sir Nigel Wicks is to be appointed as the new Chairman of the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

Scotland: William Dinan and Philip Schlesinger of the Stirling Media Research Institute give evidence at the Standards Committee inquiry on lobbying. SMRI also submits a written paper to the committee which examines the way in which lobbying regulation is accomplished in the US and Canada.

March

Scotland: In March 2001 Polygon published Open Scotland? Journalists, Spin Doctors and Lobbyists, the findings of an ESRC funded study on political communication and devolution. The book was claimed to be:

• The first comprehensive coverage of political communications in Scotland
• Reveals the inside story of broadcasting, journalism, lobbying and spin doctors in Scotland
• Draws on interviews with key players and private documentation never previously made public

According to the blurb:

Scottish devolution brought high hopes for an open political culture. But how far have these been fulfilled? Open Scotland? argues that in the field of political communication the old, established ways of the British state still remain firmly in place. Westminster and Whitehall cast long shadows over Edinburgh.

This book offers the first full-scale coverage of how media, politicians and lobbyists interact in the new Scotland. Based on their exceptional first-hand access to the key players, Philip Schlesinger, David Miller and William Dinan have written an inside account of the struggles to establish the rules of the game for covering politics. They have talked to the journalists of Scotland's political media pack who are at the heart of the new political system and who have made a decisive impact on the image of the Scottish Parliament and government. They have observed and interviewed the professional lobbyists and reveal their strategies for achieving a respectable image in Scottish public life. And they have analysed some of the key rows and the failures of news management inside Scotland's government.

Scotland: Stirling Media Research Institute submits supplementary evidence to the Standards committee reporting on a survey of US and Canadian officials involved in the regulation of lobbying. The survey was emailed to some 68 officials, 30 of whom responded. the respondents were 'mainly from the state and federal levels in th US and Canada' all of whom had 'experience of lobbying regulation'. According to the SMRI:

The most striking finding from our survey is that none of our 30 respondents believed that registration presented a barrier to participation in the democratic process. Many suggested that registration could promote wider participation in the democratic process.

The researchers concluded that:

The evidence from our survey suggests that lobbying regulation does work in principle and in practice. Of course it is possible that any system may need to be looked at again in the future to take account of experience or developing circumstances, but this is not a reason to postpone making a start now.

March 25th

Scotland: Article of Interest: 'Whisper it... we're still a secret society. Devolution was supposed to herald a more open and accountable parliament. Instead it is just as reluctant to reveal the truth as Westminster'. Political Editor Douglas Fraser investigates', Sunday Herald, New focus, Mar 25 2001.

March 27th

'Unreal world: Empirical research is more and more sidelined in favour of grand theory. Three Scottish academics show what can be done if you're prepared to examine the real world. John Crace reports' The Guardian Education: Higher, Tuesday March 27, 2001.

Scotland:The Guardian reports the publication of Open Scotland noting that 'Empirical research is more and more sidelined in favour of grand theory' in the Universities and stating that 'Three Scottish academics show what can be done if you're prepared to examine the real world'. Open Scotland? is described as 'a damning critique of political communications in Scotland'.

Empirical research into political trends has become unfashionable these days, Miller contends. "Many of the radicals of the 60s and 70s have drifted off into the arcane language game known as postmodernism or to other exotic theories from the left bank, in which nothing but language was real," says Miller. "As a result, not only did they not do empirical research on the real world, but some of them didn't even believe that there was a real world to research. With the abandonment of concepts of truth and reality, it became rather hard for researchers to point out the latest piece of government misinformation, secrecy or manipulation."...

Miller goes on to say that to many of the new breed of academics, whose desire to climb the greasy pole is matched only by their reluctance to rock the boat, the notion of independent research is anathema. It doesn't pay well, it's time-consuming and it's potentially controversial. None of which is exactly career-enhancing within the academic establishment. "You do get whispering campaigns," says Miller. "You hear that such and such a person is a trouble maker, and before long the gossip has become fact. No wonder so many academics are frightened of looking into areas where they're not wanted. Jobs are hard to come by, and the structures by which academic performance is measured are designed to favour consensus. The Research Assessment Exercise gives far greater reward to academics whose articles appear in international peer-reviewed journals, which research has shown are read by an average of between 1.5 to 6 people, than to those who are prepared to engage in a more public debate."

According to The Guardian: 'three people who are almost certain to find themselves crossed off Tony and Cherie's guest list - assuming they were ever on it - are Schlesinger, Miller and Dinan.' The report also stated: 'Not one to mince words, Miller argues that academics too often leave it to journalists to dig out political scandals; and that many of their peers have been neglecting their duties to the public in this area. "Academic salaries are paid for out of public funding," Miller points out.' The report also notes that the research on lobbying in Scotland was being used in a knowledge exchange process:

The research team is now at the forefront of the campaign for the lobbying system in the new parliament to be regulated... And while it may not always produce the results that the government has in mind, it still attracts kudos and respect for its independence. "We are consulted by government and other official bodies, who regard us as a source of relevant advice," says Schlesinger. "The key issue for me is that we're attempting to do some public policy research and present public interest arguments about devolution which seem not to be coming from anywhere else just now. This is a key role for academia. In my view it sets us apart from thinktanks, and because we have no-strings funding we can offer an honest view based on as exhaustive a research process as the constraints allow."

June 1st

Scotland: The Standards Committee of the Scottish Parliament issues a Consultation Paper: Statutory Registration of Commercial Lobbyists This notes the decision to favour a statutory system of regulation and asks for responses by 17 August 2001:

At its meeting on 25 April 2001 the Standards Committee agreed to develop proposals to establish a statutory registration scheme for commercial lobbyists. The Committee’s decision to recommend such a scheme represents a key stage in its inquiry into lobbying in the Scottish Parliament. The Committee has taken evidence from the ‘lobbied’ as well as lobbyists and academic commentators.

The Committee recognises that lobbying is an integral element of the democratic process. Its proposals to establish a statutory registration scheme are not designed to outlaw the activities of lobbyists in relation to the Parliament. Nor will the proposals confer any elite status on particular lobbyists or in any way restrict access to the Parliament by other groups or individuals. The Committee’s decision to recommend the introduction of a registration scheme for commercial lobbyists stem from its view that there is a distinction between organisations which lobby on their own behalf and those which lobby on behalf of third parties in return for payment. The Committee views commercial lobbying as a legitimate component of political engagement. The proposals are, however, intended to increase the transparency of such activity, in line with the Parliament’s core principles of accessibility and openness.

The Committee recognises that this is a complex policy area and is keen to involve those lobbyists who will be affected by the registration scheme in developing proposals which are both workable and effective. The Committee has therefore produced this paper which sets out a draft framework for its proposals and invites comments on it.

In working out the policy detail of the registration scheme the Committee aims to consult primarily with umbrella organisations representing the commercial lobbyists and other organisations that may be affected. However, the Committee also welcomes written submissions from other interested parties.

July 16

Scotland: In a written response to an invitation by the Standards Committee to comment on the statutory registration of commercial lobbyists Professor Justin Greenwood stated:

The requirements of paragraph 21 will certainly keep a number of administrators employed at public expense, but will the public interest be served by this purpose? 'Public Choice' theory suggests that administrators seek to expand their activities in search of careers, status, control and jobs, and in doing so may contravene the interests of the taxpayer and citizen, and restrict the autonomy of other professionals. In short, the public choice tradition suggests there is a tendancy for administrators to find things to do which impose burdens on others and which are not always in the wider public interest, or the stakeholders of the domains in which they operate.

In sum, the proposals seem unduly directed at one type of lobbyist for reasons that are unstated, and as such raise their own injustices. They appear to serve no public interest goal and may even damage it.

August 17

Scotland: The Stirling Media Research Insitute submits its third response to the Standards Committee inquiry on lobbying the Scottish Parliament. It answers the specific questions raised by the Committee, but starts by saying 'first we think it worthwhile to outline the general case for registration' of lobbyists.

According to the submission the case was as follows:

The rationale for the registration of lobbying is that there is a clear public interest in openness and disclosure. This is entirely consistent with the CSG’s principles and it would be a clear indication that the Scottish Parliament rejects of the status quo of secrecy and convenience in favour of openness and accountability.

It is noteworthy that most of those engaged in lobbying the Parliament and the Executive are opposed to any form of regulation or registration. They insist that statutory registration schemes are overly bureaucratic and incapable of tackling the problems they seek to address. Such arguments ignore the fact that self-regulation in the United Kingdom has patently failed either to expose impropriety (this has only been achieved through investigative journalism) or to make the business of lobbying open and transparent, to both politicians and the public.

Opponents of registration use arguments that suit their own vested interest in avoiding disclosure. The point of registration is not to impose barriers to participation, but to allay public fears and cynicism about the interconnections between money, vested interests more generally (including the non-commercial ones) and the political world. Such cynicism is highly damaging to a participatory democracy. The requirement for paid lobbyists to fill in a short declaration of interests periodically is a small price to pay in building public confidence.

The submission went on to note some of the tactics of lobbyists in opposing registration:

We have been struck recently by the disparities between the public and private debate on this issue. During our research we have been told by some lobbyists that they have changed their minds regarding the merits of registration. However they do not wish to say so in public lest they contradict earlier statements on the record.It is also privately acknowledged by some that there may be a role for independent scrutiny of the finances involved in the Scottish lobbying business. Most bizarrely one lobbyist told us that it is acceptable to offer a bribe to an MSP and that responsibility for accepting or rejecting such offers lies squarely with elected politicians. Given such views there is a pressing need for the registration of lobbyists to complement the regulations to which elected representatives are bound.

We continue to believe that it is extremely important for the Executive to be governed by a similar regulated approach to lobbying. We accept that the committee has no formal power to regulate the Executive, but it does have the power to regulate the conduct of ministers, since they are also MSPs. The committee will need to consider carefully how best to include ministers and their staff in any regulatory scheme. The committee could also, if it so chose,recommend the registration of lobbying by the Executive itself. This stance would have a strong moral force. Indeed, regulating lobbyists is likely to be seen as good practice which the Executive might want to follow.

August 22nd

Scotland: Article of Interest: The Scotsman, 22 August 2001, Letters page, Essential to regulate lobbyists Dr. David Miller, William Dinan and Professor Philip Schlesinger, Stirling Media Research Institute.

Scotland: Article of Interest: The Herald (Glasgow), August 22, 2001, Pg. 19, Why lobbyists need to be scrutinised , Dr. David Miller, William Dinan and Professor Philip Schlesinger, Stirling Media Research Institute.

August 29th

Scotland: Article of Interest: The Herald (Glasgow), August 29, 2001, Pg. 17, 532 words, Task of ensuring openness in public life , Dr. David Miller, William Dinan and Professor Philip Schlesinger, Stirling Media Research Institute.

Scotland: Article of Interest: The Scotsman 30 August 2001 'Lobby industry ' Letters Page, Dr. David Miller, William Dinan and Professor Philip Schlesinger, Stirling Media Research Institute.

September 2nd

Scotland: The Sunday Herald publishes a letter from the SMRI rebutting the arguments of the Institute of Public Relations:

Contrary to Mr. Ian Coldwell of the Institute of Public Relations, registering lobbyists does not interfere with the right to receive and impart information enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights (Letters, 26 August).

It simply requires vested interests to disclose how much money they are paying to influence the decisions of MSPs, and for what purpose. This will not in any way stop vested interests from communicating, but it will afford a sceptical public some knowledge about an otherwise opaque world whose activities affect us all. In fact, we actually agree with the IPR that it would be unfair just to regulate commercial lobbying consultants and to leave completely unregistered those working in-house for large corporations. We have repeatedly said so in our evidence to the Committee.

The lobbying and PR industries (the IPR included) are currently engaged in a concerted campaign to deflect the Standards Committee from taking an important step in the direction of openness and accountability in line with the high aspirations once held for the Scottish Parliament. It is important for the public interest that the committee stick to its guns.

September 6th

Scotland: Article of Interest: The Scotsman 6 September 2001 'Rearguard action' DAVID MILLER PHILIP SCHLESINGER WILLIAM DINAN.

2002

November 21st

UK: The Eighth Report, ‘Standards of Conduct in the House of Commons’, is published by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

Scotland: Article of Interest: Dinan, W and Miller, D (2002) 'Called to Account', Sunday Times Scotland, Ecosse Section, 27 October: 2.

Scotland: Article of Interest: David Miller (2002) 'A question of privilege', Scottish Left Review, Issue 13 November/December: 12-13. http://www.scottishleftreview.org/Pastissues/SLR%20I13%20Nov-Dec02.pdf

2003

April 8th

UK: The Ninth Report, ‘Defining the Boundaries within the Executive; Ministers, Special Advisers and the permanent Civil Service’, is published by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

April 22nd

UK: Sir Alistair Graham takes over as chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

September 8th

UK: The Committee on Standards in Public Life publishes its First Survey Report of public attitudes towards conduct in public life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

September

Scotland David Miller, 'Corporate power, institutional corruption' Scottish Left Review, Issue 18, Sept/Oct 2003, p6-7. http://www.scottishleftreview.org/Currentissue/I18DM.htm

November

UK: The SpinWatch website (http://www.spinwatch.org) is launched. Receiving a mention in the diary of industry magazine PR Week, the launch was announced as follows:

Readers beware - self-appointed watchdog and exposer of underhand and deceitful PR practices SpinWatch is getting its communications systems in order. The organisation of academics, journalists and researchers this month launches a website that it promises will 'counter corporate PR and government propaganda'.

However, PR Week wonders if SpinWatch itself is practicing a little bit of media manipulation to maximise its buzz:

In what seems like a contradiction, SpinWatch is 'launching' a website that it claims is already receiving 400 hits a day from people in 70 countries and has been live for more than a month. Surely controlling the timing and flow of information is a central allegation levelled at PROs? Perhaps the website's 'launch' is being used as a means to promote its latest conference, major reports and SpinWatch expose, details of which fill the vast majority of the launch press release.

2004

May

UK: SpinWatch is established ‘by leading journalists and media academics’ (Jempson, 2005: 271). The group, run by Professor David Miller, Dr. William Dinan, journalist Andy rowell and Researcher Eveline Lubbers, ‘subjects the PR industry to radical critique from a radical, peace perspective’ (Keeble, 2009: 10).

September

David Miller ‘Profit and Parliament’ Scottish Left Review, Issue 24, Sept/Oct 2004: 14-15. http://www.scottishleftreview.org/

David Miller: Taking The Risk Out Of Devolution Scoop, Monday, 6 September 2004, 2:14 am, http://www.scoop.co.nz/mason/stories/HL0409/S00048.htm

November 18-19th

UK / Scotland: SpinWatch and the Public Interest Research Network with the support of the Scottish Left Review held 'a two day research seminar on the topic of spin and corporate power'. According to the CPBF announcement:

Speakers from Australia, the US, the Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, England and Scotland are taking part. Organisations taking part include Platform, Corporate Europe Observatory, PR Watch, Corporate Watch and leading academic researchers.

Speakers included Bob Burton (PR Watch, Disinfopedia), Aeron Davis (City), William Dinan (CRAG, Spinwatch), Chris Grimshaw (Corporate Watch), Olivier Hoedemann (Corporate Europe Observatory), Eveline Lubbers (Spinwatch), James Marriot (Platform) David Miller (Strathclyde, Spinwatch), Laura Miller (PR Watch, US), Greg Muttit (Platform), Judith Richter (International Baby Food Action Network), Andy Rowell (Journalist, Spinwatch), Leslie Sklair (LSE), Granville Williams (Huddersfield, CPBF)

2005

January 19th

UK: The Tenth Report, ‘Getting the Balance Right – Implementing Standards of Conduct in Public Life’, is published by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

March

EU: European Commission Vice President Siim Kallas launches the European Transparency Initiative (ETI). During his speech at the launch of the ETI in Nottingham, Kallas himself remarks that ‘Lobbyists can have considerable influence on legislation, in particular on proposals of a technical nature... But their transparency is too deficient in comparison to the impact of their activities’.

April 7th-8th

Scotland / EU: David Miller and William Dinan co-convened with Corporate Europe Observatory an international networking meeting on the European Transparency Initiative at in Brussels titled 'Curbing corporate power over EU policy-making'. Dinan and Miller gave a paper titled: ‘Lessons from the campaign to register lobbyists in Scotland’ at the seminar at Scotland House, Rond-Point Schuman in Brussels.

April 27th

EU: David Miller and William Dinan wrote to Siim Kallas, vice-president of the EU Commission on the 27 April regarding the Transparency Initiative.

May

EU: The ETI is formally debated by EU Commissioners.

Fleishman Hillard's Edinburgh Office, 'Spinwalk', 1 July 2005

The 'blank' list of occupants at Saltire Court during G8 week, July 2005. PR Week had reported that ‘PR folk in Edinburgh are on edge this week… perhaps best batten down the hatches… just in case".

William Dinan addresses the Spinwalk at Saltire Court the location of Saltire Public Affairs, 1 July 2005

Friday 1 July

Scotland: SpinWatch organises a ‘SpinWalk’ in Edinburgh to ‘shine a light on the activities’ of corporate Scotland. Inviting anti-spin activists to ‘know your enemy more effectively’, the tour takes in ‘lobbying consultancies and PR outfits working incessantly to boost corporate power’.

SpinWatch stated that the:

'SpinWalk' will visit those oil companies, banks and businesses profiteering from privatisation and PPP in Global South countries, as well as the key lobbying consultancies and PR outfits who help boost corporate power and wealth. Starting at the Usher Hall, the walk will end at the Scottish Parliament "around which the corporate lobbyists swarm to ensure that Jack McConnell and his cronies are kept sweet".

The PR Week Diary reported that:

PR folk in Edinburgh are on edge this week, with industry critic SpinWatch planning a 'SpinWalk' today (1 July) to 'shine a light on the activities' of corporate Scotland.

SpinWatch, which also hosted a guided tour of agencies in London last autumn, is inviting anti-spin activists to 'know your enemy more effectively' by mustering at Usher Hall in advance of a tour of 'lobbying consultancies and PR outfits working incessantly to boost corporate power'. Gulp.

Of course, police are already on standby in the city to deal with any civil disturbances that may accompany the somewhat higher-profile marchers set to descend on Edinburgh to raise awareness of global poverty this weekend.

One PR man in the city tells us: 'A lot of companies have taken on extra security for the G8 thing. These "anti-spin" campaigners will probably be mistaken for outright anarchists - they may well end up in a cell.'

Suggesting SpinWatch's activists use their time 'more productively', our hero declares, with no hint of a tremble: 'Surely there are far more deserving culprits for their ire than us?' Surely there are, but perhaps best batten down the hatches anyway, just in case.

Sunday 3 July

Scotland: The G8 Alternatives Counter Summit was held in Edinburgh at venues across the city the day after the Make Poverty History march. SpinWatch played a leading role in organising the Counter-Summit.

Haidi Giuliani, Vittorio Agnoletto MEP, Bianca Jagger, Susan George, David Miller (chair), Frances Curran MSP and Caroline Lucas MEP, at the closing rally of the G8 Alternatives Counter-Summit, Usher Hall, Edinburgh, Sunday 3 July 2005.

Siim Kallas of the European Commission, Erik Wesselius of Corporate Europe Observatory and Jorgo Riss of Greenpeace at an ALTER EU event in Scotland House in Brussels, 19 July 2005

July 19th

EU:The Alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation in Europe (ALTER-EU) is established. ALTER-EU is a pan-European civil society organisation representing a diverse range of over 160 organisations whose shared interest is in transparency as a first step to a more democratic and accountable EU. The Alliance emerged out of a pre-existing campaign set up to tackle environmental and developmental externalities of EU trade policy. ALTER-EU is coordinated by a Steering Committee which currently has the following members: Paul de Clerck (Friends of the Earth Europe); William Dinan (Strathclyde University & SpinWatch); Marc Gruber (European Federation of Journalists); Yveline Nicolas (Adéquations); Ulrich Müller (LobbyControl); Jorgo Riss (Greenpeace European Unit); and Erik Wesselius (Corporate Europe Observatory). ALTER-EU members groups are themselves expected to practice ‘unilateral transparency’ as they campaign for ‘EU lobbying disclosure legislation’; ‘enforceable ethics rules for lobbyists (for instance prohibiting employment of officials or their relatives for lobbying purposes’; and ‘an improved code of conduct for European Commission officials’. The coalition has led the European debate on the European Transparency Initiative (ETI) and the need for lobbying disclosure and regulation of ethical standards.

November

EU: ETI formally adopted by Commission.

UK:It emerges that Labour MP David Blunkett was paid £15,000 by APPC members Weber Shandwick to speak at a dinner hosted by the agency. The APPC code states that it is against the rules for their members to ‘make any award or payment to any MP, MEP or sitting peer’. However, while the lobbying arm of Weber Shandwick is a member of the APPC, its corporate practice - which paid for Blunkett to speak - is not, and therefore the rules were not officially breached. This prompted the APPC to review their code and address ‘the grey area’ regarding member agencies which are part of large PR groups. Weber Shandwick CEO Colin Byrne defended the payment, saying ‘There is nothing wrong with MPs being paid for after-dinner speeches if they abide by parliamentary rules’ (quoted in Chandiramani, 2005)

2006

May

EU: Green Paper published. (ETI)

August

EU: Consultation. (ETI)

September 12th

UK: The Committee on Standards in Public Life publishes its Second Survey Report of public attitudes towards conduct in public life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

Council of Europe 'expert' badge, 21 November 2006

20-21 November

Council of Europe conference on 'Corruption and Democracy', Strasbourg, November 2006

EU: The Council of Europe held a conference on 'Corruption and Democracy' which examined:

• Political finance
• Lobbying
• Conflicts of interest
• Corruption, justice and democracy

The meeting was opened by Guy De Vel (Director General of Legal Affairs of the Council of Europe), and addressed by Siim Kallas (Vice-President of the European Commission), Mikhael Grishankov (Chairman of the Anti-corruption Commission of the State Duma of the Russian Federation), Piero Grasso (National Anti-Mafia Prosecutor of Italy) and other speakers. Presentations were later published in a book with three chapters on lobbying by Siim Kallas of the commission, lobbyist Rogier Chorus and academics David Miller and William Dinan.

Council of Europe book including papers from the November 2006 conference on 'Corruption and Democracy'.

2007

USA: In the U.S.A., the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act comes into force. As a result, it is possible for anyone using a quick internet search to find out ‘who is lobbying whom, how much they are being paid, and whom they represent’ (Monbiot, 2009).

UK: The publication of a new ministerial code drops the requirement for meetings between ministers and lobbyists to be recorded.

January 18th

UK: The Eleventh Report, ‘Review of the Electoral Commission’, is published by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

March

UK: The APPC is again forced to ‘tighten up’ its Code of Conduct. Although disclosure of clients and consultants is a condition of APPC membership, the original code of conduct failed to include a clear requirement for this information. Gill Morris, then association chair of the APPC, remarks that ‘This is an important development for the APPC and will promote greater transparency and clarity in the PA sector’. The changes were made after it emerged that lobbying firms were assuring potential clients that they adhere to the code - without actually being members of the APPC itself. The alarm was raised by Labour MP John Grogan, who later published an Early Day Motion (EDM) on lobbying, when he discovered that non-APPC agencies were telling clients that they adhere to the code, without being prepared to disclose their list of clients. Several recent tenders for consultancy firms had required adherence to the code, but not membership of the APPC, such that Bell Pottinger Public Affairs (at that point not registered with the APPC) was able to compete with Connect Public Affairs (a member) for its account with Thames Gateway London Partnership, on the grounds that both agencies followed the general principles set out in the code (Singleton, 2007).

EU: European Commission proposals for a voluntary register.

March 18th

UK: Golden Arrow Communications (non-APPC) scandal: The Sunday Times revealed they had secretly recorded Golden Arrow lobbyists Ivan Henderson, a former Labour MP and David Jamieson, a former transport minister claiming that two government ministers, Stephan Ladyman and Gerry Sutcliffe were helping their business. The Sunday Times article stated:

The lobbyists claimed Sutcliffe was prepared to hand over his private Whitehall diary to them, while Ladyman was claimed to have divulged information on policies such as road-charging. Their close relationship with Golden Arrow Communications, a London-based lobbying firm, was witnessed by an undercover reporter working for the firm.

April 27th

UK: Rita Donaghy CBE takes over as interim chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

June 27th

UK: The Public Administration Committee 'today launches its inquiry into the lobbying industry. The Committee is calling for interested organisations and individuals to submit evidence to the inquiry.':

The inquiry will be the first Parliamentary inquiry on lobbying since the 1991 report from the Select Committee on Members’ interests. In the intervening years, lobbying has been at the centre of political scandals. The cash for questions affair, amongst others, tarnished the word with the stain of sleaze. The industry responded by introducing an element of self-regulation and encouraging professionalisation of its work, but lobbying is still viewed with suspicion in some quarters.

The inquiry will consider questions such as whether the lobbying industry requires external regulation, as has been the case in the United States for some time, and how the Government should interact with lobbyists. The Committee may also consider issues such as “cash for access” and the funding of All Party Groups by lobby firms.

September 7-9

Scotland: Lobbying was among the topics discussed at a conference at Strathclyde University: Communication and Conflict: Propaganda, Spin and Lobbying (Glasgow, 7-9 September, 2007). The conference announcement stated:

Propaganda, spin and lobbying are increasingly the topic of public and media debate. From the attempt to construct a 'threat' from Weapons of Mass Destruction, through the razzmatazz of political campaigning to the regular scandals about improper corporate influence on policy the relationship between communication, conflict and power is back on the academic research agenda.

The conference will be an international gathering of leading experts and researchers in the area of propaganda, spin, lobbying, media management and investigative journalism. It will also feature hands on sessions on how to investigate propaganda and lobbying activities, led by SpinWatch.

2008

January 1st

UK: Sir Christopher Kelly becomes the new chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

January

UK: The Second Session of the Public Administration Select Committee (PASC) inquiry involves the submission from evidence by SpinWatch and Unlock Democracy. David Miller of SpinWatch told the MPs:

It's clear that it is the democratic right of every interest in society to be able to access decision-makers and petition them, but it's also clear that in a democracy there ought to be some sort of level playing field (quoted in Singleton, 2008).

His colleague William Dinan said: 'The public have a right to know who is trying to influence policy.' However, Labour MP and committee chair Tony Wright claimed 'You don't need regulation unless there's a problem; arguing that it is not possible to 'read across the problems in one political culture to another'. Labour MP Julie Morgan remarked 'There's a real danger that you're stifling democracy with these suggestions.' Similarly, Liberal Democrat Jenny Willot suggested that the campaigners 'might be over-estimating the influence of lobbyists on MPs.' In what Singleton (2008) describes as ‘the most scathing attack’, Conservative Charles Walker said ‘You're creating a concern that simply doesn't exist’; concluding 'You're conspiracy theorists... You think there's a conspiracy on behalf of big business to corrupt democratic systems.'

February 1st

UK: On 1st February, PR Week reports that ‘according to lobbyists who were following the spectacle’, campaigners calling for stringent regulation of the lobbying industry during the select committee inquiry ‘failed to win over MPs’. Immediate past president of the CIPR, Lionel Zetter, claims:

Most members of the committee seemed to feel that the type of elaborate regulatory regime that they are advocating would be inappropriate and unnecessary in the UK.

The article concludes saying ‘the campaigners did get some support from Labour MPs Kelvin Hopkins and David Heyes’ (Singleton, 2008).

May

EU: European Parliament plenary vote on the Stubb Report – mandatory, finance and names.

July

EU: European Commission register launched.

September 22nd

David Miller and John Grogan MP on lobbying at a fringe meeting at the Labour Party conference in Manchester 2008

Spinning the Wheels, launched in Manchester, September 2008

UK: The Alliance for Lobbying Transparency organised 'Will Lobbyists Come Clean?' a debate on ethics and transparency in lobbying held as a Public fringe event at the Labour Party conference 2008. On the panel were John Grogan MP; Prof David Miller, Director of SpinWatch, a member of the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency; Jon McLeod, Chairman, UK Public Affairs at Weber Shandwick; Stephen Kingston, Editor of the Salford Star, an award-winning, grassroots magazine; Chair: Nigel Pivaro, formerly played Terry Duckworth in Coronation Street, and is now a journalist. According to the Public Affairs News report of the event: 'An impassioned shouting match flared between the Association of Professional Political Consultants’ (APPC) top brass and self-proclaimed transparency campaigners at the Labour Party conference.' PAN noted what it called the 'provocatively titled' ‘Will lobbyists come clean?’ and reported that the debate 'saw audience members including APPC chairman Robbie MacDuff hitting back at arguments put forward from panellists – chiefly SpinWatch’s Prof David Miller – as to why lobbyists should be more tightly regulated.'

In addition to MacDuff 'APPC management board members Warwick Smith and Darren Caplan, who were all in the audience, defended self-regulation.' The report continued:

ALT’s fringe was chaired by journalist/actor Nigel Pivaro, best known for playing Terry Duckworth in the ITV show Coronation Street. Pivaro lived up to his soap character’s feisty demeanor, at one point provoking MacDuff and his APPC colleagues by saying “Your industry is involved in a lot of shenanigans.”

MacDuff, in particular, took such exception to this and similar comments, taking to his feet to hit out at “Daily Mail generalisations”...

Piping up from the back row of the ALT fringe in a show of solidarity with MacDuff, fellow APPC loyalist Warwick Smith told the room: “Statutory regulation may not work better than self-regulation. With statutory regulation people try and find ways around it.” He said financial disclosure was likely to lead to “voyeurism”.

Miller shook his head as MacDuff argued that to create a parliamentary register would create a barrier to entry to those seeking to lobby. MacDuff said: “We should shine a light onto law firms, accountancy firms, organisations of dubious purpose, rather than increasing red tape [for organisations such as APPC members].”

Jon McLeod, UK PA chairman at Weber Shandwick – an APPC member agency – was one of the panellists at the fringe. McLeod said his US colleagues had observed that financial disclosure could lead to a “financial arms race” in which competing interests ramp up their lobbying spend when they see what the other side is spending.

McLeod said self-regulation was “working well” and pointed out that the APPC’s self-regulatory code of conduct “doesn’t stand still”. MacDuff chimed in to describe the APPC’s disciplinary procedures as “very robust”.

Miller wondered why organisations queue up to hire people from government roles. MacDuff responded by describing the idea that people trade on their access as “redundant”.

John Grogan MP, who led parliamentary interest in transparency in lobbying last year, was also one of the fringe panellists, as was Stephen Kingston, editor of local paper the Salford Star. Clearly a critic of corporate power, Kingston said it was “absolutely frightening as to how big companies are in the driving seat on regeneration”.

McLeod, seated next to Kingston on the panel, defended the use – and integrity – of ‘community consultations’ in general. The WS man was then asked directly by Kingston whether he would work for “the Salford community” for free, to which McLeod replied “yes”.

Looking back on the debate a few days afterwards, McLeod told PAN he “was arranging to see Stephen in Salford”. As to the rowdy scenes, McLeod said: “I think we need to be less confrontational towards our critics and educate them about what public affairs is.”

Spinwatch launched a guide to the lobbying industry at the event. The booklet:

documents the tactics used by leading PR and public affairs companies on issues such as nuclear power, science, food and local government. It then takes you on a tour of leading PR companies, think tanks and corporate funded science organizations in the UK.

Spinning the Wheels also gives an insight into lobbying, a sub-sector of the PR industry. It argues that while lobbying is a legitimate activity, the majority is undertaken by or on behalf of industry. By examining the links between personnel in commercial lobbying consultancies and politics in the UK, it reveals the enormous disparity in access and influence between the business interests able to afford their services and those lobbying in the not-for-profit sector.

Remember, remember...

October 9th

UK: The Committee on Standards in Public Life publishes its Third Survey into public attitudes towards conduct in public life (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

November 5th

Debate on lobbying at the House of Commons organised by the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency. Speakers (l to r) Robbie MacDuff, APPC, David Hencke of The Guardian (chair), Blogger Guido Fawkes standing behind Robert Siddall, Airport Operators Association, David Miller, Spinwatch, Peter Facey of Unlock Democracy, Wednesday 5th November 2008

UK: The Alliance for Lobbying Transparency organised a debate in the House of Commons: 'Averting the Next Crisis: Why transparency in lobbying matters'. Chaired by David Hencke, Westminster correspondent, The Guardian, other speakers were Robbie MacDuff, Chair, Association of Professional Political Consultants, Robert Siddall, CEO, Airport Operators Association, Peter Facey, Director, Unlock Democracy and Guido Fawkes, prominent Westminster blogger.

According to a report of the meeting by former BBC journalist Nick Jones:

Self regulation for political lobbying is currently the only show in town but the demand that lobbyists should be allowed to continue policing themselves was blown to bits at a Guy Fawkes’ night debate at the Houses of Parliament.

Robbie MacDuff, chair of the Association of Professional Political Consultants, was assailed from all sides when he insisted that the “self-regulatory system works well and is seen to be working well”.

The furthest MacDuff went to acknowledge the widespread disquiet was to promise that the APPC would keep its voluntary code of conduct under review and strengthen it if necessary.

Jones went on to report MacDuff's attempts to defend the industry:

MacDuff insisted that the eighty five per cent of lobbyists who were in the APPC were transparent: they registered all their clients on a quarterly basis and had no financial relationships with Mps or peers whereas charities and other organisations had access to Westminster and did not declare their sources of finance.

He tried to counter the criticism by arguing that the APPC’s disciplinary procedures were “pretty rigorous” but they would continue to review them. “If you work as a private sector lobbyist your reputation is shot to pieces when you are exposed in the media for inappropriate behaviour and you lose clients… We try to promote the validity of lobbying which were think is legal”.

MacDuff had effectively thrown down the gauntlet: while awaiting a report from the House of Commons Public Administration Committee into alleged abuses by the lobbying industry, the only course of action left open to campaigners for greater transparency was to accept his advice and help the news media to do more to expose the “inappropriate behaviour” of lobbyists.

December

From December 2008 until April 2009, the IIWG.

December 9th

William Dinan at the 2008 Worst EU Lobbying Awards, Brussels

EU: The 2008 Worst EU Lobbying Awards ceremony was held at Le Bouche a Oreille, Brussels 9 December 2008. Organised by Lobbycontrol, Corporate Europe Observatory, Friends of the Earth Europe and Spinwatch, the results were as follows:

The winners of the 2008 Worst EU Lobbying Awards have been revealed at a ceremony in Brussels today, despite a last minute attempt to gag the organisers with legal action from one of the candidates. More than 8500 people took part in the online public vote.

One of the candidates for the Worst Conflict of Interest Award, suspended Commission official Fritz-Harald Wenig, unsuccessfully tried to silence the Worst EU Lobbying Awards last week by taking legal action in the Court of First Instance in Brussels to have his name removed from the nominations and not have his name mentioned during the Worst Lobbying Awards ceremony. The court ruled that freedom of speech was more important in this case.

This year's Award for the Worst EU Lobbying 2008, with more than 50% of the votes, goes to a joint nomination for the agrofuel lobbyists, the Malaysian Palm Oil Council, Brazilian sugar barons UNICA and energy company Abengoa Bioenergy for their use of misleading information and greenwash. The lobbyists tried to influence crucial debates in the European Parliament and Council by claiming that agrofuels (crops used for fuel for cars and lorries) are sustainable.

The Worst Conflict of Interest Award 2008 goes to the Finnish MEP Piia-Noora Kauppi, with 26% of the votes cast. MEP Kauppi has been promoting the interests of her future employer, a banking lobbying group, while still an active member of the European Parliament. Kauppi has consistently urged light-touch regulation for the banking sector and in January 2009 will officially be employed by the Federation of Finnish Financial Services.

Public Administration Select Committee report Lobbying: Access and influence in Whitehall, January 2009.

Public Administration Select Committee (2010) ‘Lobbying: Access and Influence in Whitehall’, First Report of Session 2008-2009, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmpubadm/36/36i.pdf accessed 20.11.10, p. 44, para 152

2009

January 5th

UK: The Public Administration Select Committee (PASC) of the House of Commons publishes its report Lobbying: Access and Influence in Whitehall, recommending the introduction of measures which would ‘promote ethical behaviour by lobbyists’, ensure ‘the maximum reasonable degree of transparency’ in the process of lobbying, and make it more difficult for politicians and public servants to use information or contacts built up during their time in office ‘as an inducement to other potential employers’. Although the Committee ‘do not believe that transparency requirements are ever likely to be enforceable through self-regulation’, they suggest that there could be ‘a role for a self-regulatory organisation in promoting ethical behaviour by those involved in lobbying’. For the current situation of self-regulation to be made more effective, PASC recommended the establishment of ‘a single umbrella organisation with both corporate and individual membership, in order to be able to cover all those who are involved in lobbying as a substantial part of their work’. Furthermore, the running of the organisation should involve individuals from outside lobbying; with a clear separation between the promotion, representation and regulation of lobbying; and the introduction of more rigorous scrutiny and external validation (Public Administration Select Committee, 2010: 64). The UK Public Affairs Committee (UK PAC) is conceived as a response to the PASC recommendations.

January 27th

Paul Flynn MP states that the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency 'greatly influenced' the Public Administration Select Committee

UK: The Alliance for Lobbying Transparency (ALT) launches its campaign in parliament ‘for the public scrutiny of the contacts between legislators and professional hustlers’ (Monbiot, 2009). Monbiot (2009) argues that this launch comes ‘with impeccable timing’:

There's a major lobbying scandal about once a month, and no one who is aware of the government's failure to regulate this industry should be surprised. It was elected to stamp out sleaze, but since 1997 has done almost nothing.

Paul Flynn MP, one of the members of the Public Administration Select Committee who unanimously approved the call for statutory regulation of lobbyists notes Monbiot's comments on his blog and states that the views of the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency:

greatly influenced PASC's called for a mandatory registration of all lobbyists and publications of their diaries. The lobbyists howled in rage at PASC's report. Proof enough that we had hit the spot.

February

UK:Full-page advertisement for the ALT published in The Times. Headed 'Parliamentary Access' the with strap line 'putting the cash into politics' the ad stated: 'Don't let cumbersome democracy get you down. Buy yourself influence with Parliamentary Access'. The ad urged people to ask their MP to support the 'introduction of a mandatory register of lobbying activity'.

Full page advert in The Times, Alliance for Lobbying Transparency and Enough's Enough. February 2009.

April

EU: Joint EP-EC register ‘portal’

May

UK: 38 Degrees – named after the angle at which an avalanche happens - is launched with their campaign for a Recall Law. Inspired by similar campaigning movements such as the US-based MoveOn.org and global campaigners Avaaz.org, 38 Degrees aim to use the latest technologies to allow the public to take effective action as part of ongoing campaigns.

May 25th

David Miller interviewed on Is your MP working for you? Panorama BBC1, 25/05/09

June

UK: The National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO) dismisses UK PAC's proposals for a self-regulating lobby register; citing the fact that charities are different from organisations in the private sector and already regulated by the Charity Commission. The NCVO is, however, supportive of government proposals for a statutory register; proposals which are themselves to be based on the work of UK PAC. Chloe Stables, Parliamentary Officer of the NCVO, states that the NCVO will continue to work with UK PAC ‘to show how its register would impact on the Government's own plans, and now we will continue to work with it as it takes forward a statutory register’. Leigh Daynes, Plan UK Director of Communications, disagrees with the position of the NCVO, stating ‘I'm not sure how a register would work, and we do have umbrella organisations such as NCVO, so we would want to avoid duplication and waste’ (Cartmell, 2010).

July 2nd

UK: Six months after the publication of its long-awaited report into lobbying, the PASC holds a session with representatives from the APPC, PRCA and CIPR Government Affairs Group (GAG) at Portcullis House, Westminster; in a move which Hall (2009) suggests ‘is being interpreted by industry observers as a sign from the committee… that its members are getting fed up with waiting and want a government response sooner rather than later’. Also invited to attend are a representative of the ‘Public Affairs Council Working Party’ and representatives from the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency (ALT), Unlock Democracy and Friends of the Earth.

September

UK: The shadow minister for the Cabinet Office, Conservative MP Francis Maude, declares that lobbying firms should publish their client lists and details of their full- and part-time staff, warning that ‘If the industry fails to self-regulate, it should be prepared for legislation that will ensure greater accountability’ (quoted in Singleton, 2009). Responding to these threats about the possible future introduction of tougher legislation, chair of the APPC Robbie MacDuff remarks:

I think Maude's comments have been noted by a significant group of lobbyists outside of self-regulation at the moment. Sometimes it takes this kind of political interest to move forward those who have been resistant to taking seriously issues around accountability, transparency and openness.

SpinWatch spokesperson David Miller comments ‘We are a bit sceptical about the plans. We think this is the Tories being soft on lobbyists’.

Director of DLA Piper, Eben Black, welcomes additional Tory pronouncements on amending the solicitors’ code of conduct allowing solicitors’ firms that engage in lobbying to disclose their lobbying clients without breaching the code. Black remarks ‘We have been calling consistently for a statutory register’ (quoted in Singleton, 2009).

October

UK: The government dismisses the PASC recommendations for a statutory register, arguing that the industry should be allowed to self-regulate. The government did accept the recommendation that all departments publish online quarterly reports outlining the details of ministerial meetings with external groups and hospitality received by ministers and advisers; and an extension to the list of civil servants required to publish details of their own hospitality and expenses details. However, the suggestion that details of meetings between officials and external groups should be published was rejected; and the government failed to suggest a timeframe within which the efficacy of industry self-regulation will be assessed (Mason, 2009). PASC’s chair, Dr Tony Wright MP, remarked that he was disappointed that the government had dismissed the idea of a statutory register; but maintained ‘this is where I think we will eventually end up’. Suggesting that ‘self-regulation is no regulation’, David Miller of the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency commented that asking the public to trust lobbyists to operate transparently is akin to ‘asking us to trust MPs on expenses’. He added:

The government has dropped the ball on political reform and ignored public concerns by refusing to force lobbyists to operate in the open. In June, Gordon Brown said that the future was about opening up areas of public life that have been too secretive. This must include the massive and growing influence commercial lobbying has on public life (Miller quoted in Mason, 2009).

November

UK: The Twelfth Report, ‘MPs' expenses and allowances: Supporting Parliament, safeguarding the taxpayer’, of the Committee on Standards in Public Life is published (Committee on Standards in Public Life, 2010).

Sir Philip Mawer - who from 2002 until 2008 was parliamentary commissioner for standards - agrees to chair an ‘implementation team’ for the new umbrella body UKPAC (PAN Staff, 2009).

2010 - 2019

2010

February

UK: SpinWatch publishes its report about lobbying within the financial services sector, An Inside Job: A Snapshot of Political Schmoozing by the City. Highlighting the lobbying ‘clout’ of consultancies such as Brunswick and Finsbury, the report also outlines tactics employed by industry bodies such as the British Bankers’ Association (BBA), concluding:

We currently have no way of knowing what lobbying is under way in relation to banks and the financial sector, and how such lobbying might be harmful to the public interest. Transparency is needed if we're to have government accountability on these issues.

Assistant director of the BBA, Brian Capon, responds saying:

Of course we talk to ministers and other parliamentary officials - that's part of our job and the two-way communication is valuable in establishing a greater understanding between us. To suggest these meetings are 'secret' simply fuels the media hype that surrounds the issue, which brings us back to the reason why it's important for us to engage in lobbying in the first place - to put forward the industry's views and put the record straight (quoted in Singleton, 2010d).

March 14th

UK: The Observer reports that ‘David Cameron’s drive to clean up politics is facing an embarrassing test’. It emerged that numerous prospective Tory MPs – including Priti Patel, Penny Mordaunt, and George Eustice - failed to declare in their election campaign material that they work for lobbying firms on behalf of big business. These ‘secret lobbyist candidates’ are the subject of an online ‘advertising blitz’ orchestrated by campaign group 38 Degrees (Mathiason, 2010). Mathiason (2010) notes that: The Observer is aware of a significant number of parliamentary candidates who will be unmasked in coming days as part of a co-ordinated campaign by SpinWatch and 38 Degrees aimed at introducing a statutory register of interests. This would force lobby firms and parliamentary candidates to clarify who they represent and work for.

March 22nd

UK: Following the March 2010 Sunday Times and Dispatches joint exposé - in which senior politicians were recorded offering to help the private sector lobby the government - the Labour Government made an announcement on 22 March 2010 outlining its commitment to the introduction of a statutory register of lobbyists. In an interview for Sky News, Foreign Secretary David Miliband remarked that ‘the Labour manifesto is going to say more about the need for a statutory register of the lobbying industry, because there is absolutely no room for the sort of innuendo or promises that seem to have been floated in this case’ (Jack and Couzens, 2010). Prior to the negative headlines, David Singleton of PR Week writes, ‘Labour insiders admitted the party had merely been 'considering' making a statutory code as a manifesto commitment’ (Singleton, 2010a).

The Labour Government was not, however, alone in their attempts at damage limitation. Lobbyists were similarly provoked into ‘an impromptu PR offensive’ (Singleton, 2010b) with the aim of salvaging the industry's reputation. At the forefront of this were CIPR's former president Lionel Zetter and Warwick Smith of College Public Policy, who duly produced a series of ‘key media lines’ for those required to discuss the issue: ‘This is not about lobbyists; none were involved’; ‘It is about politicians doing things for which they were not elected’; ‘You can be a lobbyist or a legislator, but not both’; ‘It is frustrating that politicians are proposing tougher regulation of the industry when this issue is all about them, and the UK industry has put its house in order’ (Singleton, 2010b).

Despite their best attempts to avoid this ‘tougher regulation of the industry’, Labour's plans for a statutory register of lobbyists were already in motion. Cabinet Office minister Angela Evans Smith wrote to Sir Philip Mawer, Chairman of UKPAC's Implementation Group, saying:

As you know we have taken the decision to have a statutory register of lobbyists. The work that you and the Council are doing to produce a voluntary register will help in the work of delivering a statutory register and I would encourage those who are considering signing up to the voluntary register to do so (PAN Staff, 2010a).

Writing in Public Affairs News, Mark Adams (Deputy Chairman of UKPAC's Implementation Group) responded, arguing that:

[T]here are some serious issues about a statutory register that must be addressed. How will the enforcement of a statutory register be paid for? If, as some have argued, it is to be paid for by the 'lobbying industry', it will introduce an astonishing tax on democracy. Any organisation wishing to make its case to government or Parliament will first have to register and pay a fee to exercise its right to lobby. Is that desirable? (PAN Staff, 2010a).

Adams adds that ‘Unlike some of the proposals that have emerged since last weekend from government and others, the PAC is not a knee-jerk reaction to unfavourable headlines. It is the product of careful and measured consideration over many months.’ (PAN Staff, 2010) This sentiment is echoed elsewhere within the industry. Francis Ingham of PRCA describes Labour's response as ‘A shameful, utterly cynical response. One of the worst examples I’ve ever seen of naked politics dressed up as moral outrage.’ Similarly, CIPR's Iain Anderson argues that Labour ‘spun this as a lobbying scandal when there were no lobbyists to be seen’. Tom Spencer from the European Centre for Public Affairs (ECPA) argues that any commitment to a statutory register ‘should not have been made on such a ‘shoot from the hip’ basis’. Alastair Ross from the Association for Scottish Public Affairs (ASPA) suggests that Labour's proposal was ‘knee-jerk and misses the point’. Charles Lewington of Hanover concurs that Labour's plan is ‘a knee-jerk reaction’ (PAN Staff, 2010b). Several public affairs professionals do, however, back statutory legislation; such as Eben Black of DLA Piper UK LLP Global Government Relations and Chris Whitehouse of The Whitehouse Consultancy Whereas Francis Ingham of PRCA argues that the Conservatives are ‘right in resisting the temptation to match Labour’s volte face’, Alastair Ross from the Association for Scottish Public Affairs (ASPA) argues that the Conservative position ‘has changed with the public mood’ (PAN Staff, 2010).

May 11th

UK: The commitment to a statutory register became one of the concessions made by the Conservatives in securing their coalition with the Liberal Democrats On May 11 2010, a series of agreements was reached between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. With regard to political reform, the agreement document states:

The parties will tackle lobbying through introducing a statutory register of lobbyists. We also agree to pursue a detailed agreement on limiting donations and reforming party funding in order to remove big money from politics (Conservative Liberal Democrat Coalition Government, 2010: 4).

As PR Week journalist Singleton (2010c) observes, the UKPAC ‘is keen to exert influence over ministers' plans for a statutory register of lobbyists by coming up with the first detailed blueprint for such a scheme.’ Accordingly, CIPR's Iain Anderson remarks that ‘It is good news that... UK PAC [is welcomed] as the statutory model’ (PAN Staff, 2010b). In an interview with PR Week, Elizabeth France commented that her organisation's aim is

a smooth transition between the self-regulating approach and the introduction of a statutory register. That will require us to understand the scope of the register envisaged by the Government and to see how far we can reach agreement to anticipate it (quoted in Singleton, 2010c).

June

UK: Despite UKPAC favouring self-regulation, a ComRes poll of 285 public affairs practitioners published by Public Affairs News finds that a majority of lobbyists now support a statutory register. Sixty-two per cent of respondents supported the statutory register, with 20 per cent undecided and 17 per cent opposed. Furthermore, of those polled, only 55 per cent were 'familiar' with UKPAC; with 53 per cent believing that UKPAC still has time to play a role within the industry. Commenting on the findings, the APPC remarked that: [T]he results reflect the wide array of views among PA professionals and, indeed, APPC members. We believe that self-regulation works and that UK PAC has a vital role to play in extending transparency across the wider industry. Nevertheless, the APPC is not necessarily antagonistic towards a statutory system of registration. The PRCA, on the other hand, responded saying: We are loathe to be dismissive of any poll, but the picture it paints of industry enthusiasm for government action bears little relation to the reality we see. The simple, settled majority view of the industry is that self-regulation works.

A poll of lobbying firms carried out by the APPC yielded similar results. While three quarters of respondents agreed or strongly agreed that self-regulation was working, the same proportion would support a statutory register - only if it included all lobbyists. While 64% of those polled agreed that a statutory register would be more effective than self-regulation, 83% were in favour of the ethics and activities of lobbyists being regulated by an umbrella body established by trade associations - rather than by a mandatory regulation introduced by the Government (Miller and Wicks, 2010).

June

UK: Labour MP for Wigan Lisa Nandy submits a written question about the timeline of plans for the statutory register to the Conservatives' Mark Harper. Nandy remarks: It was one of the pledges in the Coalition Agreement [published by the Conservatives/Lib Dems in May] that raised more questions than it answered. I’m keen to see more transparency in politics but it’s not at all clear from the detail released so far how the government intends to achieve it. In responding, Harper - who has ministerial responsibility for Political and Constitutional Reform – states: Ministers will meet representatives of the UK Public Affairs Council shortly to discuss how to create the most effective register, on a statutory footing. We hope to publish detailed plans in the autumn.

June 29th

UK: Labour MP Kelvin Hopkins lodges the following Early Day Motion regarding a statutory register of lobbyists, attracting 104 signatures:

That this House notes the commitment by the new coalition Government to establish a statutory register of lobbyists; recalls the personal commitment of the Deputy Prime Minister to introduce a statutory register; believes that such a register should be independently managed and enforced, that it should include information provided by both lobbyists and those being lobbied and provisions ensuring effective financial disclosure; and calls on the Government to bring forward the necessary legislation as a matter of urgency (Hopkins, 2010).

July

UK: The UK Public Affairs Council (UKPAC) is officially established. UKPAC is an umbrella organisation formed by representatives from the Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR), the Association of Professional Political Consultants (APPC) and the Public Relations Consultants Association (PRCA); which ostensibly ‘promotes and upholds effective self-regulation for those engaged in public affairs’ by the means of the quarterly publication of a voluntary register of lobbyists (UK Public Affairs Council, 2010a). UKPAC employs the following definition of lobbying:

Lobbying means in a professional capacity, attempting to influence, or advising those who wish to influence, the UK Government, Parliament, the devolved legislatures or administrations, regional or local government or other public bodies on any matter within their competence. This covers members who spend all or a significant amount of their time (for example at least 20% of their professional working time) on lobbying activities. Members who do less than 20% may register at their discretion. (Chartered Institute of Public Relations, 2010).

The aim of UKPAC is, according to the official terms of reference:

to promote public confidence in those who, in a professional capacity, undertake lobbying by encouraging and sustaining high ethical standards, transparency and accountability amongst those whom the Council regulates. It will offer a system of voluntary regulation to ensure that all those involved in lobbying institutions of government can be governed by a clear set of principles, underpinned by enforceable Codes of Conduct. Further, it will assist public confidence by establishing a publicly accessible Register of those involved in lobbying, indicating the organisations on whose behalf they are lobbying (UK Public Affairs Council, 2010b).

The CIPR ‘sees UK PAC as an opportunity to create a meaningful register which distinguishes between those [lobbyists] who are ethical and transparent, and those who are not’ (Chartered Institute of Public Relations, 2010). However, the self-regulatory model espoused by UKPAC has been subject to extensive criticism. Speaking following the launch of UKPAC, Tamasin Cave of the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency (ALT) - a coalition of civil society groups which campaigns for a mandatory register - remarked that:

This is the old system of self-regulation by another name, a system that was described last year by the influential Public Administration Select Committee as 'little better than the emperor’s new clothes'. Recent events show such a voluntary system to be totally ineffective. UKPAC is yesterday's solution. Joining UKPAC is voluntary, which means that lobbyists will continue to hide who they are lobbying for simply by not signing up. As a result, the public will stay in the dark over who is lobbying to change government policy, whether it’s defence companies bidding for multi-million pound contracts, private healthcare companies influencing NHS decisions, or supermarkets fighting new labeling rules.

July 12th

UK: Labour MP Austin Mitchell lodges the following Early Day Motion regarding a statutory register of lobbyists, attracting 21 signatures:

That this House welcomes the commitment by the Coalition Government to introduce a statutory register of political lobbyists; notes that a recent ComRes survey finds that such an approach would have the support of 62 per cent. of lobbyists; expresses its concern, however, that unless underpinned by a statutory code of ethical practice to which registrants would have to adhere, the implied credibility of statutory registration could be enjoyed by practitioners who do not act ethically and who indeed may even breach the law; observes that such a situation would be completely unacceptable; and urges the Government to ensure that from the moment of its introduction the registration process includes a specific obligation to comply with statutory ethical principles (Mitchell, 2010).

July 27th

UK: The Coalition Government publishes a report on July 27th 2010 outlining target dates for political reform. As part of its measures to improve transparency, the report indicates that the process to introduce legislation to implement a statutory register would commence on November 2011 (HM Government, 2010: 6).

July 29th

UK: The debate turns to the role of think-tanks within lobbying legislation. The blueprints developed by UK PAC as yet omit think-tanks from a statutory register. The (voluntary) register employed by the European Commission, on the other hand, features a sub-category for think-tanks; with 95 currently registered. However, as Public Affairs News journalist Hall suggests: 'the think-tank landscape is tricky to delineate, populated on its nebulous fringes by some organisations, alliances and councils that are little more than corporate front-groups'.

November 15th

UK: PR Week reports that CIPR members who lobby are ‘urged to sign up to the UK Public Affairs Council (UKPAC)’s lobby register within the next 10 weeks. Those who fail to register by the end of January will face ‘non-compliance sanctions’ from the CIPR.

2011

February

UK: UKPAC’s register is expected to launch publicly. It will be electronically searchable.

March 1st

UK: Paul Flynn MP noted the launch event of the UKPAC register on his blog: 'On a very busy day, I called into their woefully unimpressive presentation. I'm glad I did.' Public Affairs News takes up the story:

The register launched on 1 March at a well-attended event including bosses of some of the country’s largest PA agencies, pack in to the grand committee room off Westminster Hall. But the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency (ALT)’s Tamasin Cave and Labour MP Paul Flynn piled in with criticism of the register, saying that it reveals little new information.

Flynn – who is a member of PASC – followed up various caustic comments at the launch event by writing on his blog that the register was merely “a website of telephone numbers and client names” and that, as a response to PASC’s report, it was “not big, it is on a protozoan scale, a token, a nothing. Paul Flynn MP described the journey made by the industry in what is now more than two years since the public administration select committee (PASC) report into lobbying as “tortuously slow”.”.

In another Public Affairs News article, reporter Ian Hall states:

"I spoke to numerous senior industry figures the day after the register’s launch and detected a definite change of mood among some of those who, until now, have cautiously defended UKPAC. One usually on-message senior figure described the register’s lack of revelation as embarrassing.

It may only just have launched, but so long as UKPAC’s register remains in its current form, the Cabinet Office cannot take it seriously as the model government should follow when launching the statutory register.

On his own personal blog, Flynn was scathing of the launch event:

As a piece of lobbying this event was a disaster. These people are professional bull-shitters. If they cannot promote themselves why should anyone pay them to promote other causes?

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