Difference between revisions of "Jim/Jimmy Pickford (alias)"

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* ''For the N cipher system see [[N officers]] page.''
 
* ''For the N cipher system see [[N officers]] page.''
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'''+++++ Last Updated January 2021 +++++'''
  
 
=Targets=
 
=Targets=
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==Anarchist Workers Association==
 
==Anarchist Workers Association==
  
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Members from the Anarchist Workers Association (and Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/Anti-Racist Committee) are the only ones who recall Pickford.<ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT"/><ref name"AP">Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'AnnieP', 28 July 2020.</ref><ref name="InterviewCM"/>
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Members from the Anarchist Workers Association (and Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/Anti-Racist Committee) are the only ones who recall Pickford with much detail.<ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT"/><ref name"AP">Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'AnnieP', 28 July 2020.</ref><ref name="InterviewCM"/>
  
 
The Anarchist Workers Association (AWA), previously called the Organisation of Revolutionary Anarchists (ORA) 1973-1974<ref name="LibStruggleJan74">[https://libcom.org/files/LS11.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] ORA, January 1974 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref> was a worker-orientated anarchist group.  
 
The Anarchist Workers Association (AWA), previously called the Organisation of Revolutionary Anarchists (ORA) 1973-1974<ref name="LibStruggleJan74">[https://libcom.org/files/LS11.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] ORA, January 1974 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref> was a worker-orientated anarchist group.  
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Between 31 August and 1 September 1974, ORA hosted a conference in London where the change of name from ORA to the AWA was decided on.<ref name="LSMay1975">[https://libcom.org/files/LS17.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle'']  Anarchist Workers Association, May 1975 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref><ref>Note: ORA was formed in 1971 as a 'ginger group' of internal critics of the Anarchist Federation of Britain - with some within the group pushing for a more formal structure and a membership requirement.</ref> Its main activity at the time was the production of political pamphlets and a newspaper.<ref name="ACinUK"/>
 
Between 31 August and 1 September 1974, ORA hosted a conference in London where the change of name from ORA to the AWA was decided on.<ref name="LSMay1975">[https://libcom.org/files/LS17.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle'']  Anarchist Workers Association, May 1975 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref><ref>Note: ORA was formed in 1971 as a 'ginger group' of internal critics of the Anarchist Federation of Britain - with some within the group pushing for a more formal structure and a membership requirement.</ref> Its main activity at the time was the production of political pamphlets and a newspaper.<ref name="ACinUK"/>
  
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Over the period that Pickford infiltrated the group, the AWA hosted smaller discussion events, inside and outside London. One of the London venues used in 1975 was the 'People's Aid and Action Centre', a community venue on Falcon Road, Battersea.<ref name="LibStruggleJune1975">[https://libcom.org/library/libertarian-struggle-18-june-1975 ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, June 1975 (accessed 20 July 2020).</ref> Likewise, it was also used by Wandsworth and Battersea Trades Union Council.<ref name="ML">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Martin Lipson, 3 December 2019 (accessed 4 August 2020).</ref> Wandsworth and Battersea Trades Union Council also used the venue.<ref name="AP"/> Bob, a campaigner with both the AWA and WAFARC, recalled bumping into Pickford at the centre.<ref name="Bob"/>  
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Over the period that Pickford infiltrated the group, the AWA hosted smaller discussion events, inside and outside London. One of the London venues used in 1975 was the 'People's Aid and Action Centre', a community venue on Falcon Road, Battersea.<ref name="LibStruggleJune1975">[https://libcom.org/library/libertarian-struggle-18-june-1975 ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, June 1975 (accessed 20 July 2020).</ref> Likewise, it was also used by Wandsworth and Battersea Trades Union Council and ''Pavement'' magazine (see below).<ref name="ML">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Martin Lipson, 3 December 2019 (accessed 4 August 2020).</ref><ref name="AP"/> Bob, a campaigner with both the AWA and WAFARC, recalled bumping into Pickford at the centre.<ref name="Bob"/>  
  
 
In October 1975, the fascist National Front held their AGM at Chelsea Town Hall. Members of the AWA (and WAFARC) were present at the counter-demo and one was arrested with an AWA banner.<ref name="Bob">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Bob from AWA, 14 July 2020 (accessed 15 July 2020).</ref><ref name="Copsley">Nigel Copsley, [https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9780312227654 Anti-Fascism in Britain.] 2000 (accessed 15 July 2020),pp.121.</ref> However, Pickford is not recalled as being present.<ref name="Bob"/>
 
In October 1975, the fascist National Front held their AGM at Chelsea Town Hall. Members of the AWA (and WAFARC) were present at the counter-demo and one was arrested with an AWA banner.<ref name="Bob">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Bob from AWA, 14 July 2020 (accessed 15 July 2020).</ref><ref name="Copsley">Nigel Copsley, [https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9780312227654 Anti-Fascism in Britain.] 2000 (accessed 15 July 2020),pp.121.</ref> However, Pickford is not recalled as being present.<ref name="Bob"/>
  
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By 1976 the AWA had '[...] 50 members, most of them active, with four groups in London<ref> Note: The four groups were North London, East London, South London and Kingston. It is unclear if all four co-existed at the same time.</ref>, groups in Oxford, Yorkshire, Leicester, and Scotland.<ref name="ACinUK"/>  
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By 1976 the AWA had '[...] 50 members, most of them active, with four groups in London<ref> Note: The four groups were North London, East London, South London and Kingston. It is unclear if all four co-existed at the same time.</ref>, as well as groups inScotland, Yorkshire, Oxford, and Leicester.<ref name="ACinUK"/>  
  
 
In February 1976, the AWA hosted a 'Claimants Day School' in North London which around 120 people attended.<ref name="LSDec1975">[https://libcom.org/files/LS22.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, December 1975 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref><ref name="LSFeb76">[https://libcom.org/files/LS24.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, February 1976 (accessed 15 July 2020).</ref> Around this time, a proposed new trespass law was also high on the agenda, and a group called the Campaign Against the Criminal Trespass Law (CACTL) was formed - which is thought to have included AWA members.<ref name="LSMarch1976">[https://libcom.org/files/LS25.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, March 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref>
 
In February 1976, the AWA hosted a 'Claimants Day School' in North London which around 120 people attended.<ref name="LSDec1975">[https://libcom.org/files/LS22.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, December 1975 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref><ref name="LSFeb76">[https://libcom.org/files/LS24.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, February 1976 (accessed 15 July 2020).</ref> Around this time, a proposed new trespass law was also high on the agenda, and a group called the Campaign Against the Criminal Trespass Law (CACTL) was formed - which is thought to have included AWA members.<ref name="LSMarch1976">[https://libcom.org/files/LS25.pdf ''Libertarian Struggle''] Anarchist Workers Association, March 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref>
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The Inquiry says Pickford infiltrated: 'Wandsworth Trades Council Anti-Fascist Committee'. This name is incorrect - and seemingly a confusion between two separate organisations: 'Battersea and Wandsworth Trade Union Council' (which still exists today) and 'Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/ Anti-Racist Committee' (WAFARC). WAFARC originally grew from and was sponsored by Wandsworth TUC in the mid-1970s, but was separate and acted autonomously from it. Such organisations although started with early trade union input, were always designed to both community-led and autonomous from the trade union council.<ref name="emailannie2">Email from Annie to Undercover Research Group, 8 September 2020.</ref> Therefore, WAFARC had members who were not trade union members and had been formed to counter the considerable fascist threat at the time.<ref name="AP">Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'AP', 28 July 2020.</ref>  
 
The Inquiry says Pickford infiltrated: 'Wandsworth Trades Council Anti-Fascist Committee'. This name is incorrect - and seemingly a confusion between two separate organisations: 'Battersea and Wandsworth Trade Union Council' (which still exists today) and 'Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/ Anti-Racist Committee' (WAFARC). WAFARC originally grew from and was sponsored by Wandsworth TUC in the mid-1970s, but was separate and acted autonomously from it. Such organisations although started with early trade union input, were always designed to both community-led and autonomous from the trade union council.<ref name="emailannie2">Email from Annie to Undercover Research Group, 8 September 2020.</ref> Therefore, WAFARC had members who were not trade union members and had been formed to counter the considerable fascist threat at the time.<ref name="AP">Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'AP', 28 July 2020.</ref>  
  
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On hearing that Pickford had allegedly infiltrated BWTUC, a series of emails was exhanged between former and current members. No one from BWTUC recalled him accept for one member, Annie, who was also a member of WAFARC. The implication being it was the latter organisation that he targeted.<ref name="emailannie2">  
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On hearing that Pickford had allegedly infiltrated BWTUC, a series of emails was exhanged between former and current members. No one from BWTUC recalled him accept for one member, Annie, who was also a member of WAFARC. The implication being that it was the latter organisation that he targeted.<ref name="emailannie2"/>  
  
 
As mentioned above, inaccuracies abound around the names of the groups seems to be a feature of the information the Inquiry is giving out regarding this particular deployment (see also: 'Kingston Anarchist Association' and 'Wandsworth Anarchist Workers Association' - neither of which existed). It is also not clear whether all the groups listed by the Inquiry were infiltrated, or just reported on. This suspicion is heightened as some of the groups belonging to the umbrella organisation 'FLAG' (see below) are also listed separately as being infiltrated by Pickford.
 
As mentioned above, inaccuracies abound around the names of the groups seems to be a feature of the information the Inquiry is giving out regarding this particular deployment (see also: 'Kingston Anarchist Association' and 'Wandsworth Anarchist Workers Association' - neither of which existed). It is also not clear whether all the groups listed by the Inquiry were infiltrated, or just reported on. This suspicion is heightened as some of the groups belonging to the umbrella organisation 'FLAG' (see below) are also listed separately as being infiltrated by Pickford.
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Although the Inquiry stated that Pickford targeted this group, Bob (who belonged to both the AWA and WAFARC) said that while it is possible that Pickford attended one or two of the earlier meetings, he was not present when it became part of the mobilising committee<ref>Note: This was the (ARAFCC) the London-wide Federation of Anti-Racist/Anti-Fascist Committees (ARAFCC) which coordinated the physical blocking of the National Front march as it reached New Cross Road. See: [https://www.gold.ac.uk/history/research/battle-of-lewisham/what-was-the-battle-of-lewisham/ What was the 'Battle of Lewisham'?] Goldsmith University, undated (accessed 23 July 2020).</ref> to oppose the National Front March from New Cross to Lewisham  (later known as 'Battle of Lewisham').<ref name="Bob"/>. Annie, another WAFARC member, is more certain that 'Pickford' did not attend any meetings. However, she thought that it was possible that Pickford gathered information from talking to comrades from the AWA and WAFARC in the pub.<ref name="AP"/> For instance, they all regularly gathered in 'The Spread Eagle' Pub on Wandsworth High Street.<ref name="AP"/>  
 
Although the Inquiry stated that Pickford targeted this group, Bob (who belonged to both the AWA and WAFARC) said that while it is possible that Pickford attended one or two of the earlier meetings, he was not present when it became part of the mobilising committee<ref>Note: This was the (ARAFCC) the London-wide Federation of Anti-Racist/Anti-Fascist Committees (ARAFCC) which coordinated the physical blocking of the National Front march as it reached New Cross Road. See: [https://www.gold.ac.uk/history/research/battle-of-lewisham/what-was-the-battle-of-lewisham/ What was the 'Battle of Lewisham'?] Goldsmith University, undated (accessed 23 July 2020).</ref> to oppose the National Front March from New Cross to Lewisham  (later known as 'Battle of Lewisham').<ref name="Bob"/>. Annie, another WAFARC member, is more certain that 'Pickford' did not attend any meetings. However, she thought that it was possible that Pickford gathered information from talking to comrades from the AWA and WAFARC in the pub.<ref name="AP"/> For instance, they all regularly gathered in 'The Spread Eagle' Pub on Wandsworth High Street.<ref name="AP"/>  
  
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From the mid-1970s, WAFARC were involved in the organising of several counter National Front marches and meetings. They did some of the same mobilising work at a local level that the Anti-Nazi League were later to do on a national basis when it was founded in 1977. WAFARC were unequivocally in favour of physical confrontation of the fascist threat.<ref name="AP"/> WAFARC organised fundraisers, including on one occasion managing to book the services of Dire Straits just as they began to get national acclaim.<ref name="AP"/> In around 1979:
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From the mid-1970s, WAFARC were involved in the organising of several counter National Front marches and meetings. They did some of the same mobilising work at a local level that the Anti-Nazi League were later to do on a national basis when it was founded in 1977. WAFARC were unequivocally in favour of physical confrontation of the fascist threat.<ref name="AP"/> WAFARC organised fundraisers, including on one occasion managing to book the services of Dire Straits just as they began to get national acclaim.<ref name="AP"/> Annie commented, that in around 1979:
 
::With the fascist groups in eclipse under Thatcher, WAFARC eventually organised the well-attended conference that set up Wandsworth Against Racism (WAR) in its place, intended to be a broader, community-based organisation with educational and campaigning objectives and a greater emphasis on opposing racism in society generally,including state institutions.<ref name="emailannie2"/>
 
::With the fascist groups in eclipse under Thatcher, WAFARC eventually organised the well-attended conference that set up Wandsworth Against Racism (WAR) in its place, intended to be a broader, community-based organisation with educational and campaigning objectives and a greater emphasis on opposing racism in society generally,including state institutions.<ref name="emailannie2"/>
 
However, 'this new organisation never developed much of a sense of purpose or clear objectives and, lacking activists, withered away'.<ref name="AP"/><ref name="emailannie2"/>
 
However, 'this new organisation never developed much of a sense of purpose or clear objectives and, lacking activists, withered away'.<ref name="AP"/><ref name="emailannie2"/>
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Someone else said of him, he was: 'Sussed, enthusiastic, nice enough. Working Class [...] and  ordinary [...] not (a) provocateur.'<ref name="InterviewCM"> Undercover Research Group, Interview with Charles Mowbray, October 2019 (accessed 27 July 2020).</ref> Another commented: 'Really easy fellow to get on with. Took me in totally [...]'. He was also said to have had a 'calming' effect on one other younger AWA activist, who vocalised a more aggressive philosophy to political campaigning.<ref name="JT"/>
 
Someone else said of him, he was: 'Sussed, enthusiastic, nice enough. Working Class [...] and  ordinary [...] not (a) provocateur.'<ref name="InterviewCM"> Undercover Research Group, Interview with Charles Mowbray, October 2019 (accessed 27 July 2020).</ref> Another commented: 'Really easy fellow to get on with. Took me in totally [...]'. He was also said to have had a 'calming' effect on one other younger AWA activist, who vocalised a more aggressive philosophy to political campaigning.<ref name="JT"/>
  
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While one activist recalled that 'Jim' was very much interested in anti-fascist organising,<ref name="JT"/> Bob commented that 'Jim' was not an obvious candidate for the type of militant anti-fascist activity of which was the committees raison d'etre.<ref name="Bob"/>
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While one activist recalled that 'Jim' was very much interested in anti-fascist organising,<ref name="JT"/> Bob commented that 'Jim' was not an obvious candidate for the type of militant anti-fascist activity of which was the committees raison d'etre.<ref name="Bob"/> The one who recalls him from Pavement and Lower Down publications (see below) recalls him as often distributing copes of the AWA paper and presenting himself as a committed anarchist.<ref name="GeofInterview"/>
  
 
On Pickford's appearance, it is commented that: 'he had Black hair and beard, tending towards the shaggy and unkempt - weren’t we all'. He is also remembered as quite short and stocky and 'possibly under the minimum height for the Met then'.<ref>Note the minimum height for male recruits used to be 5ft and 11 Inches. See: [https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/6997551/Britains-smallest-police-officer-nicknamed-laptop.html Britain's smallest police officer nicknamed laptop ] ''Daily Telegraph'', 16 January 2016 (accessed 4 August 2020).</ref> and 'prematurely grey'. It was also said that  '[...]he had a London-ish accent, classless and somehow non-specific'.<ref name="Bob"/><ref name="CMemail250919">Charles Mowbray, email to Undercover Research Group 25 September 2019 (accessed 18 August 2020).</ref><ref name="InterviewCM"/>
 
On Pickford's appearance, it is commented that: 'he had Black hair and beard, tending towards the shaggy and unkempt - weren’t we all'. He is also remembered as quite short and stocky and 'possibly under the minimum height for the Met then'.<ref>Note the minimum height for male recruits used to be 5ft and 11 Inches. See: [https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/6997551/Britains-smallest-police-officer-nicknamed-laptop.html Britain's smallest police officer nicknamed laptop ] ''Daily Telegraph'', 16 January 2016 (accessed 4 August 2020).</ref> and 'prematurely grey'. It was also said that  '[...]he had a London-ish accent, classless and somehow non-specific'.<ref name="Bob"/><ref name="CMemail250919">Charles Mowbray, email to Undercover Research Group 25 September 2019 (accessed 18 August 2020).</ref><ref name="InterviewCM"/>
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Pickford met and subsequently married a woman whom he met in his undercover persona. He was already was married to someone else at the time of the deployment.<ref name="mitting.mindedto5.7Mar2018"/><ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180406-HN300-Gist_of_Additional_Information_from_Supporting_Evidence_sanitised.pdf Gist of additional information in respect of HN300's application for restriction order over real name], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 4 April 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>  
 
Pickford met and subsequently married a woman whom he met in his undercover persona. He was already was married to someone else at the time of the deployment.<ref name="mitting.mindedto5.7Mar2018"/><ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180406-HN300-Gist_of_Additional_Information_from_Supporting_Evidence_sanitised.pdf Gist of additional information in respect of HN300's application for restriction order over real name], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 4 April 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>  
  
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This is one of around 20 sexual relationships<ref>Note: the number of sexual relationships acknowledged by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and from first-hand knowledge from activists differs. See: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/ Undercover Policing Inquiry] 12 August 2020.</ref><ref>[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/ Police Spies Out of Lives] 12 August 2020.</ref> between mainly male officers and female members of their target groups known to have occurred during the deployments of [[Special Demonstration Squad]] and [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]] officers between 1968 and 2011. This has been labelled 'institutional sexism' by campaigners.<ref>[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/campaigns/institutional-sexism/ Institutional Sexism], Police Spies Out of Lives (website) undates (accessed 8 August 2020).</ref>
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This is one of around 30 sexual relationships<ref>[https://www.spycops.co.uk/scope/ An overview of the scope of the undercover political policing scandal] ''spycops'' (website) undated (accessed 10 September 2020).</ref><ref>Note: the number of sexual relationships acknowledged by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and from first-hand knowledge from activists differs. See: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/ Undercover Policing Inquiry] 12 August 2020.</ref><ref>[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/ Police Spies Out of Lives] 12 August 2020.</ref> between mainly male officers and female members of their target groups known to have occurred during the deployments of [[Special Demonstration Squad]] and [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]] officers between 1968 and 2011. This has been labelled 'institutional sexism' by campaigners.<ref>[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/campaigns/institutional-sexism/ Institutional Sexism], Police Spies Out of Lives (website) undated (accessed 8 August 2020).</ref>
 
    
 
    
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Currently, there is no direct knowledge from campaigners regarding his girlfriend of the time, other than someone recalling the relationship was intertwined with Pickford's exit from the AWA.<ref name="InterviewCM"/><ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT"/>  Based on interviews and other research, on the balance of probabilities the relationship that Pickford formed whilst on deployment was outside of the AWA/WAFARC orbit.<ref name="InterviewCM"/><ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT"/><ref name="AP"/> The rest of the information on his relationship comes via the Undercover Policing Inquiry.  Another officer submitted a statement to the Inquiry that Pickford had 'fallen in love with a female member of his target group'<ref name="mitting.mindedto5.7Mar2018"/>.
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Currently, there is no direct knowledge from campaigners regarding his girlfriend of the time, other than someone recalling the relationship was intertwined with Pickford's exit from the AWA.<ref name="InterviewCM"/><ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT"/>  Based on interviews and other research, on the balance of probabilities the relationship that Pickford formed whilst on deployment was outside of the AWA/WAFARC orbit.<ref name="InterviewCM"/><ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT"/><ref name="AP"/> The rest of the information on his relationship comes via the Undercover Policing Inquiry.  Another officer submitted a statement to the Inquiry that Pickford had 'fallen in love with a female member of his target group'<ref name="mitting.mindedto5.7Mar2018"/>. and that he was going to tell her his real identity. 
  
 
A gisted note from the Inquiry stated:
 
A gisted note from the Inquiry stated:
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::[...] His second marriage began before his deployment but ended shortly after the deployment ended. HN300 was withdrawn from the field. HN300’s family from his second marriage confirmed that he met his third wife whilst deployed on the SDS and that she sometimes referred to him as ‘Jimmy’. They had a child. This third marriage also ended in divorce. The woman then moved overseas in the 1980s and it has not been possible to contact her. It is understood that she has remarried.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180406-HN300-Gist_of_Additional_Information_from_Supporting_Evidence_sanitised.pdf Gist of additional information in respect of HN300's application for restriction order over real name], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 4 April 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>
 
::[...] His second marriage began before his deployment but ended shortly after the deployment ended. HN300 was withdrawn from the field. HN300’s family from his second marriage confirmed that he met his third wife whilst deployed on the SDS and that she sometimes referred to him as ‘Jimmy’. They had a child. This third marriage also ended in divorce. The woman then moved overseas in the 1980s and it has not been possible to contact her. It is understood that she has remarried.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180406-HN300-Gist_of_Additional_Information_from_Supporting_Evidence_sanitised.pdf Gist of additional information in respect of HN300's application for restriction order over real name], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 4 April 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>
  
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It is not stated whether the child from this relationship was conceived or born during or after Pickford's deployment. Further, it is not established that if the woman whom he met whilst on deployment ever knew his real identity or job.
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It is not stated whether the child from this relationship was conceived or born during or after Pickford's deployment. Further, it is not known if the woman whom he met whilst on deployment ever was told about his real identity - or if his subsequent 'withdrawal from the field' was because of the knowledge he was having a relationship itself, or his plan to tell the woman about it.
  
 
The divorce from his second wife was not granted until 1979, which means that the relationship with the member of the target group lasted from the period of his deployment (1974-1977) until at least 1979.<ref name="mitting.mindedto5.7Mar2018"/>
 
The divorce from his second wife was not granted until 1979, which means that the relationship with the member of the target group lasted from the period of his deployment (1974-1977) until at least 1979.<ref name="mitting.mindedto5.7Mar2018"/>
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=Exit and later correspondence=
 
=Exit and later correspondence=
  
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As with other undercovers, Pickford's exit plan involved migrating to another country, although it is unclear whether this was supposed to be a long-term move. In his case the country was Italy. Julian, of the AWA, recalled that he said that his increasing involvement with a girlfriend (see Relationship) was used as the pretext for him leaving the group - coupled with the trip to Italy.<ref name="JTInterview"/> Letters he wrote to an AWA member after his departure in January 1977 said that he was involved in militant union activity in Italian car factories - a subject for which he displayed considerable knowledge of within the letter.<ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT">email from 'JT to Charles Mowbray, September 2019 (accessed 27 July 2020).</ref><ref name="CMemail9July2020"> Email from ‘CM’ to Undercover Research Group, 9 July 2020 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref> The struggle in car factories in Italy, involved a often violent conflict regarding a percieved sell-out between shop floor workers by mainstream unions and the Communist Party.<ref>[https://libcom.org/library/20-generation-year-nine-youth-revolt-movement-77 The generation of year nine: youth revolt and the movement of '77] Libcom (website) undated (accessed 4 August 2020).</ref>
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As with other undercovers, Pickford's exit plan involved migrating to another country, although it is unclear whether this was supposed to be a long-term move. In his case the country was Italy. Julian, of the AWA, recalled that he said that his increasing involvement with a girlfriend (see Relationship) was used as the pretext for him leaving the group - coupled with the trip to Italy.<ref name="JTInterview"/> Letters he wrote to an AWA member after his departure in January 1977 said that he was involved in militant union activity in Italian car factories - a subject for which he displayed considerable knowledge of within the letter.<ref name="Bob"/><ref name="JT">email from 'JT to Charles Mowbray, September 2019 (accessed 27 July 2020).</ref><ref name="CMemail9July2020"> Email from ‘CM’ to Undercover Research Group, 9 July 2020 (accessed 13 July 2020).</ref> The struggle in car factories in Italy, involved a often violent conflict regarding a perceived sell-out of shop floor workers by the Communist Party and mainstream unions.<ref>[https://libcom.org/library/20-generation-year-nine-youth-revolt-movement-77 The generation of year nine: youth revolt and the movement of '77] Libcom (website) undated (accessed 4 August 2020).</ref>
  
 
=Other Target Groups=
 
=Other Target Groups=
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==Freedom Collective==
 
==Freedom Collective==
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The Freedom Collective were (and are) the editorial team responsible for the UK's longest-running anarchist newspaper. It is noted that ''Freedom'' was one of the groups who were part of the umbrella group FLAG, so it is possible that Pickford's contact was just through these meetings. No bylines of available articles during this period are signed 'Jim Pickford', or 'JP'.<ref> Undercover Research Group, Search of ''Freedom'' Archives via Sparrows Nest (website), 3 July 2020 (accessed 3 August 2020).</ref> Sadly, most of the then editorial team during this period have passed away.  
 
The Freedom Collective were (and are) the editorial team responsible for the UK's longest-running anarchist newspaper. It is noted that ''Freedom'' was one of the groups who were part of the umbrella group FLAG, so it is possible that Pickford's contact was just through these meetings. No bylines of available articles during this period are signed 'Jim Pickford', or 'JP'.<ref> Undercover Research Group, Search of ''Freedom'' Archives via Sparrows Nest (website), 3 July 2020 (accessed 3 August 2020).</ref> Sadly, most of the then editorial team during this period have passed away.  
  
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==Kingston Anarchist Association==
 
==Kingston Anarchist Association==
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It is suspected that this name is incorrect and it refers to the Kingston Branch of the AWA, although there was also a group called 'Kingston Anarchists' in 1980<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-6818?q=Kingston Kingston Anarchists] ''Freedom'', 1980 (accessed 22 July 2020).</ref> (who were previously known as 'Kingston Libertarians' c.1977).<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest] ''Freedom'', 20 Aug 1977 (accessed 23 July 2020).</ref><ref>Note: Address was: 13 Denmark Road, Kingston-upon-Thames.</ref> Kingston Anarchists were part of FLAG (see above).
 
It is suspected that this name is incorrect and it refers to the Kingston Branch of the AWA, although there was also a group called 'Kingston Anarchists' in 1980<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-6818?q=Kingston Kingston Anarchists] ''Freedom'', 1980 (accessed 22 July 2020).</ref> (who were previously known as 'Kingston Libertarians' c.1977).<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest] ''Freedom'', 20 Aug 1977 (accessed 23 July 2020).</ref><ref>Note: Address was: 13 Denmark Road, Kingston-upon-Thames.</ref> Kingston Anarchists were part of FLAG (see above).
  
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UPAL was a campaign group which assisted many individuals in the efforts to overturn wrongful criminal convictions.<ref name="Taylor"> J. D. Taylor, [https://www.academia.edu/34448953/_Not_that_serious_The_investigation_and_trial_of_the_Angry_Brigade_ 'Not that serious? The investigation and trial of the Angry Brigade'] In: Evan Smith and Matthew Worley (eds.), ''Waiting for the Revolution: The British Far Left from 1956''. Vol. II, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref> The development and activities of UPAL came out of the 'Stoke Newington 8' (or Angry Brigade) trial in 1972. Members of the defence committee in that court case then expanded and developed their activities forming the Up Against the Law collective. They were also involved in the high-profile ‘Free George Ince’ and the successful ‘Free George Davis’ campaigns (the latter included the sabotaging of an Ashes cricket international in 1975 by destroying the turf in Yorkshire).<ref name="Taylor"/><ref> Note: There does seem to be some connection between UPAL and another publication of the time: ''Hackney Gutter Press'' as they had a column titled 'Up Against the Law'. See:[https://archive.org/details/gutter4?q=%2AUp+Against+the+Law%2A ''Gutter Press''] June 1972 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref><ref>Note: A search for UPAL issues revealed this one incomplete archive: [https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C11477891 UP AGAINST THE LAW' (magazine), February/March 1975 issue: offences for libel] National Archive Reference: DPP 2/5648 (accessed 12 August 2020).</ref>
 
UPAL was a campaign group which assisted many individuals in the efforts to overturn wrongful criminal convictions.<ref name="Taylor"> J. D. Taylor, [https://www.academia.edu/34448953/_Not_that_serious_The_investigation_and_trial_of_the_Angry_Brigade_ 'Not that serious? The investigation and trial of the Angry Brigade'] In: Evan Smith and Matthew Worley (eds.), ''Waiting for the Revolution: The British Far Left from 1956''. Vol. II, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref> The development and activities of UPAL came out of the 'Stoke Newington 8' (or Angry Brigade) trial in 1972. Members of the defence committee in that court case then expanded and developed their activities forming the Up Against the Law collective. They were also involved in the high-profile ‘Free George Ince’ and the successful ‘Free George Davis’ campaigns (the latter included the sabotaging of an Ashes cricket international in 1975 by destroying the turf in Yorkshire).<ref name="Taylor"/><ref> Note: There does seem to be some connection between UPAL and another publication of the time: ''Hackney Gutter Press'' as they had a column titled 'Up Against the Law'. See:[https://archive.org/details/gutter4?q=%2AUp+Against+the+Law%2A ''Gutter Press''] June 1972 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref><ref>Note: A search for UPAL issues revealed this one incomplete archive: [https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C11477891 UP AGAINST THE LAW' (magazine), February/March 1975 issue: offences for libel] National Archive Reference: DPP 2/5648 (accessed 12 August 2020).</ref>
  
−
==Pavement Collective==
+
===Lower Down/Pavement===
 +
Lower Down was a community magazine based in South-West London in the mid-70s. One of its former contributors, Geof - who was also involved in Pavement is the only one who recalls Pickford outside of  AWA/WAFARC circles.<ref name="GeofInterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Geof, 21 January 2021.</ref> His recollection of Pickford's personality largely coincides with the accounts given by former members of those groups.<ref name="GeofInterview"/> He dates Pickford as being very peripherally involved with Lower Down/Pavement between 1975 and 1976 - and came to a handful of meetings. Geof, like the former members of the AWA shocked to hear that Pickford was a police spy - and could see no justification for it as Pavement/Lower Down only involved themselves in advocacy within their local community on issues such as housing and social security.<ref name="GeofInterview"/>
  
 
===History===
 
===History===
  
−
An editorial from the 1984 Annual describes the history and aims of the publication:<ref name="Pavement1984"/><ref>NOTE: Archive held at Brighton University: [https://brighton.rl.talis.com/page/underground-and-alternative-press-collection.html Alternative Press Collection] undated (accessed 12 August 2020).</ref>
+
An editorial from the ''Pavement'' 1984 Annual describes the history and aims of the publication:<ref name="Pavement1984"/><ref>NOTE: Archive held at Brighton University: [https://brighton.rl.talis.com/page/underground-and-alternative-press-collection.html Alternative Press Collection] undated (accessed 12 August 2020).</ref>
  
 
::The first issue of ''Pavement'' was produced by the Wandsworth Community Workshop as a wall newspaper in April 1970, and pasted round the borough for passers-by to read. For a while, to escape threats made by the council, it was published anonymously under the name ''Guttersnipe'', but in March 1972 the paper came ‘off the walls’ and onto the streets’ as 2-page publication under the original title.<ref name="Pavement1984"> ''Pavement'' 1984 Annual, Pavement Collective, 1984 (accessed 5 July 2020).</ref>
 
::The first issue of ''Pavement'' was produced by the Wandsworth Community Workshop as a wall newspaper in April 1970, and pasted round the borough for passers-by to read. For a while, to escape threats made by the council, it was published anonymously under the name ''Guttersnipe'', but in March 1972 the paper came ‘off the walls’ and onto the streets’ as 2-page publication under the original title.<ref name="Pavement1984"> ''Pavement'' 1984 Annual, Pavement Collective, 1984 (accessed 5 July 2020).</ref>
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===Ernest Rodker===
 
===Ernest Rodker===
  
−
[[File:RodkerPavement.jpg|left|125px|thumb|A street sale of ''Pavement''. Picture Credit: Martin Lipson]]
+
[[File:RodkerPavement.jpg|100px|thumb|right|A street sale of ''Pavement''. Picture Credit: Martin Lipson]]
  
 
Ernest Rodker was one of the main contributors to the ''Pavement'' (as well as another Wandsworth based newspaper ''Lower Down''). Rodker was prominent in many anarchist and pacifist groups. He was a founding member of CND and was involved in the 'Committee of 100'. In the early 70s (and later) he was involved in direct action within the anti-apartheid movement.<ref>[https://cnduk.org/60-faces-ernest-rodker/ Ernest Rodker] CND: 60 Faces, 2018 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref><ref>[https://www.aamarchives.org/archive/interviews/ernest-rodker.html Ernest Rodker] ''Anti-Apartheid Archives'' (website) 2013 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref> It is possible therefore that the monitoring of ''Pavement'' was aimed at Rodker.
 
Ernest Rodker was one of the main contributors to the ''Pavement'' (as well as another Wandsworth based newspaper ''Lower Down''). Rodker was prominent in many anarchist and pacifist groups. He was a founding member of CND and was involved in the 'Committee of 100'. In the early 70s (and later) he was involved in direct action within the anti-apartheid movement.<ref>[https://cnduk.org/60-faces-ernest-rodker/ Ernest Rodker] CND: 60 Faces, 2018 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref><ref>[https://www.aamarchives.org/archive/interviews/ernest-rodker.html Ernest Rodker] ''Anti-Apartheid Archives'' (website) 2013 (accessed 24 July 2020).</ref> It is possible therefore that the monitoring of ''Pavement'' was aimed at Rodker.
Line 198: Line 199:
  
 
=In the Undercover Policing Inquiry=
 
=In the Undercover Policing Inquiry=
−
 
−
 
  
 
* 11 January 2018: directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by end of January 2018.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180111-directions-SDS-anonymity.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 January 2018.</ref>
 
* 11 January 2018: directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by end of January 2018.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180111-directions-SDS-anonymity.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 January 2018.</ref>
Line 211: Line 210:
 
* 24 September 2019: target name and target groups released.<ref name="ucpi.hn300.page">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/individuals/hn-300/ HN 300], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 24 September 2019. Announced via [https://twitter.com/ucpinquiry/status/1176519126707294213 Twitter].</ref>
 
* 24 September 2019: target name and target groups released.<ref name="ucpi.hn300.page">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/individuals/hn-300/ HN 300], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 24 September 2019. Announced via [https://twitter.com/ucpinquiry/status/1176519126707294213 Twitter].</ref>
  
−
==Notes==
+
=Resources=
 +
 
 +
*[https://libcom.org Libertarian Communist News and Archive]
 +
*[https://thesparrowsnest.org.uk/ Sparrows Nest Archive]
 +
 
 +
=Notes=
  
−
<references />
+
<references/>

Latest revision as of 23:33, 21 April 2021


URG logo 1.png

This article is part of the Undercover Research Portal at Powerbase - investigating corporate and police spying on activists


Part of a series on
undercover police officers
'HN300'
Male silhouette.png
Alias: Jim / Jimmy Pickford
Deployment: late 1974 - Jan 1977
Unit:
Targets:
Battersea and Wandsworth Trades Council Anti-Fascist Committee, Federation of London Anarchist Groups, Freedom Collective, Kingston Anarchist Association, Pavement Collective and Wandsworth Anarchist Workers Association / South London Anarchist Workers Association

HN300 is the cipher given to a former Special Demonstration Squad undercover officer who used the cover name 'Jim/Jimmy Pickford' and was deployed from late 1974 to January 1977. He formed a sexual relationship with a woman whom he met whilst using his undercover persona. They were later married. He is deceased.[1]

On 24 September 2019, the Undercover Policing Inquiry revealed that he had targeted Battersea and Wandsworth Trades Council Anti-Fascist Committee, Federation of London Anarchist Groups, Freedom Collective, Kingston Anarchist Association, Pavement Collective and Wandsworth Anarchist Workers Association / South London Anarchist Workers Association.[2] Doubts about the accuracy of the names of these groups are discussed below. In addition, Pickford is also recalled as being involved in the 'Up Against the Law Collective'.[3] It was originally stated that he also infiltrated the Socialist Workers Party, although this was later corrected by the Inquiry when his cover name was revealed as ‘Jim/Jimmy Pickford'.[1]

+++++ Last Updated January 2021 +++++

Targets

Anarchist Workers Association

Members from the Anarchist Workers Association (and Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/Anti-Racist Committee) are the only ones who recall Pickford with much detail.[3][4][5][6]

The Anarchist Workers Association (AWA), previously called the Organisation of Revolutionary Anarchists (ORA) 1973-1974[7] was a worker-orientated anarchist group.

Their paper, originally called Libertarian Struggle, was a regular monthly with a distribution of 1,500-2,000, mostly through street sales. It was to some extent ‘a libertarian version of Socialist Worker’ but the coverage was wider, '[...] for example covering the struggles of claimants and squatters and provocatively questioning the work ethic'. In May 1976, it changed its name to Anarchist Worker.[8]

Of the four branches the AWA had in London, South London AWA is named by the UCPI as the branch infiltrated by Pickford. Another branch was in Kingston, which may be inaccurately referred to by the Inquiry as ‘Kingston Anarchist Association’, though this as yet remains unclear.[9] 'Wandsworth AWA', listed by the Inquiry did not exist, although some AWA members were based in this part of London at the time.[6]

Activities 1974-1977

Pickford is not currently placed at specific events, rather it is recalled that he attended meetings and post-meeting drinks in various pubs across South West London during this period. One member recalled that another member of the group was under suspicion of being an infiltrator, but that Pickford never was. All former members of the group were surprised that Pickford was a police officer.[10][3][6]

Bob from the AWA, recalled Pickford was present at the first AWA meeting he went to at a flat in Kingston. This was remembered as the meeting in which members from South London would split into two groups, likely to have been in 1974 or 1975. Bob also remembered that Pickford was still present at meetings when he drifted away from the group in late 1976.[3]

The timeline below has been constructed from issues of the newspaper contemporary with Pickford's deployment. If readers know more about the activities of this group, particularly in London, at the time of Pickford’s infiltration, please get in contact.

ORA Contingent on a ‘No Arms for Chile’ Demo in London,5 May 1974

Between 31 August and 1 September 1974, ORA hosted a conference in London where the change of name from ORA to the AWA was decided on.[11][12] Its main activity at the time was the production of political pamphlets and a newspaper.[8]

Over the period that Pickford infiltrated the group, the AWA hosted smaller discussion events, inside and outside London. One of the London venues used in 1975 was the 'People's Aid and Action Centre', a community venue on Falcon Road, Battersea.[13] Likewise, it was also used by Wandsworth and Battersea Trades Union Council and Pavement magazine (see below).[14][15] Bob, a campaigner with both the AWA and WAFARC, recalled bumping into Pickford at the centre.[3]

In October 1975, the fascist National Front held their AGM at Chelsea Town Hall. Members of the AWA (and WAFARC) were present at the counter-demo and one was arrested with an AWA banner.[3][16] However, Pickford is not recalled as being present.[3]

By 1976 the AWA had '[...] 50 members, most of them active, with four groups in London[17], as well as groups inScotland, Yorkshire, Oxford, and Leicester.[8]

In February 1976, the AWA hosted a 'Claimants Day School' in North London which around 120 people attended.[18][19] Around this time, a proposed new trespass law was also high on the agenda, and a group called the Campaign Against the Criminal Trespass Law (CACTL) was formed - which is thought to have included AWA members.[20]

Poster for the Campaign Against the Criminal Trespass Law campaign

In April 1976, there was an anti-fascist demo in Coventry of which there is a first-hand report in Libertarian Struggle.

In May 1976, the paper changed its name to Anarchist Worker.[21] Matters discussed included Gay Rights and Women's Liberation, as well as other issues such as housing struggles,[21] which included the Charteris Road Squat Eviction in London.[22]

In September 1976, political pamphlets (including AWA leaflets) were seized by Dyfed-Powys Special Branch at Fishguard from Cardiff solicitor Chris Short. He was also quizzed on his political affiliations, while on the left of the political spectrum he had no direct affiliation with the AWA. The leaflets were sent to The Metropolitan Police before eventually being returned to Short a month later.[23]

In October 1976, a day school on 'Marxism and Anarchism' was held in Leeds. Meanwhile East London AWA hosted several meetings at The Gay Centre, Redmans Rd, E1 across October and November.[24]

The November 1976 issue was the final edition of Anarchist Worker that was published during Pickford's deployment - which ended in January 1977. It held reports on an abortion rights conference as well as a separate meeting on Women's Health, and a preview on a forthcoming CACTL conference at the end of November.[25]

Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/Anti-Racist Committee (WAFARC)

The Inquiry says Pickford infiltrated: 'Wandsworth Trades Council Anti-Fascist Committee'. This name is incorrect - and seemingly a confusion between two separate organisations: 'Battersea and Wandsworth Trade Union Council' (which still exists today) and 'Wandsworth Anti-Fascist/ Anti-Racist Committee' (WAFARC). WAFARC originally grew from and was sponsored by Wandsworth TUC in the mid-1970s, but was separate and acted autonomously from it. Such organisations although started with early trade union input, were always designed to both community-led and autonomous from the trade union council.[26] Therefore, WAFARC had members who were not trade union members and had been formed to counter the considerable fascist threat at the time.[15]

On hearing that Pickford had allegedly infiltrated BWTUC, a series of emails was exhanged between former and current members. No one from BWTUC recalled him accept for one member, Annie, who was also a member of WAFARC. The implication being that it was the latter organisation that he targeted.[26]

As mentioned above, inaccuracies abound around the names of the groups seems to be a feature of the information the Inquiry is giving out regarding this particular deployment (see also: 'Kingston Anarchist Association' and 'Wandsworth Anarchist Workers Association' - neither of which existed). It is also not clear whether all the groups listed by the Inquiry were infiltrated, or just reported on. This suspicion is heightened as some of the groups belonging to the umbrella organisation 'FLAG' (see below) are also listed separately as being infiltrated by Pickford.

Although the Inquiry stated that Pickford targeted this group, Bob (who belonged to both the AWA and WAFARC) said that while it is possible that Pickford attended one or two of the earlier meetings, he was not present when it became part of the mobilising committee[27] to oppose the National Front March from New Cross to Lewisham (later known as 'Battle of Lewisham').[3]. Annie, another WAFARC member, is more certain that 'Pickford' did not attend any meetings. However, she thought that it was possible that Pickford gathered information from talking to comrades from the AWA and WAFARC in the pub.[15] For instance, they all regularly gathered in 'The Spread Eagle' Pub on Wandsworth High Street.[15]

From the mid-1970s, WAFARC were involved in the organising of several counter National Front marches and meetings. They did some of the same mobilising work at a local level that the Anti-Nazi League were later to do on a national basis when it was founded in 1977. WAFARC were unequivocally in favour of physical confrontation of the fascist threat.[15] WAFARC organised fundraisers, including on one occasion managing to book the services of Dire Straits just as they began to get national acclaim.[15] Annie commented, that in around 1979:

With the fascist groups in eclipse under Thatcher, WAFARC eventually organised the well-attended conference that set up Wandsworth Against Racism (WAR) in its place, intended to be a broader, community-based organisation with educational and campaigning objectives and a greater emphasis on opposing racism in society generally,including state institutions.[26]

However, 'this new organisation never developed much of a sense of purpose or clear objectives and, lacking activists, withered away'.[15][26]

Description and Personality

One former member of the AWA commented on hearing that Pickford was a police spy: 'Really easy fellow to get on with. Took me in totally if he was guilty as charged [...]He picked up the jargon of the Group and used it to push his ideas. Jim was an enthusiast for anti-fascist activity. Along with [redacted] and a few others in the AWA orbit.[4]

Someone else said of him, he was: 'Sussed, enthusiastic, nice enough. Working Class [...] and ordinary [...] not (a) provocateur.'[6] Another commented: 'Really easy fellow to get on with. Took me in totally [...]'. He was also said to have had a 'calming' effect on one other younger AWA activist, who vocalised a more aggressive philosophy to political campaigning.[4]

While one activist recalled that 'Jim' was very much interested in anti-fascist organising,[4] Bob commented that 'Jim' was not an obvious candidate for the type of militant anti-fascist activity of which was the committees raison d'etre.[3] The one who recalls him from Pavement and Lower Down publications (see below) recalls him as often distributing copes of the AWA paper and presenting himself as a committed anarchist.[28]

On Pickford's appearance, it is commented that: 'he had Black hair and beard, tending towards the shaggy and unkempt - weren’t we all'. He is also remembered as quite short and stocky and 'possibly under the minimum height for the Met then'.[29] and 'prematurely grey'. It was also said that '[...]he had a London-ish accent, classless and somehow non-specific'.[3][30][6]

Like many undercover officers, Pickford had a vehicle. However, there is no recollection on whether Pickford used it to transport people during his deployment or the type/model that he used.[4]

Relationship

Pickford met and subsequently married a woman whom he met in his undercover persona. He was already was married to someone else at the time of the deployment.[1][31]

This is one of around 30 sexual relationships[32][33][34] between mainly male officers and female members of their target groups known to have occurred during the deployments of Special Demonstration Squad and National Public Order Intelligence Unit officers between 1968 and 2011. This has been labelled 'institutional sexism' by campaigners.[35]

Currently, there is no direct knowledge from campaigners regarding his girlfriend of the time, other than someone recalling the relationship was intertwined with Pickford's exit from the AWA.[6][3][4] Based on interviews and other research, on the balance of probabilities the relationship that Pickford formed whilst on deployment was outside of the AWA/WAFARC orbit.[6][3][4][15] The rest of the information on his relationship comes via the Undercover Policing Inquiry. Another officer submitted a statement to the Inquiry that Pickford had 'fallen in love with a female member of his target group'[1]. and that he was going to tell her his real identity.

A gisted note from the Inquiry stated:

[...] His second marriage began before his deployment but ended shortly after the deployment ended. HN300 was withdrawn from the field. HN300’s family from his second marriage confirmed that he met his third wife whilst deployed on the SDS and that she sometimes referred to him as ‘Jimmy’. They had a child. This third marriage also ended in divorce. The woman then moved overseas in the 1980s and it has not been possible to contact her. It is understood that she has remarried.[36]

It is not stated whether the child from this relationship was conceived or born during or after Pickford's deployment. Further, it is not known if the woman whom he met whilst on deployment ever was told about his real identity - or if his subsequent 'withdrawal from the field' was because of the knowledge he was having a relationship itself, or his plan to tell the woman about it.

The divorce from his second wife was not granted until 1979, which means that the relationship with the member of the target group lasted from the period of his deployment (1974-1977) until at least 1979.[1]

Exit and later correspondence

As with other undercovers, Pickford's exit plan involved migrating to another country, although it is unclear whether this was supposed to be a long-term move. In his case the country was Italy. Julian, of the AWA, recalled that he said that his increasing involvement with a girlfriend (see Relationship) was used as the pretext for him leaving the group - coupled with the trip to Italy.[10] Letters he wrote to an AWA member after his departure in January 1977 said that he was involved in militant union activity in Italian car factories - a subject for which he displayed considerable knowledge of within the letter.[3][4][37] The struggle in car factories in Italy, involved a often violent conflict regarding a perceived sell-out of shop floor workers by the Communist Party and mainstream unions.[38]

Other Target Groups

As mentioned, no individuals from other groups that have been contacted can recall Pickford. A brief résumé of these groups make-up and activities during this time is provided below.

Freedom Collective

The Freedom Collective were (and are) the editorial team responsible for the UK's longest-running anarchist newspaper. It is noted that Freedom was one of the groups who were part of the umbrella group FLAG, so it is possible that Pickford's contact was just through these meetings. No bylines of available articles during this period are signed 'Jim Pickford', or 'JP'.[39] Sadly, most of the then editorial team during this period have passed away.

'Friends of Freedom Press' are core participants (CP's) in the Undercover Policing Inquiry,[40] CP status was originally granted as they were also infiltrated by Roger Pearce whilst using the cover name 'Roger Thorley' during which he authored articles for the newspaper.[41]

Kingston Anarchist Association

It is suspected that this name is incorrect and it refers to the Kingston Branch of the AWA, although there was also a group called 'Kingston Anarchists' in 1980[42] (who were previously known as 'Kingston Libertarians' c.1977).[43][44] Kingston Anarchists were part of FLAG (see above).

Up Against the Law

UPAL Magazine August 1975
UPAL Magazine 1972

Up Against the Law (UPAL) was not named by the Inquiry as a group that Pickford infiltrated, instead, an activist has a firm recollection of Pickford being a distributor for the group's magazine.[3][45] This remains otherwise unconfirmed.

UPAL was a campaign group which assisted many individuals in the efforts to overturn wrongful criminal convictions.[46] The development and activities of UPAL came out of the 'Stoke Newington 8' (or Angry Brigade) trial in 1972. Members of the defence committee in that court case then expanded and developed their activities forming the Up Against the Law collective. They were also involved in the high-profile ‘Free George Ince’ and the successful ‘Free George Davis’ campaigns (the latter included the sabotaging of an Ashes cricket international in 1975 by destroying the turf in Yorkshire).[46][47][48]

Lower Down/Pavement

Lower Down was a community magazine based in South-West London in the mid-70s. One of its former contributors, Geof - who was also involved in Pavement is the only one who recalls Pickford outside of AWA/WAFARC circles.[28] His recollection of Pickford's personality largely coincides with the accounts given by former members of those groups.[28] He dates Pickford as being very peripherally involved with Lower Down/Pavement between 1975 and 1976 - and came to a handful of meetings. Geof, like the former members of the AWA shocked to hear that Pickford was a police spy - and could see no justification for it as Pavement/Lower Down only involved themselves in advocacy within their local community on issues such as housing and social security.[28]

History

An editorial from the Pavement 1984 Annual describes the history and aims of the publication:[49][50]

The first issue of Pavement was produced by the Wandsworth Community Workshop as a wall newspaper in April 1970, and pasted round the borough for passers-by to read. For a while, to escape threats made by the council, it was published anonymously under the name Guttersnipe, but in March 1972 the paper came ‘off the walls’ and onto the streets’ as 2-page publication under the original title.[49]
Pavement tries to be a campaigning socialist newspaper for the people of Wandsworth. We are concerned as much with helping local people to organise a socialist alternative to establishment policies as with the reporting of the stories.’

Pavement was not 'party political' and had contributors from different political backgrounds including those involved with the International Marxist Group and the International Socialists.[51]

The monthly newsletter was eight pages long and was distributed through local newsagents.[14] It was printed at the Peoples Aid and Action Centre, Battersea Park Road, where Pavement initially (and South London AWA) met. Later, from 1981, they had an office at Balham Food Coop, 92 Balham High Road, SW12 9AA.[49] As mentioned above, Bob from the AWA recalled bumping into Pickford at the office, although former Pavement Collective members do not recall him.[14][3]

Ernest Rodker and Martin Lipson (from Pavement) and Julian (from the AWA) were also involved with Battersea Redevelopment Action Group (BRAG), whose activities featured in Pavement. A focus of both BRAG and Pavement was the demolition of the Morgan Crucible site in Battersea and its subsequent redevelopment.[14] It is therefore very likely that this group would have also been reported on by Pickford.

The issue of the Crucible site became a local cause célèbre. For instance, Brian Barnes, a community artist (and also a member of BRAG) created a large mural with assistance from local residents along the wall of the site in 1976.[52] Later, in 1978, a considerable campaign to stop the mural's destruction was mounted by many locals with the issue even reaching the UK Parliament.[53]

In 1979, Brian Barnes and Julian were arrested for stealing bricks from the now-demolished wall at the Morgan Crucible site. The case was brought to court but collapsed due to the witness purporting to be the arresting officer being found to be not involved in the arrest.[10]

At some point in this period, the Pavement office was broken into but nothing was taken, something other groups monitored by Special Branch experienced as well.[14]

Pavement continued until the mid-1980's.[49]

Ernest Rodker

A street sale of Pavement. Picture Credit: Martin Lipson

Ernest Rodker was one of the main contributors to the Pavement (as well as another Wandsworth based newspaper Lower Down). Rodker was prominent in many anarchist and pacifist groups. He was a founding member of CND and was involved in the 'Committee of 100'. In the early 70s (and later) he was involved in direct action within the anti-apartheid movement.[54][55] It is possible therefore that the monitoring of Pavement was aimed at Rodker.

On the 28 November 2019, Ernest Rodker's application to be a core participant in the Undercover Policing Inquiry was accepted partially based on his involvement in Pavement and that he can provide evidence regarding Jim Pickford.[56]

Federation of London Anarchist Groups (FLAG)

The Federation of London Anarchist Groups was an umbrella group that acted as a coordinating and communication group for many of the anarchist groups in London and the surrounding area. In the 1970s there only seem to have been meetings of this group between 1976 and 1978.[57] If this was the only contact that Pickford had with these groups, they would be counted as being 'reported on' rather than infiltrated. However, several of these groups also had infiltrators deployed in them both contemporarily and at other times. This gives an insight into how an undercover placed in one group would gain access to several other groups through attending meetings.[58]

FLAG Member Groups:

Anarchy Collective

The Anarchy Collective published, printed and distributed Anarchy magazine. At this time, they were infiltrated by Graham Coates. Dave Morris, a member of this group attended on their behalf (as well as for the London Workers Group).[59]

Anarchist Black Cross

Anarchist prisoner support group in London. Formed in 1967 by prominent anarchist's Stuart Christie and Albert Meltzer (both deceased), largely focused on aiding Spanish anarchists persecuted under General Franco's regime.[60]

East London Libertarians

Anarchist discussion group which met at Solidarity magazine founder's Ken Weller's house. Some of this group went on to form the magazine collective Zero, which was also infiltrated by SDS officer Graham Coates over the same period.[61]

London Workers Group

The LWG was not an anarchist group, but a non-union affiliated workplace struggle group, which combined discussions with issues concerning individual workers.[62] One of the founder members, Dave Morris, a postman in the 1970's, is a core participant in the Undercover Policing Inquiry and was also a contact for Hackney Anarchists, another member group of FLAG. However, the LWG has not been named as a primary target of surveillance.[62]

Kingston Anarchists

It is noted that one of the groups listed as being infiltrated by Pickford is 'Kingston Anarchist Association'. As mentioned, this was thought to be a confusion with the Kingston group of the AWA. However, there is a 'Kingston Anarchists' group listed in Freedom around this time. It is thought that Kingston Anarchists had a single point of contact.[62].

London Greenpeace

London Greenpeace was an independent group of libertarian environmentalists founded in 1971 which was unrelated to Greenpeace UK that was founded later in 1977. London Greenpeace were infiltrated by Bob Robinson and John Barker in the late 1980s and early 1990s.[63][64] Consequently, several former members are core participants in the Undercover Policing Inquiry.[65]

Other member groups of FLAG

Freedom News was another member group of FLAG - they are dealt with above. Little is known about the following member groups of FLAG:[62] Dorking Libertarian Group, South East London Feminist Anarchist Group and West London Anarchists and Love v Power. Any information about these groups would be gratefully received.

FLAG: Monthly Meetings

1st issue of 'Borrowed Time' magazine. Courtesy of Sparrows Nest Archive

FLAG hosted some meetings which took place at a variety of venues. These included Freedom's premises in Whitechapel and another one at 3 Belmont Rd, Clapham. An internal bulletin for London anarchists was agreed to be published in April 1978.[66] This was a magazine called 'Borrowed Time'.[67]

In 1978, FLAG shared a venue at 13 St. James Street in Covent Garden with a new group called 'Black Aid'.[67] Alan Albon, who was also part of the Freedom Collective, authored the few articles which involve FLAG in the anarchist press.[68][69]

The 'Right to Live' Meeting

On the 26 September 1976, FLAG hosted a meeting called 'The Right to Live' at the Roebuck Public House, Tottenham Court Road, London. A number of different campaigns presented talks, provoked by the demand from mainstream socialists for the 'right to work'.[69][68]

In the Undercover Policing Inquiry

  • 11 January 2018: directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by end of January 2018.[70]
  • 29 January 2018: Metropolitan Police Service make application to restrict real identity.[71]
  • 7 March 2018: 'Minded To' note stated that HN300's second wife and two children had provided a joint statement about their experiences during his deployment and the impact disclosure of his real name may have on them. Mitting indicated that because publishing his real name would interfere with their rights, he would grant the restriction order over it. Though, if further information on his cover name becomes known to the Inquiry it will be published.[1]
  • 15 May 2018: ruled that HN300's real name will be restricted in the course of the Inquiry.[72]
  • 24 September 2019: target name and target groups released.[2]

Resources

Notes

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 Sir John Mitting, In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005. Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and Special Demonstration Squad - 'Minded To' Note 5, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 7 March 2018 (accessed 10 March 2018).
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 HN 300, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 24 September 2019. Announced via Twitter.
  3. ↑ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 Undercover Research Group, Interview with Bob from AWA, 14 July 2020 (accessed 15 July 2020).
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 email from 'JT to Charles Mowbray, September 2019 (accessed 27 July 2020).
  5. ↑ Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'AnnieP', 28 July 2020.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 Undercover Research Group, Interview with Charles Mowbray, October 2019 (accessed 27 July 2020).
  7. ↑ Libertarian Struggle ORA, January 1974 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 Anarchist communism in Britain, 1870-1991 Anarchist Federation, reposted 16 November 2006 on Libcom.org (accessed 4 August 2020).
  9. ↑ Undercover Research Group, Search: 'Kingston Anarchists', 29 July 2020 (accessed 29 July 2020).
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'JT', 5 August 2020.
  11. ↑ Libertarian Struggle Anarchist Workers Association, May 1975 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  12. ↑ Note: ORA was formed in 1971 as a 'ginger group' of internal critics of the Anarchist Federation of Britain - with some within the group pushing for a more formal structure and a membership requirement.
  13. ↑ Libertarian Struggle Anarchist Workers Association, June 1975 (accessed 20 July 2020).
  14. ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 Undercover Research Group, Interview with Martin Lipson, 3 December 2019 (accessed 4 August 2020).
  15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 15.4 15.5 15.6 15.7 Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'AP', 28 July 2020.
  16. ↑ Nigel Copsley, Anti-Fascism in Britain. 2000 (accessed 15 July 2020),pp.121.
  17. ↑ Note: The four groups were North London, East London, South London and Kingston. It is unclear if all four co-existed at the same time.
  18. ↑ Libertarian Struggle Anarchist Workers Association, December 1975 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  19. ↑ Libertarian Struggle Anarchist Workers Association, February 1976 (accessed 15 July 2020).
  20. ↑ Libertarian Struggle Anarchist Workers Association, March 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  21. ↑ 21.0 21.1 'AP', Anarchist Worker Anarchist Workers Association, May 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  22. ↑ Unafraid of Ruins Anarchist Worker, May 1976 (accessed 3 August 2020).
  23. ↑ Anarchist Worker AWA, September 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  24. ↑ Anarchist Worker AWA, October 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  25. ↑ Anarchist Worker Anarchist Workers Association, November 1976 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  26. ↑ 26.0 26.1 26.2 26.3 Email from Annie to Undercover Research Group, 8 September 2020.
  27. ↑ Note: This was the (ARAFCC) the London-wide Federation of Anti-Racist/Anti-Fascist Committees (ARAFCC) which coordinated the physical blocking of the National Front march as it reached New Cross Road. See: What was the 'Battle of Lewisham'? Goldsmith University, undated (accessed 23 July 2020).
  28. ↑ 28.0 28.1 28.2 28.3 Undercover Research Group, Interview with Geof, 21 January 2021.
  29. ↑ Note the minimum height for male recruits used to be 5ft and 11 Inches. See: Britain's smallest police officer nicknamed laptop Daily Telegraph, 16 January 2016 (accessed 4 August 2020).
  30. ↑ Charles Mowbray, email to Undercover Research Group 25 September 2019 (accessed 18 August 2020).
  31. ↑ Gist of additional information in respect of HN300's application for restriction order over real name, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 4 April 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.
  32. ↑ An overview of the scope of the undercover political policing scandal spycops (website) undated (accessed 10 September 2020).
  33. ↑ Note: the number of sexual relationships acknowledged by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and from first-hand knowledge from activists differs. See: Undercover Policing Inquiry 12 August 2020.
  34. ↑ Police Spies Out of Lives 12 August 2020.
  35. ↑ Institutional Sexism, Police Spies Out of Lives (website) undated (accessed 8 August 2020).
  36. ↑ Gist of additional information in respect of HN300's application for restriction order over real name, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 4 April 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.
  37. ↑ Email from ‘CM’ to Undercover Research Group, 9 July 2020 (accessed 13 July 2020).
  38. ↑ The generation of year nine: youth revolt and the movement of '77 Libcom (website) undated (accessed 4 August 2020).
  39. ↑ Undercover Research Group, Search of Freedom Archives via Sparrows Nest (website), 3 July 2020 (accessed 3 August 2020).
  40. ↑ Sir John Mitting, Core Participants Ruling 17 ucpi.org.uk, 20 March 2018 (accessed 3 August 2020).
  41. ↑ Undercover Policing Inquiry, No anonymity sought for Roger Pearce, ucpi.org.uk, 29 March 2017 (accessed 29 March 2017).
  42. ↑ Kingston Anarchists Freedom, 1980 (accessed 22 July 2020).
  43. ↑ [1] Freedom, 20 Aug 1977 (accessed 23 July 2020).
  44. ↑ Note: Address was: 13 Denmark Road, Kingston-upon-Thames.
  45. ↑ Note: If Pickford was involved in UPAL meetings or other activities other than distribution, this raises questions around issues of his access to 'privileged legal information'. See: Legal Powers Act 2007 UK Parliament, 2007 (accessed 24 July 2020).
  46. ↑ 46.0 46.1 J. D. Taylor, 'Not that serious? The investigation and trial of the Angry Brigade' In: Evan Smith and Matthew Worley (eds.), Waiting for the Revolution: The British Far Left from 1956. Vol. II, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017 (accessed 24 July 2020).
  47. ↑ Note: There does seem to be some connection between UPAL and another publication of the time: Hackney Gutter Press as they had a column titled 'Up Against the Law'. See:Gutter Press June 1972 (accessed 24 July 2020).
  48. ↑ Note: A search for UPAL issues revealed this one incomplete archive: UP AGAINST THE LAW' (magazine), February/March 1975 issue: offences for libel National Archive Reference: DPP 2/5648 (accessed 12 August 2020).
  49. ↑ 49.0 49.1 49.2 49.3 Pavement 1984 Annual, Pavement Collective, 1984 (accessed 5 July 2020).
  50. ↑ NOTE: Archive held at Brighton University: Alternative Press Collection undated (accessed 12 August 2020).
  51. ↑ Martin Lipson www.photo-co-op.com, undated (accessed 22 July 2020).
  52. ↑ Caroline Goldie and Ron Orders Morgan's Wall 1978 (accessed 5 August 2020).
  53. ↑ The Day the Wall came down 23 January 2003 (accessed 5 August 2020).
  54. ↑ Ernest Rodker CND: 60 Faces, 2018 (accessed 24 July 2020).
  55. ↑ Ernest Rodker Anti-Apartheid Archives (website) 2013 (accessed 24 July 2020).
  56. ↑ Sir John Mitting, Core participants Ruling 32 Recognised Legal Representatives Ruling 26 Costs of Legal Representation Awards Ruling 25 Undercover Policing Inquiry, 28 November 2019).
  57. ↑ Undercover Research Group, Archive Search: FLAG, July 2020 (accessed 27 July 2020).
  58. ↑ Freedom News January 1978 (accessed 4 July 2020).
  59. ↑ Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'DM', 3 August 2020 (accessed 18 August 2020).
  60. ↑ Stuart Christie, Granny Made Me an Anarchist AK Press, 2007 (accessed 12 July 2020).
  61. ↑ Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'PB', 14 October 2019 (accessed 12 August 2020).
  62. ↑ 62.0 62.1 62.2 62.3 Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'MD', 23 July 2020 (accessed 23 July 2020).
  63. ↑ A BRIEF HISTORY OF GREENPEACE (LONDON) McSpotlight (website), undate (accessed 7 August 2020).
  64. ↑ Note: Disambiguation: This is not John Barker of The Angry Brigade and author of several novels. See: Duncan Campbell,The Angry Brigade's John Barker , 40 years on: 'I feel angrier than I ever felt then' The Guardian, 4 June 2014 (accessed 18 August 2020).
  65. ↑ Interactive timeline of Special Demonstration Squad undercovers Undercover Research Group, June 2018 (accessed 18 August 2020).
  66. ↑ Zero Zero Collective, June 1977 (accessed 23 July 2020).
  67. ↑ 67.0 67.1 Borrowed Time Spring 1978 (accessed 2 August 2020).
  68. ↑ 68.0 68.1 Freedom 21 January 1978 (accessed 23 July 2020).
  69. ↑ 69.0 69.1 Freedom News 9 October 1976 (accessed 14 July 2020).
  70. ↑ Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Directions, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 11 January 2018.
  71. ↑ Open application for a restriction order (anonymity) re:HN300, Metropolitan Police Service, 29 January 2018, published 9 May 2018 via upci.org.uk.
  72. ↑ In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Ruling, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 May 2018.
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