Talk:John Kampfner

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The article needs to be rewritten in toto... it is basically a poorly written jab at Kampfner... not all well documented. Even the first few paragraph lack cohesion or logic...

I hope that is OK to do a major reshuffle and axing of silly material.

Paulo

yes, it's ok. but let's all be careful about criticising each others work. This page certainly needed work and you have contributed to that. I think we need to try and adopt an approach which encourages people to contributs and where we are all respectful of each others contributions.

OK?

--David 15:14, 2 September 2007 (BST)

Contents

Removed sections

Unable to locate this in the source…

Much of his work for Editorial Intelligence has been to tell us how great other people in Editorial Intelligence are. [1]

source not available

One decorative use of this – was the Foreign Policy Centre (FPC), which has close ties to the intelligence services, is funded by mercenary companies (working in Iraq) and is largely pro-war and pro-government. Kampfner joined with John Lloyd and Stephen Twigg to reinforce the FPC's line at the Fabian Society's "Britishness" Conference. [2]

source no longer available

Note that the New Statesman was a former Hobsbawm Macaulay Communications client [3] The NS has described Editorial Intelligence as a small, self-referential clique comprised of press, TV, public relations, publishing and politics clones.

Removed for just now

Kampfner is only mentioned very briefly in the source… might be worth considering if we want to keep this bit. If yes, then this piece could do with a bit of reworking/rewording (including referencing)…

This came after a bit of a falling out over Lloyd's promotion of the wholesale adoption of neo-conservatism.[4] Part of the gymnastics of those mysterious commentators who claim to be left-wing but hold no discernible left-wing views are that after their somersaults they must land on the side of whoever holds the reins of power. [5]

Parts of this piece don’t appear to be substantiated by the sources. It could also do with a bit of clarification (ie making clear what it is that this part is trying to convey)

Although he has written on the news management of the Iraq war [6] by the US and UK, in reviews Kampfner uncritically promotes both the FPC and the Centre for European Reform (CER) – both run by Mark Leonard and both of which are, amongst other things, engaged in "public diplomacy". [7] The CER's Charles Grant returns the reviewing favours by praising Kampfner in Prospect magazine. Here we read some of the mildest rebukes of Blair and indeed Mr. Bush to be committed to paper:

George Bush often displays a similarly Manichean worldview, which may be why the two men get on as well as they do. Both Bush and Blair are instinctive politicians who attach great importance to personal relationships. [8]

Kampfner and Leonard trade favours by reviewing each others' books in the NS or the CER respectively. [9] You can even catch Leonard and Kampfner doing the rounds at Jewish Book Week [10]

This sentence needs referenced

Kampfer has often repeated the notion that Gordon Brown is some kind of left-wing Saviour, or measurably different, and that things, once again, can only get better.

whilst this might be the case… I’ve removed this bit for now as it is along the lines of opinion & speculation(re the bit at the end) and the quotes draw more heavily on the interviewees views rather than Kampfners

In several respects his work is a pointless read – soft left without a critical edge. Here is the last paragraph of an interview with Patricia Hewitt:

"The leadership that both Tony Blair and Gordon Brown have been giving on these global issues, but now with Tony in particular around terrorism and the relationship between Islam and Muslim communities and the rest of the world, that leadership is superb." One thing Patricia Hewitt cannot be accused of is failing to see the bright side.[11]

There is not much else to the piece. He doesn’t pose any challenging questions.

Here is the end of his interview with Gordon Brown:

"It is strange when politicians urge protesters to urge the politicians to do more, but that is the state of play as Gleneagles approaches. Brown heaps praise on Oxfam, Christian Aid, other non-governmental organisations and church groups, and – inevitably – Bono and Bob Geldof. He welcomes the forthcoming marches in Edinburgh and elsewhere, urging that they must be "properly stewarded" to ensure that "nothing happens which prevents us from focusing on the issues". And he says: "Already what people have done and said outside mainstream political activity has made a huge difference. The changes wouldn't have happened without the dialogue with NGOs. Millions of people have now taken up the issue. The challenge for Gleneagles is to build on what's happened so far."[12]

The "interview" with Brown is better described as an opportunity for Brown to state his position without being challenged. The last paragraph of an 'interview' with David Miliband:

There is something endearingly timeless about his politics. I suggest that, unlike many around Blair circa 1997, Miliband could not have been accused of trying to be fashionable. "I don't think I've ever been accused of being faddish," he says. "I'm more Marks & Spencer than Ted Baker."[13]

Kampfner's literary agent's website suggests one possible reason why Kampfner's is so friendly:

On return to London, he joined the masonic world of the political lobby at Westminster, first as Chief Political Correspondent of the Financial Times and then as political correspondent and analyst for the BBC Today programme. [14]

The Lobby Rules effectively prevent journalistic objectivity. The trade off for access doesn't seem to be worth it for the reader: it's a living for Kampfner, but it may help to inhibit a critical stance.

Unable to locate source for this bit

The process whereby Kampfner can imagine that (again along with Leonard etc.) fronting something like the Progress "national conference" introduced by the Tony Blair MP and the Peter Hain isn't the establishment is part and parcel of Kampfner's mind set: [15]

These quotes are taken from copyrighted material which explicitly states that permission must be sought

January 2005, Power for a Purpose, a NS Special Issue by Kampfner and Peter Wilby:
"As Tony Blair headed for a third election victory as Labour Party leader, John Kampfner and Peter Wilby "in a comradely spirit, offer him a draft manifesto, Power for a Purpose, designed to transform him into a proper social democrat while keeping his party in office." [16]

The presentation has a long list of bullet points, but the reality is that it was put together from the usual sources, as revealed by this sentence at the very end of the article:

"Thanks to the Institute for Public Policy Research, Social Market Foundation, Fabian Society and Demos for assistance."

Kampfner’s involvement with the Fabian Soc is included on his page… I’ve taken this bit out as I think that to say he’s part of a clique needs more substantiation than his taking part at an event. He’s also no longer with EI

Kampfner is part of a slightly larger clique than EI, such as this gathering at The Fabian Society:

"Tim Garton Ash, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, Ed Balls, Hazel Blears, Shami Chakrabarti, Nick Cohen, John Denham, David Edgar, David Goodhart, Tristram Hunt, Tessa Jowell, John Kampfner, Jude Kelly, Sadiq Khan, David Lammy, John Lloyd, Gordon Marsden, Shahid Malik, Ed Miliband, Fuad Nahdi, Tom Nairn, Trevor Phillips, Tariq Ramadan, Sir Iqbal Sacranie, Zia Sardar, Ben Summerskill, Gisela Stuart, Stephen Twigg, and more..." [17]

this bit needs some clarification of what it’s trying to convey & how it’s being backed up from the sources

Kampfner's position's are usually parallel to those of the aforementioned public policy New Labour think tanks. But this goes both ways, e.g, the NS's "Edge Upstarts", "KnowledgeBase" launched in 2006, in which the principals of Demos, a number of social entrepreneurs and venture philanthropists and Kampfner were judges. [18]

"It will be a database of information for anyone in the social enterprise or practical learning sectors – and something to which anyone will be able to contribute."

1st sentence needs backed up/referenced and Big Issue bit needs a reference too & how does it link in? Info about Leadbetter might be moved to his own page

Kampfner has ensured that the New Statesman has lent itself to propagate the statements, host conferences, stage competitions, and provide a platform for the "Third way" think tanks, and politicians. Kampfner's fellow judges are Garry Hawkes the former chairman and chief executive of Gardner Merchant and director general of Sodexho Group [19], Nigel Kershaw of The Big Issue, "a leading social entrepreneur and advocate of social enterprises that offer business solutions to social problems" . The blurb also notes that "In 2005, The Big Issue's UK editions generated £12m in cover sales with around £7m going directly to homeless and vulnerably housed vendors." Spot the discrepancy there. Charles Leadbetter of Demos is also part of the jury and is introduced as "one of the world's leading authorities on innovation and creativity in organisations". This is the same self-serving introduction used by Leadbetter found elsewhere [20].

This bit needs referenced & substantiated/clarified (as it stands it appears to imply that Billy Bragg, Red Pepper, War on Want and others should also be considered indistinguishable from the right?)

Just as the meaning of the word "scoured" is traduced above, Kampfner is part of the "the centre" which is basically indistinguishable from the right. This is all too apparent in a conference, organised by Compass, which argues it has:

"speakers from a wide range of political opinions – including government ministers – such as Ed Balls MP, Derek Simpson of Amicus, Helena Kennedy MP, Jonathon Porritt, Hazel Blears MP, Stephen Twigg MP, Richard Sennett, Shami Chakrabarti of Liberty, Greg Dyke, Neal Lawson, Polly Toynbee, Jon Trickett MP, John Harris, Billy Bragg, Oona King, John Kampfner and Fiona Millar who'll be joined by ministers, MPs, trade unionists and leading figures from across the democratic left and the wider progressive community."

And,

The organisations it involved include The Fabian Society, Renewal, Tribune, New Politics Network, The Co-operative Party, NUT, Electoral Reform Society, Age Concern, Liberty, Green Alliance, Amicus, Red Pepper, Shelter, Make Votes Count, IPPR, Soundings, Friends of the Earth, New Statesman, Unions 21, Citizenship Foundation, nef (new economics foundation), POWER, Centre for European Reform, Forum for the Future, Foreign Policy Centre, Fawcett Society, Demos, Centre for Global Governance, Young Foundation, and War on Want. [21]

Kampfner’s quote needs a source/ref & argument that book isn’t critical could do with strengthening/elaboration (or is it a quote? If so needs a source)

The book doesn’t take a critical stance, and it actually imputes pure motives to Blair. Kampfner states that Blair "acted in good faith", which also happens to be the position of the FPC. [22]


Previous version

John Kampfner is the editor of the New Statesman (NS), an advisor to Editorial Intelligence and previously he had been a foreign correspondent based in East Berlin and Moscow during the 1980s and 1990s. Note that the New Statesman was a former Hobsbawm Macaulay Communications client [23] The NS has described Editorial Intelligence as a small, self-referential clique comprised of press, TV, public relations, publishing and politics clones.

Media and PR workers have similar backgrounds, hold similar views, live in similar houses and go to similar plays. They dine, socialise and sleep together. Journalists often move to PR in mid-career and sometimes back again; a few work simultaneously in both camps. I'd reckon at least 90 per cent of newspaper content has had some PR or spin-doctor input. And newspapers employ PRs to plant favourable stories in other papers. [24]
John Kampfner, Compass Conference, 17 June 2006, Foreign Policy Centre seminar (photo isn't great...)

It casts doubt as to whether Hobsbawm's "data bank" contains "anything an averagely intelligent person couldn't find in ten minutes on the web." [25]

Kampfner has a website archiving his musings on travel, football and the media which tend to be of the 'Why oh why' variety. His work slots snugly into the template of most of the mainstream press: he began his career with Reuters, then (recruited by Nigel Wade) joined The Daily Telegraph in 1990. On returning to the UK in the mid-1990s, he became Chief Political Correspondent at the Financial Times and political commentator for the BBC's Today programme. [26] He has also written for the Guardian and the Independent.

Much of his work for Editorial Intelligence has been to tell us how great other people in Editorial Intelligence are. [27]

The herd of independent minds

Kampfner was a believer in Robin Cook's 'ethical foreign policy'. [28] One decorative use of this – was the Foreign Policy Centre (FPC), which has close ties to the intelligence services, is funded by mercenary companies (working in Iraq) and largely touts pro-war government propaganda. Kampfner joined with John Lloyd and Stephen Twigg to reinforce the FPC's line at the Fabian Society's "Britishness" Conference. [29]

This came after a bit of a falling out over Lloyd's promotion of the wholesale adoption of his beloved neo-conservatism – a religion not particularly known for either its ethics or shyness towards mass murder.[30] Part of the gymnastics of those mysterious commentators who claim to be left-wing but hold no discernible left-wing views are that after their somersaults they must land on the side of whoever holds the reins of power. [31]

Although he has written on the news management of the Iraq war [32] by the US, in reviews Kampfner uncritically promotes both the FPC and the Centre for European Reform (CER) – both run by Mark Leonard and both of which are massively engaged in "public diplomacy". [33] The CER's Charles Grant returns the reviewing favours by backslapping Kampfner in Prospect magazine. Here we read some of the mildest rebukes of Blair and indeed Mr. Bush to be committed to paper:

George Bush often displays a similarly Manichean worldview, which may be why the two men get on as well as they do. Both Bush and Blair are instinctive politicians who attach great importance to personal relationships. [34]

Kampfner trades favors with Leonard by reviewing each others' books in the NS or the CER respectively. [35] You can even catch Leonard and Kampfner doing the rounds at Jewish Book Week [36]

Kampfner has also contributed to the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), treading water over the UK's arms sales: [37] joining with Glenys Kinnock MEP (Lord Kinnock of Bedwelty is an IPPR trustee); the IPPR's David Mepham; Paul Eavis of Saferworld [38]; and Keith Hayward, Head of Research, Royal Aeronautical Society and Associate and Fellow of the Royal United Services Institute [39].

On other occasions Kampfner has chaired or was part of panels at some curious events. At the 2003 Labour Party Fringe, sponsored by Hill & Knowlton, this time with Derek Wyatt MP in the chair (also a member of Editorial intelligence), with discussants: Baroness Amos, Glenys Kinnock, Paul Eavis and David Mepham. Kampfner was busy chairing another meeting with Brian Wilson MP and Geoffrey Robinson MP on the joys of nuclear power and another one on Iraq, with Jack Straw and Clare Short. [40]

Down Down – Deeper and Down

Kampfer has often repeated the notion that Gordon Brown is some kind of left-wing Saviour, or measurably different, and that things, once again, can only get better. His references to Brown and New Labour:

"In times of uncertainty, journalism of the left must not accept the status quo"[41]
The third way has become the only mainstream way – the everything and the nothing." [42]

The process whereby Kampfner can imagine that (again along with Leonard etc.) fronting something like the Progress "national conference" introduced by the Tony Blair MP and the Peter Hain isn't the establishment is part and parcel of Kampfner's mind set – the thing that keeps him cheerful perhaps: [43]

"One of the great challenges of anyone who seeks change – journalist, politician or other – is to deal with anger and frustration, to know when to turn up the temperature and when not. Unlike the right, whose smugness is now greeted as a titillating post-political fashion statement, good journalism of the left (I apply the definition in its widest "liberal" context) must always challenge. It should never accept the status quo or take answers from officialdom at face value. In doing so, it lays itself open to some common criticisms: that it is obsessed by victimhood and blame culture; that it would never be satisfied, whatever is done; and – the most painful charge of all – that it is forever glum." [44]

In several respects his work is a pointless read – soft left without a critical edge and opportunistic. Here is the last paragraph of an interview with Patricia Hewitt:

"The leadership that both Tony Blair and Gordon Brown have been giving on these global issues, but now with Tony in particular around terrorism and the relationship between Islam and Muslim communities and the rest of the world, that leadership is superb." One thing Patricia Hewitt cannot be accused of is failing to see the bright side.[45]

There is not much else to the piece. He doesn’t pose any challenging questions. Here is the end of his interview with Gordon Brown:

"It is strange when politicians urge protesters to urge the politicians to do more, but that is the state of play as Gleneagles approaches. Brown heaps praise on Oxfam, Christian Aid, other non-governmental organisations and church groups, and – inevitably – Bono and Bob Geldof. He welcomes the forthcoming marches in Edinburgh and elsewhere, urging that they must be "properly stewarded" to ensure that "nothing happens which prevents us from focusing on the issues". And he says: "Already what people have done and said outside mainstream political activity has made a huge difference. The changes wouldn't have happened without the dialogue with NGOs. Millions of people have now taken up the issue. The challenge for Gleneagles is to build on what's happened so far."[46]

The "interview" with Brown is better described as an opportunity for Brown to state his position without being challenged. The last paragraph of an 'interview' with David Miliband:

There is something endearingly timeless about his politics. I suggest that, unlike many around Blair circa 1997, Miliband could not have been accused of trying to be fashionable. "I don't think I've ever been accused of being faddish," he says. "I'm more Marks & Spencer than Ted Baker."[47]

Kampfner's literary agent's website suggests why Kampfner's is so friendly:

On return to London, he joined the masonic world of the political lobby at Westminster, first as Chief Political Correspondent of the Financial Times and then as political correspondent and analyst for the BBC Today programme. [48]

The Lobby Rules effectively prevent journalistic objectivity. The trade off for access doesn't seem to be worth it for the reader: it's a living for Kampfner, but it certainly inhibits any critical stance.

The coalition of the willing to do it for a fee and expenses

Kampfner is part of a slightly larger clique than EI, such as this gathering at The Fabian Society:

"Tim Garton Ash, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, Ed Balls, Hazel Blears, Shami Chakrabarti, Nick Cohen, John Denham, David Edgar, David Goodhart, Tristram Hunt, Tessa Jowell, John Kampfner, Jude Kelly, Sadiq Khan, David Lammy, John Lloyd, Gordon Marsden, Shahid Malik, Ed Miliband, Fuad Nahdi, Tom Nairn, Trevor Phillips, Tariq Ramadan, Sir Iqbal Sacranie, Zia Sardar, Ben Summerskill, Gisela Stuart, Stephen Twigg, and more..." [49]

Sometimes though Kampfner gets tough:

January 2005, Power for a Purpose, a NS Special Issue by Kampfner and Peter Wilby:
"As Tony Blair headed for a third election victory as Labour Party leader, John Kampfner and Peter Wilby "in a comradely spirit, offer him a draft manifesto, Power for a Purpose, designed to transform him into a proper social democrat while keeping his party in office." [50]

The presentation is trite with a long list of bullet points. But the reality is that it was put together from the usual sources, as revealed by this sentence at the very end of the article:

"Thanks to the Institute for Public Policy Research, Social Market Foundation, Fabian Society and Demos for assistance."

Kampfner is quite predictable, and his position are usually parallel to those of the aforementioned public policy New Labour think tanks. The favours go both ways, e.g, the NS's "Edge Upstarts", "KnowledgeBase" launched in 2006, the principals of Demos, Social Entrepreneur, Venture Philanthropy posed as judges. [51]

"It will be a database of information for anyone in the social enterprise or practical learning sectors – and something to which anyone will be able to contribute."

Kampfner has ensured that the New Statesman has lent itself to propagate the statements, host conferences, stage competitions, and provide a platform for the "Third way" think tanks, and politicians. Kampfner's fellow judges are Garry Hawkes the former chairman and chief executive of Gardner Merchant and director general of Sodexho Group [52], Nigel Kershaw of The Big Issue, "a leading social entrepreneur and advocate of social enterprises that offer business solutions to social problems" . The blurb also notes that "In 2005, The Big Issue's UK editions generated £12m in cover sales with around £7m going directly to homeless and vulnerably housed vendors." Spot the discrepancy there. Charles Leadbetter of Demos is also part of the jury and is introduced as "one of the world's leading authorities on innovation and creativity in organisations". This is the same self-serving introduction used by Leadbetter found elsewhere [53].

While Kampfner is very much part of the pol clique, elsewhere it is somehow suggested the he is not. For example, the BBC portrays Kampfner as follows:

"In Analysis this week, John Kampfner scours the election debate for clues why fear seems to play such a major role in the political battleground and asks whether appeals to insecurity and anxiety make people more or less likely to vote..."

And where has he scoured?

Among those taking part in an entirely politician-free programme are: Professors Joanna Bourke and Frank Furedi who have published widely on the history and culture of fear respectively; the think-tanks Demos, Migration Watch and The Institute of Ideas as well as Lord Stevens who until the end of January was the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police.

[54]

But Kampfner is a versatile performer – he sometimes also wears a green hat. [55]

New face in Hell

Just as the meaning of the word "scoured" is traduced above, Kampfner is part of the "the centre" which is basically indistinguishable from the right. This is all too apparent in a conference, organised by Compass, which argues it has:

"speakers from a wide range of political opinions – including government ministers – such as Ed Balls MP, Derek Simpson of Amicus, Helena Kennedy MP, Jonathon Porritt, Hazel Blears MP, Stephen Twigg MP, Richard Sennett, Shami Chakrabarti of Liberty, Greg Dyke, Neal Lawson, Polly Toynbee, Jon Trickett MP, John Harris, Billy Bragg, Oona King, John Kampfner and Fiona Millar who'll be joined by ministers, MPs, trade unionists and leading figures from across the democratic left and the wider progressive community."

And,

The organisations it involved include The Fabian Society, Renewal, Tribune, New Politics Network, The Co-operative Party, NUT, Electoral Reform Society, Age Concern, Liberty, Green Alliance, Amicus, Red Pepper, Shelter, Make Votes Count, IPPR, Soundings, Friends of the Earth, New Statesman, Unions 21, Citizenship Foundation, nef (new economics foundation), POWER, Centre for European Reform, Forum for the Future, Foreign Policy Centre, Fawcett Society, Demos, Centre for Global Governance, Young Foundation, and War on Want. [56] NB: Compass is little more than a PR astroturf venture, and a platform for the affiliated New Labour think tanks, despite the fact that it postures as a "left" organization.

Kampfner's War

Kampfner toured the country promoting his book, Blair's Wars which is largely based on anonymous sources. The new edition was updated to include the Hutton Report, about which Kampfner states:

"John Kampfner, alleges that Hutton, former lord chief justice of Northern Ireland, a man with "impeccable legal – and establishment – credentials," had been specially selected by the government to head the inquiry, presumably in an effort to ensure a conclusion favouring the government. Kampfner reported that an unidentified "senior figure" within the government telephoned [Gavyn] Davies, urging him not to cooperate with the inquiry. "Hutton was selected by the government," the caller reportedly told Davies. "He is close to the security services and anti-BBC. It's a trap." Davies reportedly dismissed the warning. When the Hutton inquiry concluded, Kampfner wrote that Blair "knew the government had not just escaped censure, but had been completely exonerated. The BBC had been damned."" [57]

As one reviewer put it (since there are a few of this sort of book he did it in a batch):

"Both books set out similar themes. On relations with the US neither book falls into the lazy cliché ridden trap of painting Blair as Bush's poodle. Both highlight how Blair's determination to deal with Iraq and WMD preceded Bush's election and became very much his own area of expertise. Kampfner notes that Blair was not dragged into war against Iraq. He was at ease with himself and his own beliefs. Blair appears to have been amongst the quickest of world leaders to come to terms with September 11th and think through how the Americans would react. But why then back the US over Iraq, and what deal was done and what influence did Blair think he could wield? Kampfner provides the most damning summing up of Blair's approach to Iraq, his other conflicts and foreign policy. It was a mixture of self-confidence and fear, of Atlanticism, evangelism, Gladstonian idealism his was a combination of naivety and hubris (p351)." [58]

The book doesn’t take a critical stance, and it actually imputes pure motives to Blair. Kampfner states that Blair "acted in good faith", which also happens to be the position of the FPC. [59]

Affiliations

References, Resources, Contact

Contact

Website: www.jkampfner.net

Publications

  • John Kampfner, Dangerous Liaisons: Blair, Britain and the Failure of Europe, Free Press (1 Oct 2007).
  • John Kampfner, Blair's Wars, Free Press; New Ed edition (7 June 2004).
  • John Kampfner, Robin Cook, Phoenix (an Imprint of The Orion Publishing Group Ltd ); New Ed edition (7 Oct 1999).
  • John Kampfner, Inside Yeltsin's Russia: Corruption, Conflict, Capitalism, Cassell Illustrated; New Ed edition (17 Aug 1995).

References

  1. ↑ Roy Greenslade, Would you like your news spun or opinionated?, Telegraph, 22 November 2005.
  2. ↑ Document No longer Accessible, (Accessed 1 Sept 2007)
  3. ↑ Tom Bower, 'Houdini' Robinson's great escape, Telegraph, 3 July 2001.
  4. ↑ Oliver Kamm, John Lloyd on "The Case for Freedom", Blog, 8 December 2005.
  5. ↑ The case for freedom For a few on the left, Tony Blair's determination to take a stand against tyranny has been a source of admiration rather than despair. John Lloyd explains why, when it comes to foreign policy, he is no longer ashamed to be called a Neoconservative, New Statesman, Published 12 December 2005
  6. ↑ John Kampfner, The Disgrace of the BBC, Weekly Standard, 25 August 2003
  7. ↑ [1]
  8. ↑ Charles Grant, Blair's five wars, Prospect, October 2003. (Accessed: 1 September 2007)
  9. ↑ John Kampfner, Why Europe will Run the 21st Century, CER reprint, 28 February 2005.
  10. ↑ Jewish Book Week: 2006: List of events and speakers
  11. ↑ John Kampfner, Interview - Patricia Hewitt, New Statesman, 25 July 2005 (Accessed 2 September 2007)
  12. ↑ John Kampfner, Interview - Gordon Brown, New Statesman, 4 July 2005, (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  13. ↑ John Kampfner, NS Interview - David Miliband, New Statesman, 8 December 2003 (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  14. ↑ Clients: John Kampfner (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  15. ↑ [2]
  16. ↑ John Kampfner and Peter Wilby, Power for a Purpose, New Statesman, 1 January 2005. (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  17. ↑ Fabian Society original URL (no long available; Accessed 2 September 2007). But available on the Internet Archive Fabian Society Who do we want to be: the future of Britishness, Saturday 14th January 2006 Imperial College, London accessed 1 September 2007.
  18. ↑ Judges for the Edge Upstarts 2006. (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  19. ↑ [3]
  20. ↑ Profile: Charles Leadbeater (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  21. ↑ As is evident in the Compass_Conference_Program 2006
  22. ↑ Nicholas J. Wheeler and Tim Dunne, Moral Britannia?: Evaluating the Ethical Dimension in Labour's Foreign Policy, 25 March 2004.
  23. ↑ Tom Bower, 'Houdini' Robinson's great escape, Telegraph, 3 July 2001.
  24. ↑ Peter Wilby, The medium column, New Statesman, 17 April 2006.
  25. ↑ Peter Wilby, The medium column, New Statesman, 17 April 2006.
  26. ↑ Knight Ayton Management, Profile: John Kampfner (Accessed 1 Sept 2007; link changed since first entered in SpinProfile)
  27. ↑ Roy Greenslade, Would you like your news spun or opinionated?, Telegraph, 22 November 2005.
  28. ↑ John Kampfner, He did more than anyone to restore faith in politicians, Guardian, 8 August 2005.
  29. ↑ Document No longer Accessible, (Accessed 1 Sept 2007)
  30. ↑ Oliver Kamm, John Lloyd on "The Case for Freedom", Blog, 8 December 2005.
  31. ↑ The case for freedom. For a few on the left, Tony Blair's determination to take a stand against tyranny has been a source of admiration rather than despair. John Lloyd explains why, when it comes to foreign policy, he is no longer ashamed to be called a Neoconservative, New Statesman, Published 12 December 2005
  32. ↑ John Kampfner, The Disgrace of the BBC, Weekly Standard, 25 August 2003
  33. ↑ [4]
  34. ↑ Charles Grant, Blair's five wars, Prospect, October 2003. (Accessed: 1 September 2007)
  35. ↑ John Kampfner, Why Europe will Run the 21st Century, CER reprint, 28 February 2005.
  36. ↑ Jewish Book Week: 2006: List of events and speakers
  37. ↑ [5]
  38. ↑ Document no longer available (Access attempt: 2 September 2007)
  39. ↑ Document no longer available (Access attempt: 2 September 2007); See also http://www.ippr.org/events/archive.asp?id=182&fID=47; RUSI, Staff Keith Hayward, Accessed, 2 September, 2007.
  40. ↑ [6]
  41. ↑ [7]
  42. ↑ [8]
  43. ↑ [9]
  44. ↑ [10]
  45. ↑ John Kampfner, Interview - Patricia Hewitt, New Statesman, 25 July 2005 (Accessed 2 September 2007)
  46. ↑ John Kampfner, Interview - Gordon Brown, New Statesman, 4 July 2005, (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  47. ↑ John Kampfner, NS Interview - David Miliband, New Statesman, 8 December 2003 (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  48. ↑ Clients: John Kampfner (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  49. ↑ Fabian Society original URL (no long available; Accessed 2 September 2007). But available on the Internet Archive Fabian Society Who do we want to be: the future of Britishness, Saturday 14th January 2006 Imperial College, London accessed 1 September 2007.
  50. ↑ John Kampfner and Peter Wilby, Power for a Purpose, New Statesman, 1 January 2005. (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  51. ↑ Judges for the Edge Upstarts 2006. (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  52. ↑ [11]
  53. ↑ Profile: Charles Leadbeater (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  54. ↑ Program outline: The Anxious Voter, BBC Online, 28 April 2005.
  55. ↑ Document no longer exists (Access attempt: 2 September 2007)
  56. ↑ As is evident in the Compass_Conference_Program 2006
  57. ↑ Elaine Hargrove-Simon, The Media and Weapons of Mass Destruction (first section), Silha Bulletin (Spring 2004), (Accessed: 2 September 2007)
  58. ↑ Tim Oliver, Combined review: John Kampfner, Blair's Wars and Peter Stothard, 30 Days at the Heart of Blair's War, Millennium, Vol 32, No 3, 2003.
  59. ↑ Nicholas J. Wheeler and Tim Dunne, Moral Britannia?: Evaluating the Ethical Dimension in Labour's Foreign Policy, 25 March 2004.
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