Hakluyt

Hakluyt & Company Ltd, a London business intelligence bureau named after a 16th-century geographer and economic intelligence specialist avant la lettre, was founded in 1995 by former members of the British foreign secret service. The idea, to quote one of its founders, was “to do for industry what we had done for the government”.1

Hakluyt fills a niche in the intelligence sector by specializing in upmarket business, with which it has been very successful. The company started in a oneroom office in 1995; in 2001 it claims its clients include one-quarter of FTSE 100 companies. In its brochure, Hakluyt promises to find information for its clients which they “will not receive by the usual government, media and commercial routes”. The company tries to distinguish itself from other business intelligence consultants, spinmasters and clipping services. “We do not take anything off the shelf, nothing off the Net—we assume that any company worth its salt has done all of that,” Hakluyt’s Michael Maclay explained at a 1999 conference in the Netherlands. “We go with the judgement of people who know the countries, the élites, the industries, the local media, the local environmentalists, all the factors that will feed into big decisions being made.” 2 Manfred Schlickenrieder apparently was one of those people who “knew the local environmentalists”. For years, he posed as a leftist sympathizer and filmmaker while working as a spy for Hakluyt. His cover was blown when the Swiss action group Revolutionaire Aufbau began to distrust him. In the investigation which led to his exposure, the group uncovered a large pile of documents. Many were put online at the beginning of 2000 (www.aufbau.org).These documents prove Schlickenrieder was on Hakluyt’s payroll—and indicate strongly that he was working for more than one German state intelligence service. Among the documents was detailed email correspondence between Schlickenrieder and Hakluyt. There was also a DM20,000 ($9,000) invoice to Hakluyt for “Greenpeace research” including expenses, “to be paid according to agreement in the usual manner”. Confronted with this material, Hakluyt reluctantly admitted having employed him. When The Sunday Times broke the story in Britain in July 2000, both BP and Shell acknowledged having hired the firm, but claimed they had been unaware of its tactics. Schlickenrieder’s exposure put the spotlight on an firm that prefers to operate highly discreetly in the shadowy area of former state intelligence specialists- turned-private spies. Members of Parliament accused MI6 of using the firm as a front to spy on green activists.

Analyzing archival material found in Schlickenrieder’s house teaches us much about how he did his work for Hakluyt, and about oil companies’ current intelligence needs.

Schlickenrieder traded on his image as a long-term devoted activist to get various information-gathering commissions. After the Brent Spar PR crisis and the death of Ken Saro-Wiwa in Nigeria, he made an inventory for Shell International of the activist agenda.3 Posing as a film-maker making a film about the anti-Shell campaigns, Schlickenrieder travelled around Europe, and managed to interview on film a broad spectrum of people campaigning for the Ogoni people in Nigeria. He spent months questioning all sorts of groups, and wrote to organizations ranging from Friends of the Earth to the Body Shop asking about their ongoing campaigns, their future plans and the impact of their work. The project eventually resulted in a documentary video, Business as Usual: The Arrogance of Power, which gave a rather superficial insight into the European campaign against Shell. But it was only a byproduct of the investigation: every worthwhile detail was captured in a report for Hakluyt and subsequently channelled to Shell International. Other oil companies were scared to death, too, of becoming Greenpeace’s next target. BP turned to Hakluyt for help after it got wind that Greenpeace was planning its Atlantic Frontier campaign to stop oil drilling in a new part of the Atlantic. The company asked Schlickenrieder to deliver details about what was going to happen as well as assess how Greenpeace might respond to possible damage claims that could be used in an attempt to paralyze it. Hakluyt used material from other sources to complement the information about Greenpeace’s plans Schlickenrieder provided. It claimed to have laid its hands on a copy of ‘Putting the Lid on Fossil Fuels’, the Greenpeace brochure meant to kick off the campaign, even before the ink was dry. BP used this inside information to polish its press and PR communications. “BP countered the campaign in an unusually fast and smart way,” Greenpeace Germany spokesperson Stefan Krug told the German daily die tageszeitung. Since it knew what was coming in advance, BP was never taken by surprise.4 It also used Hakluyt to plan a counter-strategic lawsuit against Greenpeace. In a May 1997 email message to Schlickenrieder, Hakluyt’s Director Mike Reynolds inquired about the possible impact of suing the environmentalists for mounting a campaign like the Brent Spar one. He asked his German spy for information on whether Greenpeace was taking legal steps to protect its assets against seizure in the event it was sued by an oil company.

People

• Christopher James
• Elizabeth Smith

Spying on Greenpeace and the Body Shop

A PRIVATE intelligence firm with close links to MI6 spied on environmental campaign groups to collect information for oil companies, including Shell and BP. MPs are to demand an inquiry by Jack Straw, the foreign secretary, into whether the secret intelligence service used the firm as a front to spy on green activists.

The firm's agent, who posed as a left-wing sympathizer and film maker, was asked to betray plans of Greenpeace's activities against oil giants. He also tried to dupe Anita Roddick's Body Shop group to pass on information about its opposition to Shell drilling for oil in a Nigerian tribal land. The Sunday Times has seen documents which show that the spy, German-born Manfred Schlickenrieder, was hired by Hakluyt, an agency that operates from offices in London's West End.

Schlickenrieder was known by the code name Camus and had worked for the German foreign intelligence service gathering information about terrorist groups, including the Red Army Faction.

He fronted a film production company called Gruppe 2, based in Munich, but he also worked in London and Zurich. His company was a one-man band with a video camera making rarely seen documentaries. He had been making an unfinished film about Italy's Red Brigade since 1985. Another of his alleged guises was as a civil servant of the Bavarian conservation agency in charge of listed buildings and monuments.

One of his assignments from Hakluyt was to gather information about the movements of the motor vessel Greenpeace in the north Atlantic. Greenpeace claims the scandal has echoes of the Rainbow Warrior affair, when its ship protesting against nuclear testing in the South Pacific was blown up by the French secret service in 1985. A Dutch photographer died in the explosion.

Both BP and Shell admit hiring Hakluyt, but say they were unaware of the tactics used. Shell said it had wanted to protect its employees against possible attack.

Schlickenrieder was hired by Mike Reynolds, a director of Hakluyt and MI6's former head of station in Germany. His cover was blown by a female colleague who had worked with him. Last night he refused to comment.

Reynolds and other MI6 executives left the intelligence service after the cold war ended to form Hakluyt in 1995. It was set up with the blessing of Sir David Spedding, the then chief of MI6, who died last week. Christopher James, the managing director, had been head of the MI6 section that liaised with British firms.

The firm, which takes its name from Richard Hakluyt, the Elizabethan geographer, assembled a foundation board of directors from the Establishment to oversee its activities, including Sir Fitzroy Maclean, Ian Fleming's model for James Bond. Baroness Smith, the widow of John Smith, the late Labour leader, was a director until the end of last year.

The company has close links to the oil industry through Sir Peter Cazalet, the former deputy chairman of BP, who helped to establish Hakluyt before he retired, last year, and Sir Peter Holmes, former chairman of Shell, who is president of its foundation.^[1]

notes

^ Maurice Chittenden and Nicholas Rufford MI6 'Firm' Spied on Green Groups The Sunday Times of London Published on Sunday, June 17, 2001.