N officers 2
This article is part of the Undercover Research Portal at Powerbase: investigating corporate and police spying on activists.
Police officers cited in the Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) are generally designated by a cypher / nominal starting with N or HN followed by a number. The practice of assigning these cyphers was begun in by the Metropolitan Police inquiry Operation Herne which investigated the activities of the Special Demonstration Squad undercovers. It was subsequently adopted by Mark Ellison for his Review and the UCPI, both of which draw heavily on the material assembled by Operation Herne. The system appears to have changed in 2017, when the 3 August 2017 rulings and direction of the new Inquiry Chair, John Mitting, began using the 'HN' label, though the associated numbers appear to be unchanged.[1]
- For a general introduction into the cypher system, see N Officers (main page).
- For N officers with numbers <100, see N officers part 1.
- For N officers with numbers >300, see N officers part 3.
- Updated w January 2018
N series officers part 2 (100-299)
Cypher | Name | Status | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
HN101 | unknown | SDS. Contemporary of Peter Francis, who had 'an involvement in Stephen Lawrence campaign issues' according to Lambert (Ellison, p. 214).[2] | |
HN104 | Carlo Neri (alias) | UCPI minded to restrict real name.[1][3] | SDS UCO. Deployed against two groups March 2000 to Summer 2006. Both he and partners concerned about violence being used by (ex)members of the groups he targeted and of media intrusion, and the efforts of those with IT skills to ascertain his real name and whereabouts. "These concerns are not irrational and have some basis in fact". According to Prof Fox, (report of 8 March 2017), HN104 suffers from significant mental health conditions. Mitting opposing publishing of real name as interference under Article 8(2), and not necessary for those who claim sexual relationships with him in order to give evidence in acts committed by his cover name. "On the basis of what is known, interference in Article 8(2) rights is not justified." Can give evidence from behind a screen.[3] Applications from MPS & N104's lawyer to restrict publication of real name only; also received are personal statements from his family and expert medical report; final risk assessment from MPS awaited but no scope for restriction of cover name. Open versions published..[4]
In the responding submissions made by the Non-Police/State Core Participants, it was noted that Carlo's real name was known to those he had spied upon.[5] Mitting asked the NPSCPs to reconsider their position that HN104's real name should be released.[6] This was declined as no further material was forthcoming from the Inquiry [7] In his 23 October 2017 note, Mitting noted he could not prevent publication of the real name by others[6] The matter was returned to during the public hearing of 21 November when it effectively recognised that the name was going to be published, the matter simply being who did it. Mitting requested that the NPSCPs stayed their hand on releasing the real name until a closed hearing to consider management of the process.[8] August 2017 application: open application for restriction order (MPS), open application for restriction order (S&G), Open supplementary application for restriction order (S&G), open medical assessment, open personal statement (1), open personal statement (2), open statement by HN104's partner, open statement by HN104's relative |
HN108 | unknown | real name to be published in due course.[1] No application made.[3] | SDS back office / manager |
HN109 | unknown | Extension sought to move to future tranche (Nov 2017).[9] | SDS Detective Inspector in 1995. Interview by Operation Herne quoted in Ellison Review: "There was never any reference made to ‘smearing’ in relation to the Lawrence family. Deployments into the support campaigns surrounding Stephen Lawrence were specifically to build a picture of the public order background… Any meeting I was involved in was never about any family member. It was done to protect the family" (Ellison, p.211).[2] |
N118 | Simon Wellings (alias) | Confirmed.[10] | SDS UCO |
HN120 | unknown | real name to be published in due course.[1] No application made.[3] | SDS back office / manager |
HN123 | unknown | Ruling: restrict both cover name and real name.[11] | SDS UCO. Deployed into a number of left-wing groups 1993-1998, one of which 'advocated and practiced teh use of violence'. Retired from MPS on health grounds & later diagnosed with a mental health condition in part derived from his deployment - in slow but incomplete recovery.[3][11] Said to have played a part in activities connected to the spying on the Lawrences, including by Peter Francis' barrister at the hearing of 21 November (Ms Sikand stated that the group HN123 infiltrated interacted with the Lawrences), but the extent to which that happened is disputed.[8][11]
In August 2017, Mitting indicated he was minded to restrict both the cover and real name of HN123:[1][3] "HN123 and HN123’s partner are concerned about the possibility that HN123’s identity will be revealed during the Inquiry, both for reasons of safety and because of the potential impact on HN123’s health. I have read personal statements by both of them, which are and will remain closed, in which these concerns are expressed. I accept that they are genuine and not irrational. Overriding them would interfere with their right to respect for private and family life under Article 8 of the European Convention and would require to be justified under Article 8(2). Fulfilment of the terms of reference of the Inquiry does not require that the real or cover name of HN123 be published. The evidence of HN123 can be given under a cypher. HN123 was involved indirectly in deployments affecting the Lawrence family and can give evidence about that under the cypher. To the extent that it is contentious, it can be challenged just as effectively, as if given in the real or cover name. In those circumstances, the interference would not be justified. It is desirable, and may be essential, that HN123 gives evidence in public. In that event, protective measures are likely to be required."[3] An application was made by both the MPS & HN123's lawyer to restrict both cover and real names, accompanied with personal statements & medical material - of which open versions were published, some material having previously being released in March 2016.[4] The restriction application was discussed at the hearing of 21 November where it was revealed that N123 was no longer a core participant and did not have legal representation. Mitting was concerned that if he did not give full anonymity to HN123 the officer would not cooperate with the Inquiry and it would not get a chance to hear their evidence, of importance given the potential connection to the spying on the Lawrences.[8] Mitting issuing his ruling on 5 December 2017, restricting publication of both real and cover names,. In this he acknowledged there was contention over the extent of HN123's role in spying on the Lawrences, but saying:[11]
The Restriction Order was made on 8 December 2017. March 2016 application: open application, draft order, personal statement (gisted) & risk assessment (gisted). August 2017 documents: open application for restriction order (MPS), open application for restriction order (S&G) The Ellison review stated (p.211): N123... spoke on the telephone to Operation Herne in November 2013: "Francis was lying about the smearing of Lawrence…" N123 had taken over from Mr Francis when in the back office. Mr Francis had told him that it was their role to provide "gossip for the field…" N123 had spent nine months in the back office and amongst management and had gone to field meetings. Not once did N123 see or hear any instruction to 'smear' the Lawrences. He did not see any paperwork to reflect this either. According to Bob Lambert (Ellison, p.214), N123 started his undercover work after Lambert had become head of the SDS and stated: I am sure from day one the Stephen Lawrence case would have been on N123’s agenda, and… they must have attended, started to attend meetings with the Stephen Lawrence campaign, almost goes as read that they would have been there… they would want to be inside the meeting, to have a speaker on the platform and so N123 is following close behind ‘Pete Francis’… they became quite close friends and times would have been at the same events… May well have been events specifically in support of the Stephen Lawrence campaign… Mentioned in Herne II as being undercover with the potential to report on the Lawrence family (Herne II, 12.2).[12]
|
N127 | unknown | Minded To (Nov 2017): refuse application for restriction of real name.[13] | Sergeant with SDS 1997-2001. Provides statement where he states he does not recognise Peter Francis's statements regarding spying on the Lawrence family; also received Lambert's memo on the N81 / Walton meeting (Ellison, p.229). N81 told Ellison: …I was informed, at the height of the Macpherson inquiry, that my reporting was going straight to Sir Paul Condon’s desk each morning via N24, and N127 (SDS Sgt) passed on to me from N24 congratulations from the Commissioner for your excellent reporting…' (Ellison 212, 229 & 232).[2]
Note from Mitting (Nov 2017):[13]
|
N129 | unknown | Extension sought to be dealt with in a future tranche.[9] | SDS Detective Sergeant. received Lambert's memo on the N81 / Walton meeting; commented on character and skill of Peter Francis, but also that they did not recognise the allegations regarding seeking information to smear the Lawrence family. His statement to Op. Herne is quoted in Ellison (p.212): "[Mr Francis] was targeted towards the campaign in the same way as today… to perform a dual role of protecting the family from malicious extremist influences and providing information about potential public order issues. The anti-police sentiment on the streets was palpable, and Territorial Policing was very interested in any potential or planned disorder…" N129 believes that he was directly tasked to get involved with the campaign, although not necessarily with the family. His role was not about ‘smearing’ at all.[2] |
HN146 | unknown | Real name to be published in due course.[1] No application made.[3] | SDS back office / manager |
N183 | Richard Walton | Special Branch background. Later head of Counter Terrorism Command. | |
N190 | unknown | SDS Detective Inspector; commented on retention / destruction of documents within the SDS during a 2004 document rationalisation process (Ellison, 201).[2] | |
HN204 | unknown | Real name to be published in due course.[1] No application made.[3] | SDS back office / manager |
N216 | unknown | Minded-to (Nov 2017): application for restriction order in respect of real name to be refused.[13] | SDS management. Responsible for day-to-day running of the unit in the 1990s.
Note from Mitting (Nov 2017):[13]
Expressed outrage at Peter Francis allegations (Herne II, 21.1.14) and stated in respect of the targeting of Duwayne Brooks (Herne 24.1.13): 'SDS activity targeting individuals in a public order context may have brought certain officers into contact with, or in the close proximity of Duwayne Brooks, but, if that did happen, this would not have been in response to the murder investigation, or any connection with the family'.[12] |
N218 | unknown | Cover name and real name to be published as no restriction order application made.[9] | Herne II, para. 25.1.2 states: The MPS Director of Intelligence in 1999 has been interviewed by Operation Herne and stated, 'I have been asked if I recall 'any Special Branch plans to mislead the Macpherson Inquiry' into the death of Stephen Lawrence. For part of this time, I was head of Special Branch operations and have no recollection of any such plans.’ Peter Francis alleged that N218 came out to see him in respect of withholding information from the Macpherson Inquiry. In interview, N218 stated that this meeting or request never happened.[12] It is not clear if N218 is the MPS Director of Intelligence referred to or if it refers to someone else entirely. If N218 is the Director of Intelligence then it is probably Alan Fry as opposed to his successor Roger Pearce (who appears as N85).[12] |
HN241 | unknown | Minded-to (Nov 2017): neither cover or real name can be published.[13] | SDS UCO. In his 70s, deployed against one group in the early 1970s. No allegation of misconduct.
Mitting stated (Nov 2017):[13]
HN241's Risk Assessment reveals that he is not a Core Participant in the Inquiry, and that he was not made any assurances regarding anonymity and nothing official was ever said regarding future anonymity. During employment N241 was arrested but not charged. Also he 'was the subject of one or more compromises, including an occasion when N241 avoided a threat of violence'. Their Impact Statement speaks of the lack of support with the infiltration, calling the tasking 'amateurish'. HN241 also says:
|
HN244 | unknown | Full extent of restriction order being sought unknown; extension sought for MPS to supply this application (Nov 2017).[9] | |
N275 | unknown | Det. Ch. Insp.; probably SDS but not definitive. Critical of record retention and note-taking in the SDS (Ellison, pages 198 & 201).[2] | |
HN294 | unknown | Ruling (December 2017): real name cannot be published.[11] Cover name not ascertained by UCPI.[1] | SDS UCO & managerial. Now deceased. Deployed in 1968-1969 against one group which no longer exists, and reported on others, which also no longer exist. Managerial position in SDS 1969-1974, though the nature of this is not established. Has elderly widow & other family members.[11][3]
An application was made by the MPS to restricting real name, submitted along with evidence from family and a risk assessment - of which open versions were published in August 2017.[4] In his 'Minded-to' (Aug 2017), Mitting said that he was intended to restrict the real name, noting:[3]
August 2017 application: Open application for restriction order, open risk assessment (Brian Lockie), open personal statement (1), open personal statement (2) The application was heard at the hearing of 21 November 2017,[8] with Mitting ruling in favour of restricting the real name on 5 December. The grounds for the ruling were intereference with the rights of the widow (a family member had written on her behalf) despite their being 'no risk to the safety of his widow and family and minimal risk of intrusive media interest in them if his real name were to be published)'. He also said the submission that the chance the public being able to provide details of HN294's time undercover if they had his real name was 'fanciful', so the real name was not needed to fulfil the Inquiry's terms of reference.[11] The Restriction Order was issued on 8 December 2017. |
HN297 | Rick Gibson (alias) | Cover name released[1] Minded-To: real name cannot be published.[3] | SDS UCO. Deceased. Deployed 1974-1976. "As in the case of the living officers cited above it is unlikely that the publication of his real name would prompt the giving or production of evidence necessary to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. It would be likely to interfere with the right of his widow."[3] The MPS have submitted an application to restrict his real name, along with a risk assessment (Graham Walker) and additional threat assessments - open versions published along with cover name.[4]
The application was heard at the hearing of 21 November 2017, where it was brought to the Inquiry's attention there was credible information that HN297 had conducted several relationships while undercover. Mitting noted this changed things, and asked for further information from the non-police/state core participants before making his ruling.[8][11] An application for core participancy by Richard Chessum, whom Gibson had spied upon and was able to provide information on said relationships, was accepted by Mitting on 5 December 2017.[14] |
HN298 | unknown | Minded-to (Nov 2017): Real name cannot be published.[13] | SDS UCO. Deployed against two groups in the 1970s, one of which was involved in anti-apartheid campaigning:[13]
No application made for his cover name to be restricted. Regarding his application to have his real name restricted, Mitting noted:[13]
|
- For N officers with numbers <100, see N officers part 1.
- For N officers with numbers >300, see N officers part 3.
Notes
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 Mark Ellison, Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case, Stephen Lawrence Independent Review, Vol. 1, Gov.UK, March 2014
- ↑ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 John Mitting, In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
- ↑ Ruth Brander & Philippa Kaufmann QC, Submissions on behalf of the non-police, non-state core participants re the Chairman's 'Minded To' note dated 3 August 2017 concerning restriction order applications, 5 October 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).
- ↑ 6.0 6.1 Sir John Mitting, Supplementary 'Minded-To', Undercover Policing Inquiry, 23 October 2017 (accessed 23 October 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).
- ↑ Ruth Brander & Philippa Kaufmann QC, Submissions on behalf of the non-police, non-state core participants re the Chairman's 'Minded To' note dated 23 October 2017 concerning restriction order applications, 6 November 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.
- ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded-To' Note (2) in respect for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017).
- ↑ Update on anonymity applications – N118 ("Simon Wellings"), Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 19 January 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
- ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5 11.6 11.7 Sir John Mitting, Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017 (accessed 9 December 2017).
- ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 Mick Creedon, Operation Herne: Report 2 - Allegations of Peter Francis, Metropolitan Police Service, March 2014.
- ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 13.7 13.8 In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note 2, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017)
- ↑ Sir John Mitting, Core Participants Ruling 15: Richard Chessum, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 4 December 2017.