Difference between revisions of "Open Europe"

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[[Image:7 Tufton Street.JPG|right|thumb|140px|Open Europe's Office, 7 [[Tufton Street]], Westminster]]'''Open Europe''' is a Eurosceptic think tank which is part of the [[Stockholm Network]] and has neoconservative connections.
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{{Template:Brexit badge}}[[Image:7 Tufton Street.JPG|right|thumb|140px|Open Europe's Office, 7 [[Tufton Street]], Westminster]]'''Open Europe''' is a Eurosceptic think tank which is part of the [[Stockholm Network]] and has neoconservative connections.
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Its research output consists mainly of calls to dismantle the Common Agricultural Policy, roll back EU regulation of trade and financial services, and repatriate the EU welfare budget to member states.
  
 
==Introduction==
 
==Introduction==
The European issue has been a defining fault-line for Conservatives for a generation. A not very well known think tank, but arguably a very significant organisation connected to [[David Cameron|Cameron’s]] advisers is Open Europe. This think tank focuses on the European Union and is unusual in that it is directly supported by business leaders.  ‘Open Europe believes’ says their website ‘that the EU must now embrace radical reform based on economic liberalisation’.<ref>Open Europe [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/about-us/ About Us], accessed 25 February 2009</ref>What this appears to mean is integrating all EU countries further and faster into the global economy but with a distinct eurosceptic tinge. The [[Marquess of Salisbury]] is on the board of this organisation too. Amongst its supporters are [[John Sainsbury]] (Lord Sainsbury of Preston Candover) who donated to Cameron’s leadership campaign along with fellow donor [[Peter Gummer]].
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The European issue has been a defining fault-line for Conservatives for a generation. Although Open Europe is not especially well known, it is arguably a very significant organisation connected to [[David Cameron|Cameron’s]] advisers. The think-tank is unusual in that it is directly supported by individual business leaders, and claims to refuse money from 'EU institutions, governments or big corporations'.<ref>Open Europe, [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Page/MakeADonation/en/LIVE Make a Donation], accessed 6 August 2014</ref> ‘Open Europe believes’, says their website, ‘that the EU must now embrace radical reform based on economic liberalisation’.<ref>Open Europe, [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/about-us/ About Us], accessed 25 February 2009</ref>What this appears to mean is integrating all EU countries further and faster into the global economy but with a distinct eurosceptic tinge. The [[Marquess of Salisbury]] sits on its board, and some notable supporters are: [[John Sainsbury]] (Lord Sainsbury of Preston Candover, who donated to Cameron’s leadership campaign along with fellow donor [[Peter Gummer|Peter Gummer, Lord Chadlington]]), [[Andrew Allum]], [[Henry Angest]], [[Sir John Beckwith]], [[Lord Blakenham]], [[Roger Bootle]], [[Lord Harris of Peckham]], [[Sir John Coles]], and [[Sir David Davis]].
  
 
==Origins and History==
 
==Origins and History==
Open Europe grew out of a collection of broadly euro-sceptic campaign groups that appeared between 1998-2005. The first was [[Business for Sterling]], which was launched by the Labour Cabinet minister (and ex chairman of British Rail) [[Lord Marsh]] on 11 June 1998 as a campaign against British integration into the Euro.<ref>Colin Brown, ‘Business for Sterling to campaign against euro’, Independent, 11 June 1998. [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/business-for-sterling-to-campaign-against-euro-1164242.html ‘Business for Sterling to campaign against euro’], “Independent”, 11 June 1998.</ref> It had the backing of senior anti-euro business chiefs (Sir [[Stanley Kalms]], [[Sir Michael Edwardes]], [[Lord Hanson]], [[Sir Rocco Forte]]) and in September 2000 combined with another anti-euro campaign group [[New Europe]] to form the simply-titled [[“No”]] campaign.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/909043.stm BBC News], 4 September 2000</ref> The merge was announced by the launch of a multi-million pound advertising offensive under the strap-line ‘Europe Yes. Euro No’, which was handled by [[M&C Saatchi]].<ref>David Cracknell, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1353883/Anti-euro-groups-combine-to-run-No-campaign.html Anti-euro groups combine to run No campaign], “Telegraph”, 3 September 2000.</ref> As this slogan suggests, neither New Europe nor Business for Sterling explicitly professed an anti-EU stance; both groups claimed to support the single market, but not integration into a single European currency.<ref>Robert Evans, [http://www-cs.cf.ac.uk/socsi/resources/wrkgpaper31.pdf “Talking about Money: Public Participation and Expert Knowledge in the Euro Referendum”], University of Cardiff School of Social Sciences Department, Working Paper 31 (November 2002), p. 17.</ref> In May 2003 - once the perceived threat of the single currency had disappeared - [[Maurice Saatchi|Lord Saatchi]] backed a new cross-party group, [[Vote 2004]], which was set up to campaign for a referendum on whether to accept the forthcoming findings of the European Convention.<ref>Colin Brown & Francis Elliot, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1430425/New-campaign-launched-for-referendum-on-EU-superstate.html New campaign launched for referendum on EU ‘superstate’], “Telegraph”, 18 May 2003.</ref> Vote 2004 subsequently became [[Vote No]],<ref>Steve Richards, '[http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/steve-richards/steve-richards-a-campaign-with-a-winning-message--and-a-complete-lack-of-selfconfidence-491183.html A campaign with a winning message - and a complete lack of self-confidence]', ''Independent'', 19 May 2005</ref> and was registered as a company Vote No Ltd in May 2004.  
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Open Europe grew out of a collection of broadly euro-sceptic campaign groups that appeared between 1998-2005. The first was [[Business for Sterling]], which was launched by the Labour Cabinet minister (and ex-chairman of British Rail) [[Lord Marsh]] on 11 June 1998 as a campaign against British integration into the Euro.<ref>Colin Brown, ‘Business for Sterling to campaign against euro’, Independent, 11 June 1998. [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/business-for-sterling-to-campaign-against-euro-1164242.html ‘Business for Sterling to campaign against euro’], “Independent”, 11 June 1998.</ref> It had the backing of senior anti-euro business chiefs (Sir [[Stanley Kalms]], [[Sir Michael Edwardes]], [[Lord Hanson]], [[Sir Rocco Forte]]) and in September 2000 combined with another anti-euro campaign group [[New Europe]] to form the simply-titled [[“No”]] campaign.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/909043.stm BBC News], 4 September 2000</ref> The merger was announced by the launch of a multi-million-pound advertising offensive under the strap-line ‘Europe Yes. Euro No’, which was handled by [[M&C Saatchi]].<ref>David Cracknell, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1353883/Anti-euro-groups-combine-to-run-No-campaign.html Anti-euro groups combine to run No campaign], “Telegraph”, 3 September 2000.</ref> As this slogan suggests, neither New Europe nor Business for Sterling explicitly professed an anti-EU stance; both groups claimed to support the single market, but not integration into a single European currency.<ref>Robert Evans, [http://www-cs.cf.ac.uk/socsi/resources/wrkgpaper31.pdf “Talking about Money: Public Participation and Expert Knowledge in the Euro Referendum”], University of Cardiff School of Social Sciences Department, Working Paper 31 (November 2002), p. 17.</ref> In May 2003 - once the perceived threat of the single currency had disappeared - [[Maurice Saatchi|Lord Saatchi]] backed a new cross-party group, [[Vote 2004]], which was set up to campaign for a referendum on whether to accept the forthcoming findings of the European Convention.<ref>Colin Brown & Francis Elliot, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1430425/New-campaign-launched-for-referendum-on-EU-superstate.html New campaign launched for referendum on EU ‘superstate’], “Telegraph”, 18 May 2003.</ref> Vote 2004 subsequently became [[Vote No]],<ref>Steve Richards, '[http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/steve-richards/steve-richards-a-campaign-with-a-winning-message--and-a-complete-lack-of-selfconfidence-491183.html A campaign with a winning message - and a complete lack of self-confidence]', ''Independent'', 19 May 2005</ref> and was registered as a company Vote No Ltd in May 2004.  
  
 
This was the milieu of broadly euro-sceptic organisations out of which Open Europe emerged, and from which the think-tank drew its initial staff. In an op-ed in the ''Financial Times'' on 18 October 2005, [[Rodney Leach|Lord Rodney Leach]] (who had been chairman of Business for Sterling since its inception) announced that:
 
This was the milieu of broadly euro-sceptic organisations out of which Open Europe emerged, and from which the think-tank drew its initial staff. In an op-ed in the ''Financial Times'' on 18 October 2005, [[Rodney Leach|Lord Rodney Leach]] (who had been chairman of Business for Sterling since its inception) announced that:
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<blockquote style="background-color:ivory;border:1pt solid Darkgoldenrod;padding:1%;font-size:10pt">This week will see the launch of Open Europe, a UK think-tank that aims to set out a detailed programme of radical reform. It has commissioned leading economists to examine the potential benefits of removing the EU’s trade barriers and reforming the CAP. Their report shows that free trade is not just good for business: it is also a progressive policy.<ref>Rodney Leach, ‘European reformers must be bold’, “Financial Times”, October 18 2005.</ref></blockquote>
 
<blockquote style="background-color:ivory;border:1pt solid Darkgoldenrod;padding:1%;font-size:10pt">This week will see the launch of Open Europe, a UK think-tank that aims to set out a detailed programme of radical reform. It has commissioned leading economists to examine the potential benefits of removing the EU’s trade barriers and reforming the CAP. Their report shows that free trade is not just good for business: it is also a progressive policy.<ref>Rodney Leach, ‘European reformers must be bold’, “Financial Times”, October 18 2005.</ref></blockquote>
  
Writing as the chairman of the soon to be launched Open Europe, Leach argued that there were two imperatives for EU reform: it needed to ‘embrace the painful economic reforms needed to succeed in the 21st century’, and to ‘abandon the historic drive to “ever closer union”’.<ref>Rodney Leach, ‘European reformers must be bold’</ref> Two days later, the think-tank launched officially at Bloomberg’s European headquarters in Finsbury Square, London. Leach spoke as chairman of the board of directors, as did [[Derek Scott]] (who had been an special advisor to Tony Blair between 1997 and 2003) as deputy chairman.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20051216032930/http://www.openeurope.org.uk/events/ Open Europe Events, 2005]</ref> [[Neil O’Brien]], who had up to that point been campaign director of Vote 2004, was appointed as Company Secretary.<ref>Open Europe Ltd Companies House Appointments, accessed 18 June 2009</ref> [[Lorraine Mullally]], who had also been a communications officer at Vote 2004, was appointed as head of research and communications.<ref>[http://uk.linkedin.com/pub/lorraine-mullally/3b/aba/936 Lorraine Mullally, LinkedIn]</ref> [[Paul Stephenson]], a researcher at Vote 2004, was employed as a researcher, as was [[Tom Boal]], who had previously worked for the “No” campaign.<ref>[http://www.portland-communications.com/people/tom-boal/ Tom Boal, Portland Communications]; [http://uk.linkedin.com/pub/paul-stephenson/58/603/a92 Paul Stephenson, LinkedIn]</ref>  
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Writing as the chairman of the soon to be launched Open Europe, Leach argued that there were two imperatives for EU reform: it needed to ‘embrace the painful economic reforms needed to succeed in the 21st century’, and to ‘abandon the historic drive to “ever closer union”’.<ref>Rodney Leach, ‘European reformers must be bold’</ref> Two days later, the think-tank launched officially at Bloomberg’s European headquarters in Finsbury Square, London. Leach spoke as chairman of the board of directors, as did [[Derek Scott]] (who had been a special advisor to Tony Blair between 1997 and 2003) as deputy chairman.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20051216032930/http://www.openeurope.org.uk/events/ Open Europe Events, 2005]</ref> [[Neil O’Brien]], who had up to that point been campaign director of Vote 2004, was appointed as Company Secretary.<ref>Open Europe Ltd Companies House Appointments, accessed 18 June 2009</ref> [[Lorraine Mullally]], who had also been a communications officer at Vote 2004, was appointed as head of research and communications.<ref>[http://uk.linkedin.com/pub/lorraine-mullally/3b/aba/936 Lorraine Mullally, LinkedIn]</ref> [[Paul Stephenson]], a researcher at Vote 2004, was employed as a researcher, as was [[Tom Boal]], who had previously worked for the “No” campaign.<ref>[http://www.portland-communications.com/people/tom-boal/ Tom Boal, Portland Communications]; [http://uk.linkedin.com/pub/paul-stephenson/58/603/a92 Paul Stephenson, LinkedIn]</ref>  
  
Open Europe was incorporated as a UK company on 25 July 2005. Its website was registered on 11 July 2005. <ref>[[Media:Open Europe Whois Record.pdf|Open Europe Whois Record]], accessed from Domain Tools at 9:35 on 18 June 2009</ref> It is hosted under the same IP address (212.113.23.102) which hosts the websites of [[Nick Herbert|Nick Herbert MP]] (CEO of Business for Sterling between 1998 and 2000, founder of the No Campaign, and former Director of [[Reform]] <ref>Tom Baldwin, ‘Davis team plan fuels fears over factions’, ''The Times'', 27 October 2001</ref>), [[Theos]], and [[Policy Exchange]].<ref>Reverse IP Search, 10:22, 18 June 2009</ref>
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Open Europe was incorporated as a UK company on 25 July 2005. Its website was registered on 11 July 2005. <ref>[[Media:Open Europe Whois Record.pdf|Open Europe Whois Record]], accessed from Domain Tools at 9:35 on 18 June 2009</ref> It is hosted under the same IP address (212.113.23.102) which hosts the websites of [[Nick Herbert|Nick Herbert MP]] (CEO of Business for Sterling between 1998 and 2000, founder of the [["No"]] Campaign, and former Director of [[Reform]]<ref>Tom Baldwin, ‘Davis team plan fuels fears over factions’, ''The Times'', 27 October 2001</ref>), [[Theos]], and [[Policy Exchange]].<ref>Reverse IP Search, 10:22, 18 June 2009</ref>
  
As of July 2006, the board of Open Europe was comprised of the following people<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20060709055733/http://www.openeurope.org.uk/about-us/board.aspx Open Europe Board, July 2006]</ref>:
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As of June 2016, Open Europe's Experts were as follows:  
  
[[Meg Allen]] - Chairman, [[DRAMLA SA]]
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*[[Raoul Ruparel]] - Co-director
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*[[Stephen Booth]] - Co-director
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*[[Nina Schick]] - Communications director
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*[[Pawel Swidlicki]] - Policy analyst
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*[[Pieter Cleppe]] - Head of brussels office
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*[[Timm Luebben]] - Head of digital
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*[[Vincenzo Scarpetta]] - Policy analyst  <ref>[http://openeurope.org.uk/ Open Europe Board, June 2016], OpenEurope, accessed 15 June 2016</ref>
  
[[John Barton]] - Chairman, [[Wellington Underwriting Plc]]
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As of June 2016, the board of Open Europe was comprised of the following people<ref>[http://openeurope.org.uk/ Open Europe Board, June 2016], OpenEurope, accessed 15 June 2016</ref>:
  
[[Rupert Hambro]] - Chairman, [[JO Hambro Ltd]]
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[[Alex Hickman]] - Co-founder and chief executive, [[Chartwell Speakers]]  
  
[[Sir John Jennings]] - Former chairman, [[Shell]] Transport & Trading Plc
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Baroness [[Joanna Shields]] - Former chair, [[Tech City UK]]; Non-exec director, [[London Stock Exchange]]
  
[[Rodney Leach|Lord Rodney Leach of Fairford]] (Chairman) - Director, [[Matheson & Co]]
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[[Bjorn Froling]] - Vice chairman, [[Ohling]]  
  
[[Lizzie Noel]] - Director of Comms, [[Tribal Group Plc]]
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[[Charlotte Black]] - Director of corporate affairs, [[Brewin Dolphin Securities]]
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[[David Frost]] - [[Scotch Whiskey Association]]  
  
 
[[David Ord]] - Managing Director, the [[Bristol Port Company]]
 
[[David Ord]] - Managing Director, the [[Bristol Port Company]]
  
[[Lord Renwick of Clifton]] - Vice Chairman of Investment Banking, [[JP Morgan]] Europe
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[[David Reid Scott]] - Senior adviser, [[Stonehage Advisory Family Office]]
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Dr [[Gerard Lyons]] - Chief economic advisor to the [[Mayor of London]]
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[[Elizabeth Gage]] - Jewellery designer
  
[[Lord Salisbury]] - Director, [[Gascoyne Holdings Ltd]]
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[[George Trefgarne]] - Chief executive, [[Boscobel & Partners]]  
  
[[Derek Scott]] (Deputy Chairman) - Economics Advisor to [[Tony Blair]], 1997-2003
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[[Haruko Fukuda]] - Non-executive director, [[Investec]]  
  
[[Nigel Smith]] - Former Chairman, the [["No"]] Campaign
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[[Hugh Sloane]] - Founder, [[Sloane Robinson]]  
  
[[Michael Spencer]] - CEO, [[ICAP Plc]]
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[[Johanna Mohring]] - Senior fellow, [[The Institute for Statecraft]]  
  
[[Stuart Wheeler]] - Founder, [[IG Group Plc]]
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[[John Barton]] - Non-executive chairman, [[Easyjet]]  
  
[[Sir Brian Williamson]] - Senior Advisor, [[Fleming Family and Partners]]
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[[Justin Dowley]] - Chairman, [[Intermediate Capital Group]]  
  
[[Simon Wolfson]] - CEO, [[Next Plc]]
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Lord [[Rodney Leach]] of Fairford - Director, [[Jardine Matheson Holdings]]
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Lord [[Robin Renwick]] of Clifton - Vice chairman, Investment banking, [[JP Morgan Europe]]
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Lord [[Robert Gascoyne-Cecil]] of Salisbury - Director, [[Gascoyne Holdings]]
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Lord [[Simon Wolfson]] of Apsley Guise - CEO, [[Next plc]]
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[[Maria Borelius]] - Partner, [[Living Waters]]
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[[Mats Arnhog]] - Chairman of the board of directors, [[Active Biotech]]
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[[Michael Moritz]] - Managing partner, [[CatCap]]
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[[Nigel Smith]] - Former chairman, [[The 'No' Euro Campaign]]
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[[Oliver Pawle]] - Chairman board services UK, [[Korn Ferry]]
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Professor Dr. [[Michael Wohlegemuth]] - Director, [[OpenEurope Berlin]]
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[[Rupert Hambro]] - Chairman, [[JO Hambro]]; Non-executive partner, [[Robinson Hambro Limited]]
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Sir [[Martin Jacomb]] - Advisory board chairman, [[First Avenue Partners]]
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[[Rocco Forte]] - Chairman and chief executive, [[Rocco Forte Hotels]]
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Sir [[Simon Robertson]] - Deputy chairman, [[HSBC Holdings]]
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[[Tim Martin]] - Founder and chairman, [[JD Wetherspoons]]
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==Research==
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Open Europe’s research coalesces around eight main areas. Within each area, multiple reports have been published since 2005, many of which advance the same arguments.
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===The Common Agricultural Policy and EU Trade===
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Between 2005 and 2012, Open Europe published five reports in the area. Two of these focus on the CAP. The first (in 2005) argued for the elimination of the CAP, along with EU trade tarriffs.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/reform.pdf ‘Open Up: why the EU must reform to survive’], Open Europe, October 2005.</ref> The second (in 2012) argued that the UK is a huge loser from the CAP, and that although full ‘liberalisation’ of the policy would be theoretically viable, it would not gain enough political support to be practicable.<ref>http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/CAP_2012_new.pdf ‘More for Less: making the EU’s farm policy work for growth and the environment’], Open Europe, February 2012.</ref> The report therefore proposed a streamlined version of the CAP.
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Two reports published in 2007 argued respectively that the EU was blocking the achievement of a multi-lateral trade deal at WTO talks in Doha, and that the EU should stop threatening African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries with higher trade tariffs if they do not sign up to ‘Economic Partnership Agreements’ (which make provision for the removal of trade tariffs in developing countries).<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/fiveways.pdf ‘Five ways to make Trade work for Development’], Open Europe, May 2007; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/epas.pdf ‘Economic Partnership Agreements: what’s the best way forward?’], Open Europe, October 2007.</ref> In 2012, Open Europe affirmed that staying within the EU was the best option for UK trade, as the various options that involved the UK leaving remained unviable.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/2012EUTrade_new.pdf ‘Trading places: Is EU membership still the best option for UK trade?’], Open Europe, June 2012.</ref>
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===Regulation===
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Between 2005 and 2013, Open Europe has claimed regularly that EU regulatory legislation that impinges on the UK is incredibly costly to its economy. A report in 2005 argued that EU regulation passed since 1998 cost British Businesses £30bn, and called for an audit of the economic impact of all existing EU legislation on the UK.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/regs.pdf ‘Less Regulation: 4 ways to cut the burden of EU red tape’], Open Europe, November 2005, p. 1.</ref> In 2009, a report argued that EU regulation will have cost the UK economy £356bn by 2018.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/outofcontrol.pdf ‘Out of control? Measuring a decade of EU regulation’], Open Europe, February 2009, p. 1.</ref>In 2010, a similar report claimed that ‘Since 1998, regulation introduced in the UK has cost the economy £176 billion. Of this, £124 billion, or 71 percent, had its origin in the EU.’<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/stilloutofcontrol.pdf ‘Still out of control? Measuring eleven years of EU regulation’], Open Europe, March 2010, p. 1.</ref> A briefing note in 2013 stated that the ‘Top 100 EU regulations’ cost the UK economy £24bn per year, and that 95% of the benefits of EU regulation estimated by UK government impact assessments have failed to materialise.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/131021Top100Regulations.pdf ‘Top 100 EU regulations cost UK economy £27.4bn a year’], Open Europe, October 2013, p. 1.</ref>
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===Welfare===
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Between 2006 and 2012, seven reports have been published on the efficacy with which EU welfare and aid budgets are spent. Reports in 2007 and 2011 argued that EU external aid is handled ineffectively, funneling too much money into high-GDP countries rather than into those that need it most. Because of this, they argued, the EU aid budget should be dismantled, and returned to the national aid budgets of member states.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/euaid.doc ‘EU Aid: is it effective?’], Open Europe, May 2007; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/PDFs/euaid2011.pdf ‘EU external aid: who is it for?’], Open Europe, April 2011.</ref>
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The remaining five reports were dedicated to persistently arguing that EU regional policy is, and always has been, a failure. Reports in 2007 and 2012 focused on what Open Europe see as the poor use of EU structural cohesion funds (which could be described as intra-EU aid). Like external aid, they argued, control over these funds should be repatriated to member states.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/regional.pdf ‘EU Regional Policy failing’], Open Europe, December 2007; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/2012EUstructuralfunds.pdf ‘Off target: The case for bringing regional policy back home’], Open Europe, January 2012.</ref> Further reports in 2011 argued that the UK should repatriate social policy currently decided in Brussels, such as employment regulations like the Working Time Directive and Agency Workers Directive.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/EUlocalism.pdf ‘The case for European localism’], Open Europe, September 2011; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/2011EUsocialpolicy.pdf ‘Repatriating EU Social policy: The best choice for jobs and growth?’], Open Europe, November 2011.</ref> In 2012, Open Europe argued straightforwardly for slashes to the EU budget that, if implemented, would reduce the UK’s contribution by €5.7bn.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/2012EUbudget_new.pdf ‘Seizing the moment: aligning the EU budget with Europe’s economic needs’], Open Europe, June 2012.</ref>
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===Carbon Emissions===
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Two reports (in 2006 and 2007) indicted the EU emissions trading scheme (ETS), arguing in favour of a UK-only scheme for greenhouse gas reduction. A pan-European solution, they argued, would not be viable.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/ets.pdf ‘The high price of hot air: why the EU emissions trading scheme is an environmental and economic failure’], Open Europe, July 2006; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/etsp2_new1.pdf ‘Europe’s Dirty Secret: Why the EU Emissions Trading Scheme isn’t working’], Open Europe, August 2007.</ref>
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Two 2008 reports took aim respectively at the EU’s target of a 10% use of biofuels (as a portion of total fuel consumption) by 2020, and the EU Climate Action and Renewable Energy Package (CAREP). Both schemes, the reports argued, are a hugely expensive way to solve the problem of carbon emissions.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/whatworks.pdf ‘What works? How to reduce emissions at the lowest cost’], Open Europe, January 2008; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/carep_new.pdf ‘The EU Climate Action and Renewable Energy Package - Are we about to get locked into the wrong policy?’], Open Europe, October 2008.</ref>
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===Crime and Policing===
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Between 2006 and 2006, six reports have argued against the cession of authority over justice and home affairs from the UK to the EU. Three reports (one in 2006, and two in 2012) argued that the European Court of Justice should not accrue any more authority than it already has, and that the UK should repatriate control over certain EU crime and policing laws.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/vetopamphlet.pdf ‘A bridge too far? Giving up the veto on crime, justice, and policing’], Open Europe, September 2006; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/JHA2014choice.pdf  ‘An unavoidable choice: More or less EU control over UK policing and criminal law’], Open Europe, January 2012; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/CooperationNotControl.pdf ‘Cooperation not control: The case for Britain retaining democratic control over EU crime and policing policy’], Open Europe, October 2012.</ref> A 2010 report also argued that the UK government’s proposed ‘referendum lock’ - a piece of legislation that would prevent cession of particular powers to the EU without a referendum - does not go far enough, and should cover criminal justice, immigration, and policing laws.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/referendumlockjha.pdf ‘The Government’s EU referendum lock: Plugging the justice and home affairs leak’], Open Europe, December 2010.</ref> A report in 2009 warned that if the Lisbon Treaty were to be ratified by EU member states, the way would be paved for the creation of an EU surveillance state.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/howtheeuiswatchingyou.pdf ‘How the EU is watching you: the rise of Europe’s Surveillance State’], Open Europe, October 2009.</ref> In 2012, Open Europe argued in favour UK’s current approach to national/EU immigration policy, through which it can opt into EU laws which are in its national interest. This approach could be bolstered, however, by creating a ‘reversible opt-in’, so that opt-in decisions made by government x do not bind government y.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/EUimmigration2012_new.pdf ‘Tread Carefully: The impact and management of EU free movement and immigration policy’], Open Europe, March 2012.</ref>
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===Financial Services Regulation===
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Since 2006, Open Europe has consistently and sharply criticised proposed or existing EU regulation of the financial services industry.
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In 2006, a report indicated the EU’s Financial Services Action Plan, which (it was claimed) would be detrimental to the international competitiveness of the City of London, and induce the flight of hedge funds and private equity groups elsewhere.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/fsap.pdf ‘Selling the City Short? A Review of the EU’s Financial Services Action Plan’], Open Europe, December 2006.</ref> This familiar argument was deployed again in a 2011 report, this time in service of a denunciation of proposals for an EU VAT or an EU Financial Transactions Tax.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/teneutax_new.pdf ‘Why EU taxes will not work’], Open Europe, August 2011.</ref> A 2009 report also criticised an EU proposal to issue a directive on Alternative Investment Fund Managers. Consisting of a survey of two associations (the Alternative Investment Management Association (AIMA) and the British Private Equity and Venture Capital Association (BVCA)), the report found that they did not welcome the potential directive; it would, the associations said, prevent alternatives funds from being marketed to EU investors at all, and hamper investor choice.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/pdfs/aifmd.pdf ‘The EU’s AIFM Directive: Likely impact and best way forward’], Open Europe, September 2009.</ref>
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In 2010 and 2011, Open Europe also argued that the UK’s capacity to block regulatory legislation should be proportionate to the size of its financial services industry (relative to others within the EU).<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/EUsupervisors.pdf ‘Shifting Powers: What the EU’s financial supervisors will mean for the UK and the City of London’], Open Europe, September 2010; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/continentalshift.pdf ‘Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe’], Open Europe, December 2011.</ref> The 2011 report claimed that the UK accounts for ‘36% of the EU's wholesale finance industry and a 61% share of the EU's net exports of international transactions in financial services’, but that under new rules coming into force in 2014, it would ‘only possess 12% of the votes in the Council of Ministers and 10% of the votes in the European Parliament.’<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/continentalshift.pdf ‘Continental Shift’], p. 3.</ref> As a result, the report argued for national sovereignty over banking regulation.
 +
 
 +
===The EU Constitution===
 +
In 2007 and 2008, Open Europe published two reports on the 2007 Constitutional Treaty, criticising the Labour decision in April 2007 to hold no referendum on its ratification. This made no sense, the reports claimed, as the Lisbon Treaty and the 2007 Treaty were basically identical.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/content/Documents/Pdfs/newtreaty.pdf ‘The new treaty: what will it mean, and do we need a referendum?’], Open Europe, May 2007; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/content/Documents/Pdfs/guide.pdf ‘A guide to the constitutional treaty’], Open Europe, February 2008.</ref> A 2008 collection of essays also criticised the EU’s dissemination of information about how it works to the European public, dismissing its PR initiatives as costly ‘propaganda exercises’.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/hardsell.pdf The hard sell: EU communication policy and the campaign for hearts and minds’], Open Europe, December 2008, p. 5.</ref>
 +
 
 +
Further reports in 2012 and 2014 argued respectively for more parliamentary scrutiny of EU legislation, and for limiting the powers of the European Parliament - a body held to represent a ‘failed experiment in pan-European democracy’.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/upgradingukinfluence.pdf ‘Upgrading UK influence in the European Union: a strategy to improve upstream scrutiny of EU legislation’], Open Europe, December 2012; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/140513_European_Parliament_briefing.pdf ‘The European Parliament: a failed experiment in pan-European democracy?’], Open Europe, May 2014.</ref>
 +
 
 +
===The Eurozone Crisis===
 +
Since 2010, Open Europe has published reports consistently arguing against EU bail-outs for struggling debtor states. A 2010 report argued that EU leaders should either let Greece default on their repayments, or go to the IMF for a bail-out.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/greecebailout.pdf ‘A Greek Bailout: is it legally possible and what will it cost EU taxpayers?’], Open Europe, February 2010.</ref> Similarly, in the case of Ireland, another report from the same year argued that there is a ‘big risk that [EU bail-out] loans won’t solve anything at all’.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/irelandbailout.pdf ‘What will the Irish bailout solve?’], Open Europe, November 2010.</ref> In a further 2010 report, Open Europe argued that the eurozone had become a ''de facto'' debt union, with member states taking on each other’s liabilities. The EU should not, the report argued, turn a ''de facto'' debt union into a debt union by law. Attracting even deeper criticism was the creation of the ‘European Stability Mechanism’, which the report argued should be rejected on the grounds that it leaves the UK liable for €8bn of loans, should any beneficiary default.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/economicgovernment.pdf ‘The Rise of the EU’s economic government’], Open Europe, June 2010.</ref> A trio of 2011 reports argued variously that: the best solution to the Portuguese sovereign debt crisis would be a small bail-out combined with large-scale restructuring; that the ECB is over-leveraged and over-exposed to potentially toxic debt; and that the position of Greece within the Eurozone needs to be re-evaluated as further bail-outs are too expensive to be viable.<ref>[http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/portugalrestructure.pdf ‘Stopping the rot? The cost of a Portuguese bail-out and why it is better to restructure’], Open Europe, March 2011; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/Documents/Pdfs/ECBandtheeuro.pdf A House built on sand? The ECB and the hidden cost of saving the Euro’], Open Europe, June 2011; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Content/documents/Pdfs/greece2ndbailout.pdf ‘Abandon Ship? Time to stop bailing out Greece?’], Open Europe, June 2011.</ref>
  
 
==The Fresh Start Project and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform==
 
==The Fresh Start Project and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform==
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==Examples of influence==
 
==Examples of influence==
On 5 December 2011, Open Europe published a briefing, ''Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe'',<ref>Open Europe press release, [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/media-centre/pressrelease.aspx?pressreleaseid=182 "UK Government should use EU Treaty negotiations to secure “emergency brake” on financial laws"], 5 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/research/continentalshift.pdf PDF of report]</ref> which Ed Conway, economics editor of [[Sky News]], said "seems to have influenced and informed the Prime Minister's position negotiating in Brussels".<ref>Ed Conway, [http://news.sky.com/home/business/article/16127288 What the PM Really Asked For In Brussels], Sky News, 9 December 2011</ref>  The Open Europe Blog suggested UK Prime Minister David Cameron "Insert a political declaration in the summit conclusions tomorrow that calls for concrete measures to protect non-euro member states' economic interests; 2) Work out concrete protocol language amounting to a UK safeguard over EU financial services".<ref>http://openeuropeblog.blogspot.com/2011/12/what-could-cameron-hope-for.html</ref>  The first had already been detailed in a "secret Foreign Office diplomatic note";<ref>Bruno Waterfield, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/debt-crisis-live/8942090/Debt-crisis-as-it-happened-December-8-2011.html Debt crisis: as it happened December 8, 2011], ''Daily Telegraph'', 8 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011</ref> the second, not published as of 14 December 2011, corresponds to the "specific protocol on financial services" mentioned by EU President Barroso that resulted in the remaining 26 countries of the EU "moving ahead [on a fiscal compact] without UK’s participation".  Prior to this outcome, some commentators had suggested Cameron might succeed, and satisfy Conservative MPs: "the sceptical think tank Open Europe has argued for a protocol for the single market where Britain's influence over financial services laws could be safeguarded, particularly against decisions taken by the eurozone that will impact on all 27 EU countries.  As a text contained within a formal protocol, this would have some legal basis."<ref>James Landale, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-16077990 PM's EU task: Saving the euro and saving his party], BBC News, 7 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011</ref>
+
 
 +
===Daily Press Summary===
 +
On 1 February 2006, Open Europe launched their Daily Press Summary. It is available either on their website, or as a daily email.<ref>Open Europe, [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Page/PressSummary/LIVE/LIVE Daily Press Summary], accessed August 2014.</ref> It professes to be a neutral round-up of articles on ‘EU issues and the eurozone crisis’ from around Europe, but appears to be slanted towards news that supports their case for a de-regulated and politically anaesthetised EU. It also includes occasional editorial ‘comments’ on various articles.
 +
 
 +
''The Economist'' columnist David Rennie has argued that it is difficult to underestimate the influence of the daily summary, suggesting that ‘well over half the stories in the British daily press on the EU are directly inspired by Open Europe press releases and tip-offs’.<ref>David Rennie, [http://www.economist.com/blogs/charlemagne/2010/03/spoon_feeding_lazy_journalists ‘Open Europe: the Eurosceptic group that controls British coverage of the EU’], ''The Economist'', 31 March 2010.</ref>
 +
 
 +
===Open Europe Blog===
 +
On October 17 2006, the Open Europe blog was inaugurated.<ref>Open Europe, [http://openeuropeblog.blogspot.co.uk/ Blog], accessed August 2014.</ref> Somewhere between 200-500 entries were posted annually between 2007 and 2014.
 +
 
 +
===Press coverage===
 +
 
 +
On 5 December 2011, Open Europe published a briefing, ''Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe'',<ref>Open Europe press release, [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/media-centre/pressrelease.aspx?pressreleaseid=182 "UK Government should use EU Treaty negotiations to secure “emergency brake” on financial laws"], 5 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011; [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/research/continentalshift.pdf PDF of report]</ref> which Ed Conway, economics editor of [[Sky News]], said "seems to have influenced and informed the Prime Minister's position negotiating in Brussels".<ref>Ed Conway, [http://news.sky.com/home/business/article/16127288 What the PM Really Asked For In Brussels], Sky News, 9 December 2011</ref>  The Open Europe Blog suggested UK Prime Minister David Cameron "Insert a political declaration in the summit conclusions tomorrow that calls for concrete measures to protect non-euro member states' economic interests; 2) Work out concrete protocol language amounting to the UK safeguard over EU financial services".<ref>http://openeuropeblog.blogspot.com/2011/12/what-could-cameron-hope-for.html</ref>  The first had already been detailed in a "secret Foreign Office diplomatic note";<ref>Bruno Waterfield, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/debt-crisis-live/8942090/Debt-crisis-as-it-happened-December-8-2011.html Debt crisis: as it happened December 8, 2011], ''Daily Telegraph'', 8 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011</ref> the second, not published as of 14 December 2011, corresponds to the "specific protocol on financial services" mentioned by EU President Barroso that resulted in the remaining 26 countries of the EU "moving ahead [on a fiscal compact] without UK’s participation".  Prior to this outcome, some commentators had suggested Cameron might succeed, and satisfy Conservative MPs: "the sceptical think tank Open Europe has argued for a protocol for the single market where Britain's influence over financial services laws could be safeguarded, particularly against decisions taken by the eurozone that will impact on all 27 EU countries.  As a text contained within a formal protocol, this would have some legal basis."<ref>James Landale, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-16077990 PM's EU task: Saving the euro and saving his party], BBC News, 7 December 2011, accessed 14 December 2011</ref>
  
 
==Stockholm Network==
 
==Stockholm Network==
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The Stockholm Network links also to the network of right wing think tanks in the US.  It has close links with the [[Heritage Foundation]], which ‘frequently’ sends staff to Europe and has ‘worked closely with five like-minded European think tanks to produce and launch a European edition of their Index of Economic Freedom, which ranks countries according to criteria like tax reduction and deregulation policies.’<ref>Corporate Europe Observatory, 2005.</ref>
 
The Stockholm Network links also to the network of right wing think tanks in the US.  It has close links with the [[Heritage Foundation]], which ‘frequently’ sends staff to Europe and has ‘worked closely with five like-minded European think tanks to produce and launch a European edition of their Index of Economic Freedom, which ranks countries according to criteria like tax reduction and deregulation policies.’<ref>Corporate Europe Observatory, 2005.</ref>
  
==Neocon connections==
+
==Neo-conservative connections==
 
===Funding===
 
===Funding===
 
===2006-2007===
 
===2006-2007===
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</table>
 
</table>
 
===2014===
 
===2014===
In 2014 offshore financier [[Peter de Putron]] and brother-in-law of UK financial services minister [[Andrea Leadsom]] was revealed as a major donor to both the [[Conservative Party]] and Open Europe. Records obtained from a US nonprofit news organisation, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists showed he had given a total of £680,000 to Open Europe. <ref name="banker">
+
In 2014 offshore financier [[Peter de Putron]] and brother-in-law of UK financial services minister [[Andrea Leadsom]] was revealed as a major donor to both the [[Conservative Party]] and Open Europe. Records obtained from a US nonprofit news organisation, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists showed he had given a total of £680,000 to Open Europe. <ref name="banker"/>
David Leigh, James Ball and Leila Haddou, [http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/jul/08/andrea-leadsom-family-links-offshore-bank-donations-tories Top Tory has family link with offshore banker who gave party £800,000], ''The Guardian'', 8 July 2014, acc 16 July 2014 </ref>
 
  
 
===Events===
 
===Events===
 +
Open Europe tend not to focus on the relationship of the EU to the rest of the world - the USA, the Middle East - as part of their published research output. However, they have held events on the issue.
 +
 
On 22 May 2007 Open Europe co-hosted an event at the House of Commons with the [[International Media Intelligence Analysis]] called 'Iran, Britain and Europe: Post hostage crisis, what can we expect next?'. The event included presentations by [[Claude Moniquet]], the Director of the [[European Strategic and Intelligence Center]] and [[Mark Fitzpatrick]] of the [[International Institute for Strategic Studies]] and former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Non-proliferation at the State Department.  
 
On 22 May 2007 Open Europe co-hosted an event at the House of Commons with the [[International Media Intelligence Analysis]] called 'Iran, Britain and Europe: Post hostage crisis, what can we expect next?'. The event included presentations by [[Claude Moniquet]], the Director of the [[European Strategic and Intelligence Center]] and [[Mark Fitzpatrick]] of the [[International Institute for Strategic Studies]] and former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Non-proliferation at the State Department.  
  
[[Mark Fitzpatrick|Fitzpatrick]] said that Iran was looking to develop longer range missiles capable of reaching western Europe and that Israel “has real reason to see an Iranian nuclear capability as an existential threat”. [[Claude Moniquet|Moniquet]] said that there was a danger of terrorist attacks in Europe if military action is taken against Iran, saying that “Iran was a terrorist state for 23 years. We have no proof this has changed. Iran is working hard to organise terror in Europe,” targeting the UK in particular. <ref>'Iran, Britain and Europe: Post hostage crisis, what can we expect next? - 22 May 2007', [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/events/ Open Europe Events], accessed 19 June 2009</ref>
+
[[Mark Fitzpatrick|Fitzpatrick]] said that Iran was looking to develop longer-range missiles capable of reaching western Europe and that Israel “has real reason to see an Iranian nuclear capability as an existential threat”. [[Claude Moniquet|Moniquet]] said that there was a danger of terrorist attacks in Europe if military action is taken against Iran, saying that “Iran was a terrorist state for 23 years. We have no proof this has changed. Iran is working hard to organise terror in Europe,” targeting the UK in particular. <ref>'Iran, Britain and Europe: Post hostage crisis, what can we expect next? - 22 May 2007', [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/events/ Open Europe Events], accessed 19 June 2009</ref>
  
On 9 October 2007 Open Europe hosted a debate on the Galileo European Satellite System. One speaker at the debate was [[Peter Brookes]] of the [[Heritage Foundation]]. According to Open Europe's account of the speech Brookes said that some in the US are alarmed about the military aspects of the Galileo and saw the push for the system as symptomatic of some in Europe that are pushing Europe to pursue its own security and defence identity, separate from the US and NATO. He said: “It could be argued that the militarisation of the EU – Galileo being part of that – marks one of the greatest geo-political shifts in the transatlantic alliance since the second world war. In the eyes of some the ESDP [European Security and Defense Policy] embodies some of the worst elements of European animosity towards the United States.” <ref>'Galileo - is it worth it? 9 October, 2007', [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/events/ Open Europe Events], accessed 19 June 2009</ref>
+
On 9 October 2007 Open Europe hosted a debate on the Galileo European Satellite System. One speaker at the debate was [[Peter Brookes]] of the [[Heritage Foundation]]. According to Open Europe's account of the speech Brookes said that some in the US are alarmed about the military aspects of the Galileo and saw the push for the system as symptomatic of some in Europe that are pushing Europe to pursue its own security and defence identity, separate from the US and NATO. He said: “It could be argued that the militarisation of the EU – Galileo being part of that – marks one of the greatest geo-political shifts in the transatlantic alliance since the second world war. In the eyes of some, the ESDP [European Security and Defense Policy] embodies some of the worst elements of European animosity towards the United States.” <ref>'Galileo - is it worth it? 9 October, 2007', [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/events/ Open Europe Events], accessed 19 June 2009</ref>
 +
 
 +
It would be misleading, however, to diagnose a neo-conservative slant to Open Europe's stance on EU foreign policy (if they can be said to assume a stance at all). On 15 November 2006, Open Europe hosted a seminar by [[Dr John Hulsman]], in which he argued (according to the account given by Open Europe) that the USA should reject neoconservative foreign policy. The 2003 Iraq war, he argued, and failed in its objective of creating a stable democratic country.<ref>John Hulsman, 'Ethical Realism', [http://www.openeurope.org.uk/Article/Page/en/LIVE?id=1621&page=EventsChronological Open Europe Events], 15 November 2006.</ref>
  
 
==People==
 
==People==
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[[Category:Think Tanks]]
 
[[Category:Think Tanks]]
 
 
[[Category:UK]]
 
[[Category:UK]]
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[[Category:Brexit]]
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[[Category:Brexit lobby group - Leave]]

Latest revision as of 07:02, 29 January 2018

Brexit badge.png Part of the Powerbase Brexit Portal.
Open Europe's Office, 7 Tufton Street, Westminster

Open Europe is a Eurosceptic think tank which is part of the Stockholm Network and has neoconservative connections.

Its research output consists mainly of calls to dismantle the Common Agricultural Policy, roll back EU regulation of trade and financial services, and repatriate the EU welfare budget to member states.

Introduction

The European issue has been a defining fault-line for Conservatives for a generation. Although Open Europe is not especially well known, it is arguably a very significant organisation connected to Cameron’s advisers. The think-tank is unusual in that it is directly supported by individual business leaders, and claims to refuse money from 'EU institutions, governments or big corporations'.[1] ‘Open Europe believes’, says their website, ‘that the EU must now embrace radical reform based on economic liberalisation’.[2]What this appears to mean is integrating all EU countries further and faster into the global economy but with a distinct eurosceptic tinge. The Marquess of Salisbury sits on its board, and some notable supporters are: John Sainsbury (Lord Sainsbury of Preston Candover, who donated to Cameron’s leadership campaign along with fellow donor Peter Gummer, Lord Chadlington), Andrew Allum, Henry Angest, Sir John Beckwith, Lord Blakenham, Roger Bootle, Lord Harris of Peckham, Sir John Coles, and Sir David Davis.

Origins and History

Open Europe grew out of a collection of broadly euro-sceptic campaign groups that appeared between 1998-2005. The first was Business for Sterling, which was launched by the Labour Cabinet minister (and ex-chairman of British Rail) Lord Marsh on 11 June 1998 as a campaign against British integration into the Euro.[3] It had the backing of senior anti-euro business chiefs (Sir Stanley Kalms, Sir Michael Edwardes, Lord Hanson, Sir Rocco Forte) and in September 2000 combined with another anti-euro campaign group New Europe to form the simply-titled “No” campaign.[4] The merger was announced by the launch of a multi-million-pound advertising offensive under the strap-line ‘Europe Yes. Euro No’, which was handled by M&C Saatchi.[5] As this slogan suggests, neither New Europe nor Business for Sterling explicitly professed an anti-EU stance; both groups claimed to support the single market, but not integration into a single European currency.[6] In May 2003 - once the perceived threat of the single currency had disappeared - Lord Saatchi backed a new cross-party group, Vote 2004, which was set up to campaign for a referendum on whether to accept the forthcoming findings of the European Convention.[7] Vote 2004 subsequently became Vote No,[8] and was registered as a company Vote No Ltd in May 2004.

This was the milieu of broadly euro-sceptic organisations out of which Open Europe emerged, and from which the think-tank drew its initial staff. In an op-ed in the Financial Times on 18 October 2005, Lord Rodney Leach (who had been chairman of Business for Sterling since its inception) announced that:

This week will see the launch of Open Europe, a UK think-tank that aims to set out a detailed programme of radical reform. It has commissioned leading economists to examine the potential benefits of removing the EU’s trade barriers and reforming the CAP. Their report shows that free trade is not just good for business: it is also a progressive policy.[9]

Writing as the chairman of the soon to be launched Open Europe, Leach argued that there were two imperatives for EU reform: it needed to ‘embrace the painful economic reforms needed to succeed in the 21st century’, and to ‘abandon the historic drive to “ever closer union”’.[10] Two days later, the think-tank launched officially at Bloomberg’s European headquarters in Finsbury Square, London. Leach spoke as chairman of the board of directors, as did Derek Scott (who had been a special advisor to Tony Blair between 1997 and 2003) as deputy chairman.[11] Neil O’Brien, who had up to that point been campaign director of Vote 2004, was appointed as Company Secretary.[12] Lorraine Mullally, who had also been a communications officer at Vote 2004, was appointed as head of research and communications.[13] Paul Stephenson, a researcher at Vote 2004, was employed as a researcher, as was Tom Boal, who had previously worked for the “No” campaign.[14]

Open Europe was incorporated as a UK company on 25 July 2005. Its website was registered on 11 July 2005. [15] It is hosted under the same IP address (212.113.23.102) which hosts the websites of Nick Herbert MP (CEO of Business for Sterling between 1998 and 2000, founder of the "No" Campaign, and former Director of Reform[16]), Theos, and Policy Exchange.[17]

As of June 2016, Open Europe's Experts were as follows:

As of June 2016, the board of Open Europe was comprised of the following people[19]:

Alex Hickman - Co-founder and chief executive, Chartwell Speakers

Baroness Joanna Shields - Former chair, Tech City UK; Non-exec director, London Stock Exchange

Bjorn Froling - Vice chairman, Ohling

Charlotte Black - Director of corporate affairs, Brewin Dolphin Securities

David Frost - Scotch Whiskey Association

David Ord - Managing Director, the Bristol Port Company

David Reid Scott - Senior adviser, Stonehage Advisory Family Office

Dr Gerard Lyons - Chief economic advisor to the Mayor of London

Elizabeth Gage - Jewellery designer

George Trefgarne - Chief executive, Boscobel & Partners

Haruko Fukuda - Non-executive director, Investec

Hugh Sloane - Founder, Sloane Robinson

Johanna Mohring - Senior fellow, The Institute for Statecraft

John Barton - Non-executive chairman, Easyjet

Justin Dowley - Chairman, Intermediate Capital Group

Lord Rodney Leach of Fairford - Director, Jardine Matheson Holdings

Lord Robin Renwick of Clifton - Vice chairman, Investment banking, JP Morgan Europe

Lord Robert Gascoyne-Cecil of Salisbury - Director, Gascoyne Holdings

Lord Simon Wolfson of Apsley Guise - CEO, Next plc

Maria Borelius - Partner, Living Waters

Mats Arnhog - Chairman of the board of directors, Active Biotech

Michael Moritz - Managing partner, CatCap

Nigel Smith - Former chairman, The 'No' Euro Campaign

Oliver Pawle - Chairman board services UK, Korn Ferry

Professor Dr. Michael Wohlegemuth - Director, OpenEurope Berlin

Rupert Hambro - Chairman, JO Hambro; Non-executive partner, Robinson Hambro Limited

Sir Martin Jacomb - Advisory board chairman, First Avenue Partners

Rocco Forte - Chairman and chief executive, Rocco Forte Hotels

Sir Simon Robertson - Deputy chairman, HSBC Holdings

Tim Martin - Founder and chairman, JD Wetherspoons

Research

Open Europe’s research coalesces around eight main areas. Within each area, multiple reports have been published since 2005, many of which advance the same arguments.

The Common Agricultural Policy and EU Trade

Between 2005 and 2012, Open Europe published five reports in the area. Two of these focus on the CAP. The first (in 2005) argued for the elimination of the CAP, along with EU trade tarriffs.[20] The second (in 2012) argued that the UK is a huge loser from the CAP, and that although full ‘liberalisation’ of the policy would be theoretically viable, it would not gain enough political support to be practicable.[21] The report therefore proposed a streamlined version of the CAP.

Two reports published in 2007 argued respectively that the EU was blocking the achievement of a multi-lateral trade deal at WTO talks in Doha, and that the EU should stop threatening African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries with higher trade tariffs if they do not sign up to ‘Economic Partnership Agreements’ (which make provision for the removal of trade tariffs in developing countries).[22] In 2012, Open Europe affirmed that staying within the EU was the best option for UK trade, as the various options that involved the UK leaving remained unviable.[23]

Regulation

Between 2005 and 2013, Open Europe has claimed regularly that EU regulatory legislation that impinges on the UK is incredibly costly to its economy. A report in 2005 argued that EU regulation passed since 1998 cost British Businesses £30bn, and called for an audit of the economic impact of all existing EU legislation on the UK.[24] In 2009, a report argued that EU regulation will have cost the UK economy £356bn by 2018.[25]In 2010, a similar report claimed that ‘Since 1998, regulation introduced in the UK has cost the economy £176 billion. Of this, £124 billion, or 71 percent, had its origin in the EU.’[26] A briefing note in 2013 stated that the ‘Top 100 EU regulations’ cost the UK economy £24bn per year, and that 95% of the benefits of EU regulation estimated by UK government impact assessments have failed to materialise.[27]

Welfare

Between 2006 and 2012, seven reports have been published on the efficacy with which EU welfare and aid budgets are spent. Reports in 2007 and 2011 argued that EU external aid is handled ineffectively, funneling too much money into high-GDP countries rather than into those that need it most. Because of this, they argued, the EU aid budget should be dismantled, and returned to the national aid budgets of member states.[28]

The remaining five reports were dedicated to persistently arguing that EU regional policy is, and always has been, a failure. Reports in 2007 and 2012 focused on what Open Europe see as the poor use of EU structural cohesion funds (which could be described as intra-EU aid). Like external aid, they argued, control over these funds should be repatriated to member states.[29] Further reports in 2011 argued that the UK should repatriate social policy currently decided in Brussels, such as employment regulations like the Working Time Directive and Agency Workers Directive.[30] In 2012, Open Europe argued straightforwardly for slashes to the EU budget that, if implemented, would reduce the UK’s contribution by €5.7bn.[31]

Carbon Emissions

Two reports (in 2006 and 2007) indicted the EU emissions trading scheme (ETS), arguing in favour of a UK-only scheme for greenhouse gas reduction. A pan-European solution, they argued, would not be viable.[32]

Two 2008 reports took aim respectively at the EU’s target of a 10% use of biofuels (as a portion of total fuel consumption) by 2020, and the EU Climate Action and Renewable Energy Package (CAREP). Both schemes, the reports argued, are a hugely expensive way to solve the problem of carbon emissions.[33]

Crime and Policing

Between 2006 and 2006, six reports have argued against the cession of authority over justice and home affairs from the UK to the EU. Three reports (one in 2006, and two in 2012) argued that the European Court of Justice should not accrue any more authority than it already has, and that the UK should repatriate control over certain EU crime and policing laws.[34] A 2010 report also argued that the UK government’s proposed ‘referendum lock’ - a piece of legislation that would prevent cession of particular powers to the EU without a referendum - does not go far enough, and should cover criminal justice, immigration, and policing laws.[35] A report in 2009 warned that if the Lisbon Treaty were to be ratified by EU member states, the way would be paved for the creation of an EU surveillance state.[36] In 2012, Open Europe argued in favour UK’s current approach to national/EU immigration policy, through which it can opt into EU laws which are in its national interest. This approach could be bolstered, however, by creating a ‘reversible opt-in’, so that opt-in decisions made by government x do not bind government y.[37]

Financial Services Regulation

Since 2006, Open Europe has consistently and sharply criticised proposed or existing EU regulation of the financial services industry.

In 2006, a report indicated the EU’s Financial Services Action Plan, which (it was claimed) would be detrimental to the international competitiveness of the City of London, and induce the flight of hedge funds and private equity groups elsewhere.[38] This familiar argument was deployed again in a 2011 report, this time in service of a denunciation of proposals for an EU VAT or an EU Financial Transactions Tax.[39] A 2009 report also criticised an EU proposal to issue a directive on Alternative Investment Fund Managers. Consisting of a survey of two associations (the Alternative Investment Management Association (AIMA) and the British Private Equity and Venture Capital Association (BVCA)), the report found that they did not welcome the potential directive; it would, the associations said, prevent alternatives funds from being marketed to EU investors at all, and hamper investor choice.[40]

In 2010 and 2011, Open Europe also argued that the UK’s capacity to block regulatory legislation should be proportionate to the size of its financial services industry (relative to others within the EU).[41] The 2011 report claimed that the UK accounts for ‘36% of the EU's wholesale finance industry and a 61% share of the EU's net exports of international transactions in financial services’, but that under new rules coming into force in 2014, it would ‘only possess 12% of the votes in the Council of Ministers and 10% of the votes in the European Parliament.’[42] As a result, the report argued for national sovereignty over banking regulation.

The EU Constitution

In 2007 and 2008, Open Europe published two reports on the 2007 Constitutional Treaty, criticising the Labour decision in April 2007 to hold no referendum on its ratification. This made no sense, the reports claimed, as the Lisbon Treaty and the 2007 Treaty were basically identical.[43] A 2008 collection of essays also criticised the EU’s dissemination of information about how it works to the European public, dismissing its PR initiatives as costly ‘propaganda exercises’.[44]

Further reports in 2012 and 2014 argued respectively for more parliamentary scrutiny of EU legislation, and for limiting the powers of the European Parliament - a body held to represent a ‘failed experiment in pan-European democracy’.[45]

The Eurozone Crisis

Since 2010, Open Europe has published reports consistently arguing against EU bail-outs for struggling debtor states. A 2010 report argued that EU leaders should either let Greece default on their repayments, or go to the IMF for a bail-out.[46] Similarly, in the case of Ireland, another report from the same year argued that there is a ‘big risk that [EU bail-out] loans won’t solve anything at all’.[47] In a further 2010 report, Open Europe argued that the eurozone had become a de facto debt union, with member states taking on each other’s liabilities. The EU should not, the report argued, turn a de facto debt union into a debt union by law. Attracting even deeper criticism was the creation of the ‘European Stability Mechanism’, which the report argued should be rejected on the grounds that it leaves the UK liable for €8bn of loans, should any beneficiary default.[48] A trio of 2011 reports argued variously that: the best solution to the Portuguese sovereign debt crisis would be a small bail-out combined with large-scale restructuring; that the ECB is over-leveraged and over-exposed to potentially toxic debt; and that the position of Greece within the Eurozone needs to be re-evaluated as further bail-outs are too expensive to be viable.[49]

The Fresh Start Project and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform

Open Europe is connected to parliament via both the Fresh Start Project, a parliamentary grouping of Conservative MPs concerned by EU issues, and the All-Party Parliamentary Group for European Reform.

The Fresh Start Project was co-founded in October 2011 by George Eustice MP, ex-CEO of Business for Sterling, and Andrea Leadsom MP, who on April 14 2014 was appointed Economic Secretary to the Treasury after serving on the Treasury Select Committee for four years.[50] According to the minutes of their meetings, the group bases their discussions on Open Europe reports.[51]

The APPG for European Reform was founded at a similar time to the Fresh Start Project, holding its inaugural meeting on 10 November 2011.[52] At this meeting, Leadsom was elected co-chair of the group, and Eustice an Officer. Open Europe was instituted as secretariat to the group, giving them very close proximity to MPs.

Leadsom’s connections to Open Europe predate her involvement in the founding of the APPG and the Fresh Start Project. Before being elected Conservative MP for South Northamptonshire in 2010, Leadsom was Managing Director of De Putron Fund Management between 1997 and 1999, and a Senior Investment Officer at Invesco Perpetual between 1999-2009.[53] Using data gathered by the Washington-based organisation the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, a July 2014 report by The Guardian found that Peter de Putron - brother-in-law of Andrea Leadsom and founder of De Putron Fund Management - had donated £816,000 to the Conservative Party since 2010, and £680,000 to Open Europe since its foundation in 2005.[54] The donations to both the Conservatives and to Open Europe were channelled through the company Gloucester Research (now called G-Research), at which Andrea’s husband, Ben Leadsom, is a director.[54]

Influential Reports

The following reports formed the basis of discussion for meetings of either the Fresh Start Project, the APPG for European Reform, or both:

  • ‘What works? How to reduce emissions at the lowest cost’ (22 January 2008).[55]

The report argues against EU’s 2020 target of a 10% use of biofuels across the EU, as they are (according to OE) the most expensive way to cut carbon emissions. Accordingly, the EU should scrap the target, as well as subsidies for biofuels.

Stephen Booth, Research Director at Open Europe, gave a talk on this subject to the APPG for European Reform on 12 June 2012.[56]

  • ‘Repatriating EU Social policy: The best choice for jobs and growth?’ (9 November 2011).[57]

The report argues that the UK should repatriate social policy currently decided in Brussels. Social policy, in this instance, involves employment regulations: the Working Time Directive (WTD), the Agency Workers Directive (AWD), as well as workplace directives on things like asbestos, levels of exposure to noise at work. Open Europe argue that these things should be brought back under national control.

A summary of the report made by Andrea Leadsom began a meeting of the Fresh Start Project on 14 November 2011.[58] Mats Persson, the current director of Open Europe, also presented the report to a meeting of the APPG on 10 November 2011. He began by stating that ‘EU social law is costing the UK £8.6bn a year’.[59]

  • ‘Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe’ (5 December 2011).[60]

This report argues for national sovereignty over banking regulation, and points to the potential for banks to flee London should any Financial Transactions Tax be imposed in the EU or the Eurozone. It also argues that the UK’s influence over financial regulation should be weighted to reflect its large share of the EU’s total finance industry. As the title suggests, it seeks to ‘keep the city open for business’.[61]

Mats Persson presented this report to a meeting of the APPG on 5 December 2011.[62]

  • ‘Off target: The case for bringing regional policy back home’ (24 January 2012). [63]

One of many Open Europe reports about the EU’s structural and cohesion (welfare) funds, arguing that they continue to be poorly targeted and that funds should be repatriated to member states. Doing so, the report argues, would save on administration costs, and increase the amount of subsidy available for regional development in the UK.

This report formed the basis of discussion in a meeting of the Fresh Start Project on 25 January 2012.[64] Mats Persson also presented the report to the APPG on 24 January 2012.[65]

  • ‘An unavoidable choice: More or less EU control over UK policing and criminal law’ (29 January 2012).[66]

A report on whether the UK should repatriate 130 EU crime and policing laws, or transfer full control over these laws to EU judges for the first time. The report argues that the UK should repatriate them.

George Eustice MP briefed a meeting of the Fresh Start Project on this report, on 1 June 2012.[67] Stephen Booth also presented the report to the APPG on 31 January 2012.[68]

  • ‘More for Less: making the EU’s farm policy work for growth and the environment’ (27 February 2012).[69]

Argues that the UK government should use on-going negotiations over the EU’s long-term budget to reform the Common Agricultural Policy. The UK, the report argues, is a big loser from the CAP. Whilst full ‘liberalisation’ of the CAP would be viable, it would not gain enough political support.[70] The report proposes, therefore, a streamlined version of the CAP.

This report formed the basis of discussion at a Fresh Start Project meeting on 29 February 2012.[71] Mats Persson also presented the report to a meeting of the APPG on 28 February 2012.[72]

  • ‘Tread Carefully: The impact and management of EU free movement and immigration policy’ (12 March 2012).[73]

Argues in favour of the UK’s current approach to national/EU immigration policy, through which it can opt into EU laws which are in its national interest. The report argues that this approach could be improved by creating a ‘reversible opt-in’, so that opt-in decisions made by one government do not bind the next. It also argues that the UK should work with the European Commission and other member states to come up with the means to resist EU-imposed strains on public finances.

Stephen Booth presented the report to the APPG on 31 March 2012.[74]

  • ‘Trading places: Is EU membership still the best option for UK trade?’ (12 June 2012).[75]

Argues that in terms of UK trade, all the options that involve leaving the EU are unviable: remaining as part of the EU is still the best scenario for the UK economy. The report warns that if either: EU ‘liberalisation’ stalls; the EU moves to protectionism in the wake of the Eurozone crisis; or the EU prevents the UK from seizing growth opportunities in non-EU countries, then membership needs to be re-evaluated.

Christopher Howarth, senior analyst at Open Europe, presented this report to a meeting of the APPG on 22 May 2012 (ahead of its publication in June).[76]

Examples of influence

Daily Press Summary

On 1 February 2006, Open Europe launched their Daily Press Summary. It is available either on their website, or as a daily email.[77] It professes to be a neutral round-up of articles on ‘EU issues and the eurozone crisis’ from around Europe, but appears to be slanted towards news that supports their case for a de-regulated and politically anaesthetised EU. It also includes occasional editorial ‘comments’ on various articles.

The Economist columnist David Rennie has argued that it is difficult to underestimate the influence of the daily summary, suggesting that ‘well over half the stories in the British daily press on the EU are directly inspired by Open Europe press releases and tip-offs’.[78]

Open Europe Blog

On October 17 2006, the Open Europe blog was inaugurated.[79] Somewhere between 200-500 entries were posted annually between 2007 and 2014.

Press coverage

On 5 December 2011, Open Europe published a briefing, Continental Shift: Safeguarding the UK’s financial trade in a changing Europe,[80] which Ed Conway, economics editor of Sky News, said "seems to have influenced and informed the Prime Minister's position negotiating in Brussels".[81] The Open Europe Blog suggested UK Prime Minister David Cameron "Insert a political declaration in the summit conclusions tomorrow that calls for concrete measures to protect non-euro member states' economic interests; 2) Work out concrete protocol language amounting to the UK safeguard over EU financial services".[82] The first had already been detailed in a "secret Foreign Office diplomatic note";[83] the second, not published as of 14 December 2011, corresponds to the "specific protocol on financial services" mentioned by EU President Barroso that resulted in the remaining 26 countries of the EU "moving ahead [on a fiscal compact] without UK’s participation". Prior to this outcome, some commentators had suggested Cameron might succeed, and satisfy Conservative MPs: "the sceptical think tank Open Europe has argued for a protocol for the single market where Britain's influence over financial services laws could be safeguarded, particularly against decisions taken by the eurozone that will impact on all 27 EU countries. As a text contained within a formal protocol, this would have some legal basis."[84]

Stockholm Network

Open Europe, like both Politeia and the Policy Exchange, is a member of the Stockholm Network of free market think tanks whose membership also includes the stalwarts of the free market right from the early stages of the neo-liberal revolution such as the Institute of Economic Affairs, the Adam Smith Institute, the Centre for Policy Studies and the Social Affairs Unit (of a total of 19 UK member organisations).[85]

The Stockholm Network is the ‘main liaison channel’ for free market European think tanks. It was founded in September 1997 and claims to bring together over 120 think tanks from across Europe.[86]The member groups are primarily ‘dogmatic free-marketeers who want to introduce minimalist "flat taxes" (thus ending redistribution via taxation), terminate social protection systems and privatise healthcare. They attack socially or environmentally progressive legislation, which is in place or under discussion, and that places restrictions on market activity. For example, these think tanks consistently cast doubt on the seriousness of climate change, oppose environmental regulations and promote free-market pseudo-solutions to virtually every problem.'[87]

The Stockholm Network links also to the network of right wing think tanks in the US. It has close links with the Heritage Foundation, which ‘frequently’ sends staff to Europe and has ‘worked closely with five like-minded European think tanks to produce and launch a European edition of their Index of Economic Freedom, which ranks countries according to criteria like tax reduction and deregulation policies.’[88]

Neo-conservative connections

Funding

2006-2007

The 2006 accounts of the right-wing American Smith Richardson Foundation describe a $176,000 grant given to Open Europe's then Director Neil O'Brien to research and write a book on the EU for the Policy Forum on International Security Affairs. The project was titled Reforming the E.U. for the 21st Century: Roadmaps for Reform and described as follows:

Neil O’Brien will research and write a book exploring the future of the European Union. He will commission public opinion research, conduct interviews with leading European officials, and convene a series of meetings in order to develop a roadmap for reform of the European Union.[89]

As of July 2009 the book does not so far appear to have been published, although Open Europe did arrange a seminar called 'Reforming the EU for the 21st century' on 14 May 2009 at the Europaforum in Hässleholm. The speakers at the seminar were Mats Persson and Lorraine Mullally from Open Europe and Bruno Waterfield the EU correspondent for the Daily Telegraph. [90]

The 2007 accounts of the Policy Forum on International Security Affairs reveal that the forum provided a grant of $78,080 to Open Europe that year. [91] The accounts provide no further details of the purpose of the grant.

The obscure conservative foundation the Institute for Policy Research has also funded Open Europe repeatedly. Full details from Charity Commission filings are in the table below.

Funding agency[92] 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Total 2005-2013
Institute for Policy Research 70,000 95,346 127,000 181,500 105,000 143,000 113,000 300,000 201,000 1,335,846
The Sir John Ritblat Family Foundation 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1,000 ? 1,000

2014

In 2014 offshore financier Peter de Putron and brother-in-law of UK financial services minister Andrea Leadsom was revealed as a major donor to both the Conservative Party and Open Europe. Records obtained from a US nonprofit news organisation, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists showed he had given a total of £680,000 to Open Europe. [54]

Events

Open Europe tend not to focus on the relationship of the EU to the rest of the world - the USA, the Middle East - as part of their published research output. However, they have held events on the issue.

On 22 May 2007 Open Europe co-hosted an event at the House of Commons with the International Media Intelligence Analysis called 'Iran, Britain and Europe: Post hostage crisis, what can we expect next?'. The event included presentations by Claude Moniquet, the Director of the European Strategic and Intelligence Center and Mark Fitzpatrick of the International Institute for Strategic Studies and former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Non-proliferation at the State Department.

Fitzpatrick said that Iran was looking to develop longer-range missiles capable of reaching western Europe and that Israel “has real reason to see an Iranian nuclear capability as an existential threat”. Moniquet said that there was a danger of terrorist attacks in Europe if military action is taken against Iran, saying that “Iran was a terrorist state for 23 years. We have no proof this has changed. Iran is working hard to organise terror in Europe,” targeting the UK in particular. [93]

On 9 October 2007 Open Europe hosted a debate on the Galileo European Satellite System. One speaker at the debate was Peter Brookes of the Heritage Foundation. According to Open Europe's account of the speech Brookes said that some in the US are alarmed about the military aspects of the Galileo and saw the push for the system as symptomatic of some in Europe that are pushing Europe to pursue its own security and defence identity, separate from the US and NATO. He said: “It could be argued that the militarisation of the EU – Galileo being part of that – marks one of the greatest geo-political shifts in the transatlantic alliance since the second world war. In the eyes of some, the ESDP [European Security and Defense Policy] embodies some of the worst elements of European animosity towards the United States.” [94]

It would be misleading, however, to diagnose a neo-conservative slant to Open Europe's stance on EU foreign policy (if they can be said to assume a stance at all). On 15 November 2006, Open Europe hosted a seminar by Dr John Hulsman, in which he argued (according to the account given by Open Europe) that the USA should reject neoconservative foreign policy. The 2003 Iraq war, he argued, and failed in its objective of creating a stable democratic country.[95]

People

Board
Meg Allen †1, DRAMLA SA John Barton †1, Wellington Underwriting plc Michael Freeman †11, Argent Group plc
Rupert Hambro †1, J O Hambro Ltd John Jennings †3, Shell Transport & Trading plc Lord Leach of Fairford †1 and †12, Matheson & Co
Lizzie Noel †12 of Communications, Tribal Group plc David Ord †13, The Bristol Port Company Lord Renwick of Clifton †2, Investment Banking, J P Morgan (Europe)
Lord Salisbury †12, Gascoyne Holdings Ltd Derek Scott †10 Economics Advisor to the Prime Minister, 1997-2003 Nigel Smith †3, the no (euro) campaign
Michael Spencer †4, ICAP plc Stuart Wheeler †11, IG Group plc Brian Williamson Senior Advisor, Fleming Family & Partners
Simon Wolfson †4, Next plc   
Supporters
Antony Acland former Head of the Diplomatic Service David Agnew †1 & †13, Isaac Agnew (Holdings) Ltd Rudolph Agnew †1, WCMC 2000
Mohammed Ali †18 and †11, Ambala Foods Andrew Allum Partner, LEK Consulting Henry Angest †1 & †4, Arbuthnot Banking Group Plc
Michael Angus †12, Halcrow Martyn Arbib †11 and †3, Perpetual Plc Stuart Archbold OBE †1, Archbold Logistics Ltd
Lord Ashburton †3, British Petroleum Plc Edward Atkin †13, CA Holdings Plc Paul Auston †1, Checkmate Avon Group
David Bailey †1, Datacash Group Plc Andrew Bainbridge †12 General, MEUC Ltd Hew Balfour †4, Havelock Europa plc
Anthony Bamford †1 and †13, JCB Lawrence Banks former †10, Robert Fleming Holdings Ltd Nicholas Barber CBE †1, Bolero International Ltd
Anthony Barbour †13, Bolesworth Estate Co Ltd Patrick Barbour †12, Microgen plc David Barker †11 and †1, Copley Square (2003) Ltd
Peter Barton †10, Alliance & Leicester plc Neville Baxter †1, The R H Group Ian Baxter †13, The RH Group Ltd
Philip Beck †3, Railtrack John Beckwith †1, Pacific Investments Plc Martin Bell †13, Castle View International Holdings
Steven Bell †2, Newman Scott Shopfitting Susan Bell Proctor †13, Warehouse Systems Ltd Rupert Bentley †12, Bentley Reid Group
Simon Bentley †10, Mishcon de Reya Marcus Beresford †1, Rocardo Plc David Bernstein †1, Blacks Leisure Group Plc
Nicholas Berry †1, Stancroft Trust Richard Biffa †10, Shanks Group John Biggin †13, Keltruck Ltd
Lynn Billings Finance †12, Finglow Ltd Brian Bird †1, The Bird Group of Companies Charlotte Black Marketing †12, Brewin Dolphin Secruities Ltd
Toby Blackwell †6, Blackwell UK Ltd Lord Blakenham †3, Pearson Plc Philip Bland †12, Oval Insurance Ltd
Robert Boas †1, Federation of British Artists Richard Boggis-Rolfe †4, [[Odgers, Ray & Berndston Ltd Michael Bond †9, Corfe Castle Holidays
Roger Bootle †13, Capital Economics John Brackenbury †1, Brackenbury Leisure Ltd Leslie Breathwick †1, Cannoncourt Ltd
Iain Breese †1, Westler Foods Ltd Michael Brent †1 and †13, Trimite Ltd David Briggs †13, Dawsons Music Ltd
David Briggs †13, Offshoot Enterprises Ltd Simon Brocklebank-Fowler †13, Cubutt Consulting Roger Brooke †1, Innisfree plc
Keith Brooks †4, TBI Plc Alan Brown Head of Investment, Schroders Philip Brown †11 and †3, PJB Publications
Peter Buckley †1, Caledonia Investments Plc Alan Burden †13, Anglo St James Ltd Richard Burrows †1, Tex Holdings
Paul Burton †1, The Burton Agency Ltd Robert Burton †13, Flightform UK Ltd Joel Cadbury †4, Longshot plc
Charles Cameron †4, InTechnology Plc Keith Cann-Evans †13, Hunter Grinders Ltd Mark Cannon-Brookes †12, Smith and Williamson Investment Management
Raymond Carr Historian Ken Carter †1, Jardine Lloyd Thompson Group Alun Cathcart †1, Avis Europe
John Caudwell †1 and †4, The Caudwell Group Lord Charles Cecil †12, Helix Associates Limited Lord Chadlington †4, Huntsworth Plc
Gilbert Chalk †1, [[The Baring English Growth Fund, Baring Private Equity Partners Ltd David Chambers †1, Lindum Group Ltd Clifford Champion †1 and †6, A W Champion Ltd
Kit Chapman †14, The Castle at Taunton Keith Chapman †1, Findel Plc Mike Clare †1 and †4, Dreams Plc
John Clare CBE †4, Dixons Group Plc Robin Clark †1, Taylor Clark Plc Christopher Clarke †12, Cridmore Farm Co Ltd
Duncan Clegg †1, Low and Bonar Plc Algy Cluff †1, Cluff Gold Ltd John Clugston †1, Clugston Group Ltd
Timothy Cockroft †12, KBC Peel Hunt Ltd Kay Coleman OBE †12 and former †4, Harvey's and Co Ltd Sir John Coles Head of the Diplomatic Service, 1994-97
David Collett †2, Congregational & General Insurance Plc Richard Collins †1, F L Estates Roderick Collins †11 and †12, Firecrest Ltd
Tim Congdon †15, Institute of Economic Affairs Andrew Cook †1, William Cook Ltd Laurence Copeland Professor of Financial Economics, Cardiff Business School
Mike Cornish †12 and †3, Linpac Group Ltd John Cotton †1, John Cotton Group Ltd Neil Cotton †12, Madison Drinks Co Ltd
Tom Cowie †1, North European Marine Services Ltd John Craig †12, New Star Investment Trust plc John Craven †1, Fleming Family and Partners
Terry Cross †1, Delta Print & Packaging Ltd Stephen Curran †1, Candover Investments Mark Darell-Brown †12, RAB Capital
Lord Daresbury †1, De Vere Group plc Jim Darling †1, Codemasters Group Ltd Duncan Davidson †1 and †11, Persimmon Plc
Crispin Davis †4, Reed Elsevier Group James Davis CBE K(DK) †1, International Maritime Industries Forum Michel de Carvalho Vice-†1, Citigroup plc
Guy Dellal Property Investor Felix Dennis †1, Dennis Group Charles Dent †13, Timothy Taylor & Co Ltd
Lord Derwent †10, Hutchison Whampoa (Europe) Ltd Rupert Dilnott-Cooper former †4, Carlton Communications plc Maurice Dixson Executive †1, Cranfield Aerospace Ltd
Michael Dobbs Author]] Michael Dobson †4, Schroders Plc Judith Donovan CBE †1, DIY Direct Marketing Ltd
Lloyd Dorfman CEO and †1, Travelex Group Justin Dowley †8, Tricorn Partners Roger Earl Consultant to the Heath Lambert Group Plc
Stuart Earley former †13, Deep-Sea Lesiure Plc Robert Edmiston †1 and †4, IM Group Ltd Michael Edwardes †1, Tryhorn Investments Ltd
John Egan †1, Severn Trent Plc Johan Eliasch †1, Head Group Alan Elliot †3, Blick Plc
Ben Elliot †16, Quintessentially Paul Evans Joint †1, Rentacrate UK Ltd Alan Evans †10, Hall and Watts (Optronics) Ltd
Patrick Evershed †12, New Star Asset Management Ltd John Fairbairn former †10, M&G Group Plc Francois Feuillat Partner, Vinson & Elkins RLLP
Malcolm Field †1, Aricom Plc Richard Fildes †1, Barlows plc Roddy Fleming †12, Fleming Family and Partners
Jean-Paul Floru Councillor, City of Westminster Peter Foden †3, ERF Ltd Professor James Foreman-Peck †12, [[Welsh Institute for Research in Economics & Development, Cardiff Business School
Rocco Forte †1 and †4, Rocco Forte Hotels Graeme Foux †11 and CEO of Woyano]] Oliver Fox-Pitt †12, Fox-Pitt Kelton Ltd
William Frame †13 and †11, Braemore Estates Ltd Nicholas Frankopan Zagrebacki Neboder d.o.o]] Peter Frankopan Senior Research †15, [[Worcester College, Oxford
David Franks †1, Broken Foot Inns Ltd Chris Fraser †13, Hotel Connect Ltd Ken Fraser †1, Norwell Engineering
Clara Freeman former Executive †12, Marks & Spencer Plc John Frieda †11, John Frieda plc Jonathan Fry †3, Elementis plc
Haruko Fukuda OBE †1, Caliber Global Investment Ltd Anthony Fuller CBE †1, Fuller Smith and Turner plc Elizabeth Gage †1, Elizabeth Gage Ltd
Barry Gamble †1 and †4, Fountains plc Edmund Gartside †12 and former †13, Shiloh Plc Barry Grimaldi Private General Practitioner]]
Martin Gatto †1, Neutrahealth plc Thomas Gibson †1, Thomas Gibson Fine Art Advisory Services Howard Giles †1, Gilesports plc
Charles Goodson-Wickes †4, Medarc Ltd Jonathan Goodwin Joint-†17 and co-†11, LongAcre Partners Ltd MIke Gooley †1, Trailfinders
Campbell Gordon †12, UBS David Gorton Co-†11, London Diversified Fund Managment Ross Graham †7, Misys plc
Donald Greenhalgh Non-Executive †12, Ainscough Cranes Ltd George Greenwood †3, Steamship Insurance Management Services Ltd Ronald Grierson †7 General, [[Industry & Technology, European Commission
Stanley Grinstead †3, Grand Metropolitan Plc Lulu Guinness †1, Lulu Guinness Ltd Paul Guy †1, PMS Developments Plc
Alan Halsall Joint-†13, Silver Cross Holdings Ltd Peter Hambro †1, Peter Hambro Plc and Peter Hambro Mining Plc Don Hanson †1, Manchester University Pension Fund
Robert Hanson †1, Hanson Capital Ltd Stephen Hargrave †1, Thomas Potts Plc William Hargreaves Joint-†13, SISIS Equipment Ltd
Peter Hargreaves †4, Hargreaves Lansdown Plc John Harris †1, Alba Plc Lord Harris of Peckham †1 and †4, Carpetright plc
Jeff Harrison †12, Tortcrest Ltd Richard Harvey †12, First corporate Shipping Ltd Bobby Hashemi Co-†11, Coffee Republic
Peter Hawksley †4]] Michael Heathcoat Amory †12 and †3, Jupiter International Green Investment Trust Plc Michael Heller †1, London and Associated Properties Ltd
Oliver Hemsley †4, Numis Corporation Plc Robin Herbert †12, Arbuthnot Latham Garth Heron †9, Garth Heron Search & Consultancy
John Hickman †1, Kingston Estates Ltd Lord Hindlip †3, Christies International Plc Robert Hiscox †1, Hiscox Plc
Alexander Hoare †4, Hoare and Co David Hoare Executive †1, Virgin Express Holdings Plc Jonathan Hodge Executive †10, Julian Hodge Bank
John Hoerner †4 of Clothing, Tesco Plc Steven Hope †1 of A & D Hope]] John Hoskyns †3, Arcadia Group plc
Jan Hruska †4, Sophos plc David Hunter †13, NCL Investments Ltd Kit Hunter Gordon †13, The Summit Group Ltd
Michael Hutchinson †1, The AGD Group Ltd Stuart Hutton †13, Priory Hotels Ltd Tim Iredale †13, Reed of Trowbridge
Kambiz Jaberi †1 and †13, Karins Group of Companies John Jackson †1, Whitley Willows Ltd C Richard Jackson MBE †1, Mercedes Benz North Yorkshire
Michael Jackson †1, Elderstreet Investments Clive Jacobs †11, Holiday Autos Martin Jacomb †3, Prudential plc
Margot James †11, Shire Health Group Peter Jay former Economics Editor, BBC Mark Jiskoot †13, Jiskoot Ltd
Luke Johnson †1, Signature Restaurants plc David Johns-Powell †13, William Powell & Son Ltd Christopher Joll †1, MJ2 Ltd
Alan Jones OBE former Group †13, TNT Express UK Peter Jones Operations †12, Argos Retail Group Kenneth Jordan †18, Chailey Consulting
C Judd †12, Gerald Judd Sales Ltd Paul Judge †1, Royal Society of Arts Lord Kalms of Edgware †6, Dixons plc
Peter Kane †11 and †1, Business Post Group Gerald Kaye Development †12, Helical Bar plc Nicholas Kaye †4, Canfield Investments Ltd
Terence Kealey Vice Chancellor, University of Buckingham John Keating †13, Wessex Resins and Adhesives Ltd Martyn Kebbell †1, Maxwell Stamp plc
Graham Keddie †1, GSPK Ltd Chris Kelly †1, Keltruck Ltd William Kendall †4, Green & Black's
Chips Keswick †3, Hambros Bank Ltd Henry Keswick †1, Matheson and Co Ltd Simon Keswick †12, Matheson and Co Ltd
Paul Killik †5, Killik & Co Mike Killingley †1, Beale Plc Richard King †1, Oyster Partners Ltd
Brian Kingham †11 and †1, Reliance Security Group plc Simon Kirby †13, Thomas Crapper and Sons Ltd Matthew Knight †5, Knights Solicitors
Tom Kremer †1, Seven Towns Ltd Lord Laidlaw of Rothiemay †11, Institute for International Research Deepak Lal Emeritus Professor of Political Economy, University College London
Martin Landau †12, European Hotels Corp Ltd Peter Lane †13, GRS Roadstone Ltd John Langham †1, Langham Industries Ltd
David Lascelles Co-†12 and Joint †11 of the Centre for the Study of Financial Innovation]] Ruth Lea †12, Centre for Policy Studies John Lea †13, Morning Foods Ltd
David Lees †1, Tate & Lyle plc Howard Leigh †12, Cavendish Major General Gordon Lennox The Gordon Lennox Estate Company]]
Hugh Lenon †9, Phoenix Equity Partners Graeme Lewis †1, Hi-Gear Leisure plc Peter Linacre †13, Massive Ltd
Kevin Linfoot †11 and †1, K W Linfoot plc Marcus Loudon Co-†11, Lawton Cross Ltd Rupert Lowe †1, Lesiure Holdings Ltd
Gerard Lyons Chief Economist, Standard Chartered plc Neil MacKinnon Chief Currency Strategist, The ECU Group plc Alastair MacMillan †12, White House Products Ltd
Lt Col W P C MacNair †13, Black Isle Communications Ltd Lilian Mains †13, Zodiac Training Ltd Dimitri Marchessini †1, Marchessini and Co Ltd
Tim Martin †1 and †11, JD Weatherspoon plc Ivan Massow †11, Ivan Massow Financial Services Ltd Paul Mawdsley †13, The Mawdsley Consultancy
Malcolm McAlpine †12, Robert McAlpine Ltd Jack McClenaghan †13, Phoenix Merchants Ltd Kiki McDonough †11, Kiki McDonough
Charles McLeod †11 and †4, The 4Less Group plc Nigel McNair Scott †1, Avocet Mining plc Nick Medlam †13, Safetell International Ltd
John Melbourn MBE †12, Gulf International plc Tim Melville-Ross †1, DTZ Holdings plc Peter Michael CBE †1, Classic FM
Antony Michaelson †13, Musical Fidelity Edgar Miller †13, Palladian Ltd Michael Miller †1, Harris & Sheldon Group Ltd
Lorna Moran MBE CEO, NRG Group Peter Morgan †1, Strategic Thought Plc Douglas Morpeth †3, Clerical Medical Life Assurances
Richard Morriss †13, Marmet Ltd James Morton Investment †12, European American Securities Raymond Mould †1, Pillar Property plc
Simon Murray †1, Simon Murray & Associates Robert Neame CBE DL †1, Shepherd Neame Ltd Simon Newman †12, Armchair Passenger Company Ltd
Anthony Nissen †13, The Virtual Office Group Jill Norman Writer John Nott †3, Hillsdown Holdings plc
Stephens Obomese †13, The Leber-Lebe House Ltd Julian Ogilvie Thompson Non-executive †12, De Beers Consolidated Mines and De Beers sa Richard Oldfield †4, Oldfield Partners LLP
Matthew Orr Co-†11 of Killik & Co Gordon Owen former Group †13, Cable & Wireless David Palmer former †4 and †1, Willis, Faber & Dumas
Richard Patient †13, Indigo Public Relations Louise Patten †1, Brixton Plc Michael Pawley †12, Proficio Solutions Ltd
Alan Peacock Co-†11, David Hume Institute John Phillips CBE †1, Reliance Barker Davies Ltd David Peake †3, Kleinwort Benson Group
Michael Pickard †10, London First Desmond Pitcher †12 and †3, United Utilities plc John Pittard former Group †13, Pittards plc
Michael Plaut †13, Northmace Hendon Ltd Mike Price †1, Castle Composite Doors Ltd David Price †3, F & C Management plc
Professor Gwyn Prins LSE and Columbia University]] Peter Prowting †1, Prowting Investments Plc David Pusinelli †12, [[Corporate Development, Close Brothers Group plc
William Pybus †3, AAH Holdings Christopher Quinton †1, Halarose Limited Sean Ramsden †11 and †13, Nisa International
Christopher Rea †13, AES Engineering Ltd Neil Record †1, Record Currency Management Ltd Gavin Reed †12, Broadgate Management Services Ltd
David Reid Scott †1, Hawkpoint Partners Ltd Lord Remnant CVO †3, National Provident Institution Nigel Rich CBE †12, Sutherland Corporate Services
Martin Ricketts CBE Professor, University of Buckingham John Ritblat †1, British Land Company plc Peter Rivers-Fletcher †13, Watsonian-Squire Group plc
Graham Roach †2, [[Roach Foods Division, Tulip Ltd John Robins †3, Austin Reed Group plc Peter Robinson †1, Frederic Robinson Ltd
Clive Rook †13, Rook Matthews Sayer Property Philippa Rose †4, Rose Partnership Stuart Rose †4, Marks & Spencer plc
Raj Ruia †12, Ruia Group Lord Saatchi Partner, M&C Saatchi John Sadler †3, Pearl Group plc
Lord Sainsbury of Preston Candover †6, J Sainsbury plc Nicholas Sallnow-Smith †4, Hongkong Land Ltd Jim Sander †1, Precision Concepts Ltd
Paddy Scott former †13, Pimm's Limited Malcolm Scott †13, Dunalastair Estates Patrick Scott †12, The Ormiston Partnership
David Sedgley †1, Roadlink International Ltd Christopher Shale †4, Oxford Resources Ltd Jane Sheldon †13, Mawsley Machinery
Lord Sheppard of Didgemere †1, Didgemere Consultants Graham Sherren †1, Centaur Media Geoffrey Simon †1, John Broadwood and Sons Ltd
Clive Snell †13, Trigate Holdings Ltd Peter Spira former †2 of Goldman Sachs International]] James Spooner †7, John Swire and Sons
James Staughton †13, St Austell Brewery Co Ltd Michael Stoddart Senior Advisor, Fleming Family and Partners Michael Stone †1, Gamma Telecommunications Ltd
Peter Stormonth Darling †1, Atlas Capital Group SA Richard Storey Bt CBE †3, Portsmouth & Sunderland Newspapers plc John Sunley †1, Sunley Holdings Plc
Richard Tanner †1, Tanners Wines Ltd Michael Taylor former Financial †12 of Gresham Scientific Instruments Ltd]] Brian Tew Partner, Simon Smith Group
Richard Tice †12, Maxcap Partners Robert Tomkinson †3, Pittards Plc James Tonner †18, JETechnics
Richard Topham †12, Charles Topham Group Ltd Peregrine Towneley Executive Committee Member, Agnew Higgins Pickering & Co Tony Travis †3 and †4, Travis Perkins Plc
Viscount Trenchard Senior Advisor, Prudential Financial Ltd Hugh Trevor-Jones †1, Lowe and Fletcher Ltd Neville Trotter †1, British-American Chamber of Commerce North East
Andrew Tuckey †12, Bridgewell Derek Tughan †1, Ralborough Securities Ltd Simon Turnbull †1, Turnbull Scott and Co Ltd
Neil Turner †1, Edward Turner and Sons Ltd Rod Turner †1 of Whale Tankers Limited]] Martin Vallance †12, Vallectric Ltd
John Varley Group †4, Barclays Plc Lord Vinson of Roddam Dene †7, British Airports Authority Fred Vinton †1, Electra Partners Ltd
David von Simson †13, Europa Partners Ltd Charles Wade †1, Wade Group Ltd Patrick Walker †7 General, MI5
Max Ward †13, The Independent Investment Trust Plc Monima Wardle †13, City Analytics Nicholas Wheeler †11, Charles Tyrwhitt Shirts LLP
Michael Whitaker Executive †12, Mitre Estates Ltd Bill Whiteley CEO, Rotork Plc Simon Whitmore †3, Butcombe Brewery Ltd
John Wildgoose †1, Wildgoose Construction Limited Colin Wright †18, Wright Tucker and Associates John R Wright former †4, Clydesdale & Yorkshire Banks
Stanislas Yassukovich †1, S M Yassukovich and Co Ltd Martin Young †4, Meyado International Ltd Lord Young of Graffham †1, Young Associates Ltd

Source: Open Europe 2005-2007 Board Accessed 22 Aug 2007

† key:
  1. Chairman
  2. Vice Chairman
  3. former Chairman
  4. Chief Executive
  5. Senior Partner
  6. President
  7. former Director
  8. Founder Partner
  9. Managing Partner
  10. Deputy Chairman
  11. Founder
  12. Director
  13. Managing Director
  14. Proprietor
  15. Fellow
  16. Founding Partner

Contact

Resources

  • Open Europe 2005-2007Board Accessed 22 Aug 2007
  • Open Europe 2005-2007Supporters Accessed 22 Aug 2007

References

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  46. ‘A Greek Bailout: is it legally possible and what will it cost EU taxpayers?’, Open Europe, February 2010.
  47. ‘What will the Irish bailout solve?’, Open Europe, November 2010.
  48. ‘The Rise of the EU’s economic government’, Open Europe, June 2010.
  49. ‘Stopping the rot? The cost of a Portuguese bail-out and why it is better to restructure’, Open Europe, March 2011; A House built on sand? The ECB and the hidden cost of saving the Euro’, Open Europe, June 2011; ‘Abandon Ship? Time to stop bailing out Greece?’, Open Europe, June 2011.
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