Searchlight

Relations with other 'anti-fascist' groups

Given the similarities in objectives, why could the different antifascist groups not work together on these campaigns? For their part, AFA generally refused to cooperate with other antifascists if doing so involved working with agents of the state. They argued that if "you seriously oppose the fascists in a way which is effective, you are operating against the state. This is a fact of life" (Fighting Talk 1994b, 6). These divisions between the “legal” and “radical” (see Copsey 201, 7) antifascists sometimes caused problems for the movement. For example, Red Action reported that Groove Records "was already under AFA surveillance" and that by having it closed down, Searchlight "den[ied] militant antifascism a source of intelligence on the far right" (Red Action Bulletin 1999, 9 f.).

The 'united front' where activists worked together started to break down as the 1990s progressed. The relationship with Searchlight started to turn sour. Anarchists had not trusted Searchlight since at least the early 1980's - when articles in anarchist papers examined Searchlight's then editor Gerry Gable's links with Special Branch (alleging a 'something for something' relationship – i.e. Searchlight would give details to the State, and not just about fascists). In 1993 Searchlight ran a smear campaign against anarchists - in particular against specific DAM and Class War members - alleging they were really fascists. This probably wasn't a coincidence now there were alternatives to AFA to back. From the mid-1990's Red Action - who had previously had a very close relationship with Searchlight - began more and more to take the line that association with Searchlight was becoming a liability - with Searchlight increasingly providing misinformation and trying to manipulate AFA for its own agenda.

After 1995, some anti-fascist mobilisations did still occur i e.g. against the NF in Dover in 1997 and 1998. Internally, a new AFA National Coordinating Committee was set up in 1997. From the way this was used it is clear that this Committee actually had powers - a far cry from the old national committee – an indication of how few anarchists were still involved organisationally, and how far the Northern Network had declined. In 1997 an AFA statement officially banned members from associating with Searchlight - and, in 1998, Leeds and Huddersfield AFA were expelled by the new Committee, officially for ignoring this policy. Expulsions didn't stop the decline. There were some local re-launches – e.g. Liverpool in 2000. But by 2001 - though probably a long time before - AFA as a national organisation hardly existed.

Some argued that unless AFA adapted to the new BNP strategy, AFA would 'atrophy' and wither. AFA was geared for confrontation. Without confrontation AFA - as it then was - would have no reason to exist. Some believe its demise was hastened by the creation of the IWCA which diverted some AFA time and resources. But there were definitely other factors. Key ones included:

• the police cottoning on to AFA tactics
• 'competition' from more high-profile anti-fascist groups
• the lack of intelligence following the break with Searchlight
• street fight, arrests and injuries from the war of attrition and a ageing activists with increasing family commitments taking their toll as the income of new members slowed.

Searchlight and CARF

“ANL’s more dynamic organisation with high profile events, colourful propaganda and opportunities for direct action. The situation wasn’t helped by the by the failure of the national CARF /Anti- Racist Anti-Fascist (ARAFACC) Conference on 3-4 June. It attracted only 152 delegates when 500 were anticipated and ended in acrimony. Issue 7 of CARF claimed that inability to build a national organisation of local anti-fascist and anti-racist committees was:

a reflection of a movement fragmented by all the year ’s events. Black people felt excluded from the discussion, labour movement members were alienated by debates which tended to focus upon the ideological aspects of fascism, and there was no common programme or recognised set of tactics which could unite the many ‘sects’ which had been drawn to the movement during the year.

Searchlight was in a more accusative mode. The issue 37 editorial placed the blame squarely on the shoulders of ‘certain women, gay and Left groups.’ It claimed that Women Against Racism and Fascism (WARF), the Gay Activist Alliance, Lesbian Left, Gay Left, and North London Gay Socialists brought an alternative agenda to the conference and: “sought continuously to confuse issues and saw the question of “sexism” as one of the dominant themes of the conference. The trade unionists, Black and Asian organisations present were clearly upset and disconcerted by these tactics and withdrew their support.

WARF and the Oxford Anti-Fascist Committee replied to Searchlight . WARF’s letter pointed out ‘a grossly unjust simplifi- cation’ and that while the relationship between fascism and sexism was an issue requiring discussion rather than ‘an over- riding theme to displace all others in the anti-fascist struggle.’ ARAFACC disbanded itself in September 1978 but many local anti-fascist and anti-racist committees ignored its collapse in the wake of the conference and continued to work within in their own localities.

The slickly organised, well-attended ANL conference at the Porchester Hotel, London, on 8 July provided a contrasting scene. 810 delegates heard speeches from Tariq Ali, Arthur Scargill, Peter Hain, Maurice Ludmer and Ernie Roberts. Contributions were allowed from the floor but as Forewarned Against Fascism , which was otherwise enthusiastic about the conference noted, ‘it was not convened to decide any major issues.’ Anti-“Fascist Democratic Action (AFDA), a strange little Stalinist grouplet based in Birmingham and Charlton, published Forewarned Against Fascism . The leading light in AFDA was Dave Roberts. A former member of both the CP and the Appeal Group, he attained a degree of notoriety after he received a prison sentence for attempting to firebomb a Communist bookshop whilst working undercover in the NF. Although its membership was tiny, AFDA itself became infamous after Forewarned Against Fascism began publishing the names and addresses of hundreds of fascists. Reprisals came from fascist publications, including Bulldog and South London News , who put out anti-fascist hit lists.”

“The trust and cooperation AFA required for successful street activity did not translate into its own political arenas. During its very first national conference, held in Manchester on 22 February 1986, its federation of different political forces was almost completely undone and was certainly badly damaged. Searchlight claimed that the leadership of Class War had been infiltrated by fascists. Tony Greenstein, elected to the AFA‘s “national committee at the conference, recollects that ‘a whole group of us went from Brighton to Manchester.’ Searchlight, he states, ‘made a quite bogus allegation, without providing any proof ’ but Class War was suspended. All anarchist groups and Red Action walked out in solidarity. Red Action returned to AFA. Class War, and those anarchists it mobilised, did not.”

Newham Monitoring Project - 1990

In November 1990 according to a Jewish Chronicle report 'the first major meeting of the Jewish Awareness Group about fighting the rise of fascism, was marred by what could become a serious racial split. Unmesh Desai and Asad Rehman, two Asian members of the Newham Monitorign Project, a council funded community group, which monitors racial attacks were banned from the meeting on the orders of Gerry Gable the editor of the anti-Fascist magazine Searchlight, who was one of the speakers at the meeting. A JAG member told the audience that Mr Desai and Mr Rehman were members of a "Trotskyite, anti-Zionist organisation"

The JC also reported that 'The secretary of NMP Jasbir Singh claimed he was forced to spreadeagle his body against a wall and undergo a body search. Mr Singh and four NMP workers walked out of the meeting at Ilford Federation Synagogue in protest announcing that thei "black brothers had been turned away"... A spokesman for the Board of Deputies denied anyone had been body searched, or that black people attending the meeting had been treated differently to white people. He added that Gerry Gable had spoken at an NMP meeting and he could not understand why the two men were banned. "It was totally unjustified," he said'.

Unite Against Fascism - 2005

Searchlight was originally part of the steering committee of Unite Against Fascism but resigned after alleged differences over tactics. Steve Silver wrote:

We are writing to you to resign our two places on the steering committee. It has not been a decision that we have taken lightly but feel that it is better for both parties if we go our own ways. From the outset there has been a difference of strategy with regards to our own local campaigning and UAF's national strategy. In the spirit of unity we hoped that the contradictions would work themselves through and that the differences would eventually not matter any more. In reality things have gone from bad to worse. The situation has come to a head in the last month with the fact that UAF staff accused us of pandering to racism at the GMB conference in June with regard to our work in Keighley. More recently, UAF supporters accused us of "using the language of the BNP" in our campaign in Barking & Dagenham (in regard to the slogan: "We are Dagenham, the BNP are not") at the Unison conference.

UAF responded with "regret":

We regret Searchlight's decision to walk out of the UAF. The lesson of history is that unity is essential in the fight against fascism. Within that unity it both possible and necessary to discuss the most effective strategy and tactics in the light of experience.

It is true that there have been differences with Searchlight. These are not, as they suggest over "Black leadership". Our view is that the anti-fascist movement and its leadership must encompass all of those threatened by the fascists – the trade unions, Asian and minority ethnic communities, Christian, Muslim, Hindu, Jewish, Sikh and other faith communities, lesbian and gay organisations, disabled people, the anti-racist movement and, indeed, all democrats.

The movement must try to unite all opponents of the fascists – irrespective of, and including, differing views on other issues such as the Middle East.

In discussing strategy we believe the anti-fascist movement should be guided by one simple criterion – what works in defeating the BNP. That is not a matter of speculation as we now have extensive experience of what works and what does not work.

What Searchlight fails to sufficiently realise is that the main political cutting edge of the BNP's campaigning today is racism – particularly directed today against Muslims, refugees and asylum seekers. Again and again, we have seen the BNP gain a foothold in areas where mainstream institutions or politicians have legitimised racism.

In Millwall, it was the racist "sons and daughters" housing policy, which discriminated against Bangladeshis. In Oldham, it was the false claim that there were more racist attacks by Asians on whites than vice versa. In Keighley, it was the suggestion that there was a large-scale phenomenon of Asian men grooming white school girls for sex and the suggestion that there was disproportionate crime in the Asian community due to low educational achievement linked to trans-continental marriages bringing in people who cannot speak English.

In Millwall and Oldham the TUC led national campaigns which confronted the racist myths upon which the BNP were feeding head-on and made an alliance with the local Asian communities central to the campaign. The result was that the BNP was driven back. Some time ago the TUC asked the UAF to focus on the North West and the results have been spectacular – by far the worst setbacks for the BNP occurred in the Oldham constituencies.

In Keighley and Bradford, credence was given to the BNP's racist myths and the local Asian community were not central to the campaign. The result is that the BNP now has four local councillors and nearly 10 per cent of the vote at the general election. At the request of local politicians the UAF did not organise a campaign in Keighley where Searchlight was influential in the strategy and has run articles giving credence to the false "grooming" stories.

Our contention is very simple – where the anti-fascist campaign, in which the trade unions must play a central role, takes on racism and allies with those targeted by the fascists – very often Black, Asian and Muslim communities – it has pushed back the BNP. Where it has failed to fight racism, or made concessions to it, and failed to centrally involved the communities targeted by the fascists, it has been far less effective or failed.

These are important issues which merit serious and considered debate. We regret Searchlight's decision to leave the UAF. But these issues will continue to be debated by anti-fascists all over Britain and we will not allow Searchlight's departure to weaken the unity in action which must accompany that discussion.

The far right has stronger electoral support than ever before in British history. If we do not succeed in reversing the trend of the last five years they are on the verge of a major breakthrough. That is why we have to learn from experience of what is most effective in stopping them, debate these issues openly, and, at the same time, sustain unity in action of everyone opposed to the BNP.

The BNP's attempt to exploit the tragedy of the London bombings to whip up racism and divide the people of London for electoral gain backfired spectacularly in the Becontree council by-election on 14 July. The Labour candidate resoundingly defeated the BNP with 60% of the vote and to the BNP's 19%. This was achieved by precisely mobilising an anti-BNP majority on the lines outlined above.

In response the Jewish Socialists' Group wrote that:

The Jewish Socialists’ Group views with alarm the decision, announced in the July 05 issue of Searchlight Magazine, to leave Unite Against Fascism. We believe that this will have a debilitating and demoralising effect on those fighting fascism, just when we should all be uplifted by the fall of the BNP’s only London borough seat in Goresbrook. The Jewish Socialists’ Group argued for a decade for the kind of unity that UAF appeared to be offering. We were one of the first organisations to affiliate to the UAF. At the same time some of our comrades have worked closely with Searchlight in local campaigns. So this is a painful matter for us.

Below we will spell out our principles and view on the issues lying behind the split and indicate the dangers that lie ahead if this wound is not healed.

Local Grass Roots Campaigns: The JSG nailed its colours to the mast at the conference/rally of the UAF in February when we issued a leaflet arguing that anti-fascist campaigns could only be successfully if they were built at a community grass roots level, producing their own material to counter specific poisons that the fascists are spreading around in that locality. We focussed on this question at the conference because it was on this that we most sharply disagreed with the tendency of the UAF to operate like a top-down national campaign with national material. On this question we were more outspoken than Searchlight at the conference. This does not mean, however, that we can be placed in the ‘Searchlight camp’ on all the issues surrounding this split.

Racism is not the only problem: The fascists attack many sections of society against whom there is entrenched prejudice. The disabled, lesbians and gays, migrants and refugees, gypsies and travellers.... And their ultimate goal is to smash the organised labour movement. Searchlight is certainly correct about this but the main strength of the UAF conference was precisely in how it gave a voice to these communities. The JSG believe that it is therefore vital not only to challenge racism, but homophobia, sexism, ableism and ageism, defend the rights of gypsies and travellers and so forth.

But Racism is central: The principle planks of BNP popular agitation are around racism - attacking contemporary immigration as a threat to the well being of the settled population, attacking historic migration and the resulting multi-racial society as a failed experiment responsible for crime and disorder and the corrosion of the ‘British ways of life’ and attacking Muslims in particular as taking over in much the way the fascists attacked the Jews in the conspiracy theories earlier in the 20th century. It is therefore necessary to take on these questions, defending the rights of migrants and refugees, arguing for a multi-racial society and debunking the myths about Muslims.

Communities under attack: We believe that the communities under attack from fascism should have a central and leading role in anti-fascists campaigns and movements - this goes beyond simply the notion of ‘Black leadership’. We take our cue from the Jewish Socialists and Communists of the East End of London who played a pivotal role in bringing the mass class action which stopped the fascists in their tracks in Cable Street in 1936.

Politics and anti-fascism: Fascism cannot be defeated without a movement that can offer an alternative to despair, alienation and problems of people’s everyday material lives. We support the idea that local campaigns should try to develop demands around issues such housing, facilities for young people, health and so on. But we believe that there are inevitable limits to this in a united front. In our view only a socialist alternative to all the mainstream parties can offer a comprehensive vision. It is unlikely that a broad united front campaign will hold together on such a comprehensive basis at this time.

Anti-fascist campaigns ought to avoid being attached to one political party. And we should not be shy of challenging mainstream political parties if they pander to racism and other prejudices giving legitimacy to the values of the fascists.

Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism: Anti-Semitism has not gone away and we believe that opposition to anti-Semitism needs to be a vital part of the anti-fascist movement. However, the clearest distinction needs to be made between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. Criticism of the State of Israel, however sharp, is not anti-Semitic. Indeed we in the Jewish Socialists’ Group criticise the nature and actions of Israel and support the struggle for justice for the Palestinians from an anti-racist perspective. But we also recognise that anti-Semites can use anti-Zionism as a flag of convenience and it is a duty of all anti-racists and anti-fascists to be vigilant in exposing and dealing with these elements. People committed to united action against racism and fascism in the UK may have significant differences over Israel but it would be a free gift to the fascists and racists (and to right-wing Zionists) to allow that to hamper unity in the here and now.

Democracy: This whole division has taken place largely behind closed doors in a steering committee which is as yet unelected. Activists outside of this hear about the divisions through gossip, innuendo and the occasional bout of public mud-slinging. Perhaps if the movement had had the democratic conference that the JSG suggested rank and file activists would have been able to debate these questions properly and agreed a solid basis for how the movement develops.

Our Fears: In the Searchlight letter of resignation from UAF, Steve Silver suggests that the two will go their own way and do their own thing - he wishes the UAF well. We fear that the reality will be different, that in locality after the locality we shall see rival campaigns. Ironically this is more likely to happen if UAF takes on some of the things that we have been saying about the centrality of local grass roots campaigning. This has already happened in some areas. This is bewildering and disorientating for many activists who do not want, nor should they have to, choose sides between two local anti-fascist campaigns.

Similarly in the unions we can see a situation emerging rapidly where trades unions are expected to make a choice between affiliation to UAF and Trades Union Friends of Searchlight.

We do not need this! With less than a year to go before the elections of 2006, the movement must get itself together. We need to be United and Together not Disunited and at each other’s throats.

So we appeal to Unite Against Fascism and Searchlight to urgently come together to discuss the united work, for organisations affiliated to both these organisations to fight for a united anti-fascist movement and for a conference which allows activists and organisations on the front-line determine the direction of our movement.

From the National Committee of the Jewish Socialists’ Group August 2005.

Companies and charities

• Searchlight Educational Trust (Registered charity 1013880. Company no 2738367)
• Searchlight Magazine Limited
• Searchlight Information Services Limited (Company number 02055070 12 Sep 1986 - 25 Oct 2012). Name changed to Hope Not Hate (1986) Limited (25 Oct. 2012 - 14 July 2015)

People

For directors of the various company vehicles see

• Searchlight Educational Trust (Registered charity 1013880. Company no 2738367)
• Searchlight Magazine Limited (Company number 02516837)
• Searchlight Information Services Limited (Company number 02055070 12 Sep 1986 - 25 Oct 2012)

People associated with Searchlight

Graeme Atkinson | Harold Bidney (1922-84) According to his Jewish Chronicle obituary: ‘Since 1975 he had been associated with the anti-fascist magazine, Searchlight.’ | Michael Billig | Matthew Collins | David Edgar | James Glyn Ford | Reginald Freeson | Gerry Gable | Sonia Kathleen Emma Gable (née Hochfelder) (born November 19, 1952) | Tim Hepple | Ray Hill (1939-2022) | Anthony Kushner | Joan Lestor (1931-98) | Nick Lowles | Maurice Ludmer (1926-81) | Baron Moss (1923-98) | Robert Purkiss | Gill Seidel | Steve Silver | Kenneth Reginald Sprague (1927-2004) edited Searchlight briefly at the beginning of 1976. He was reportedly sacked for writing in support of Palestinian rights. | Carrie Supple | Veronica Ware /Vron Ware

See also

• Hope Not Hate
• Gerry Gable | Nick Lowles
• 43 Group | 62 Group | Community Security Trust | JACOB | Group Relations Educational Trust | Jewish Awareness Group (1990)

Resources

• Paul Anderson, ANTI-RACISTS AT ODDS New Statesman & Society, 15 October 1993.
• The Searchlight Archives
• https://journals.lwbooks.co.uk/anarchiststudies/vol-25-issue-2/article-9327/
• https://libcom.org/article/1985-2001-short-history-anti-fascist-action-afa
• https://libcom.org/article/searchlight-and-state-sniper
• https://libcom.org/article/anti-fascist-or-pro-police-anarchist-black-cross
• https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/UCPI0000026542.pdf
• https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/UCPI0000028097.pdf
• Gerry Gable, The Gable Memo
• Tony Greenstein, ‘Spotlight on Searchlight’, Red Action, September/October 1990, no. 57:3.
• Tony Greenstein The Death Agony of Searchlight Anti-Fascist Magazine, 16 June 2012.
• Tony Greenstein Searchlight 'anti-fascist magazine joins forces with Labour’s ‘anti-Semitism’ witchhunt azvsas.blogspot.com 21 May 2016.
• https://azvsas.blogspot.com/2019/02/why-is-stand-up-to-racism-and-swp.html
• Camden Black Workers' Group et al 'Black activists challenge Searchlight' Labour Briefing, July, 1991: 32.
• Larry O'Hara Searchlight for beginners