Meyrav Wurmser

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Born in Israel, Meyrav Wurmser is described as a "leading scholar of the Arab world" on her profile page at the Hudson Institute. Wurmser is the cofounder of MEMRI and a columnist for the Jerusalem Post. She is married to the neoconservative analyst David Wurmser. Since 2002 Wurmser has been director of the Center for Middle East Policy at the Hudson Institute in Washington, DC. She has been described as an "ardent Zionist"[1] for her role in helping to draft the now infamous "Clean Break" document proposing the overthrow of Saddam Hussein as a step towards reshaping Israel's strategic environment.


Wurmser wrote her PhD thesis on Revisionist Zionism and received her doctorate in political science at George Washington University. She has taught political science at Johns Hopkins University and the US Naval Academy. She has pursued a career as a political analyst for the US and Israel.

Wurmser contributed to two important policy papers prior to the US-led 2003 invasion of Iraq which were absorbed by the Bush Administration. The first paper, "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," was originally prepared for Israel, for Likud party leader and then incoming Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The second was titled "[[Coping with Crumbling States: A Western and Israeli Balance of Power Strategy for the Levant]]" and was also written with A Clean Break's principal author, David Wurmser (Meyrav's husband). Both papers were contributed to by other well-known neoconservatives such as Richard Perle and Douglas Feith.


Endowment for Middle East Truth

Since 2008 Wurmser has been listed on the advisory board of the Endowment for Middle East Truth (EMET), a group which describes itself as the "first unabashedly pro-Israel and pro-American think tank and policy shop on Capitol Hill."[2] EMET was involved in the distribution of over 20 million DVDs of a film called "Obsession" in swing states prior to the 2008 US Presidential election. Called "controversial" by some, the 60 minute film was also criticized for being deeply Islamophobic:

Critics allege that the movie "Obsession" is "hate propaganda" which paints Muslims as violent extremists and, among other things, explicitly compares the threat posed by radical Islam to that of Nazi Germany in the 1930s.[3]

On her EMET profile Wurmser includes the following:

During her tenure at MEMRI, Wurmser helped educate policy makers about the distinction between what Palestinian and Arab leaders were saying in Arabic to their own people, and what they say to Western diplomats and journalists in English.[4]



An undeniable theme in Wurmser's work is the idea that Zionism represents the core of Jewish national identity and that those that criticize Zionist policies are threats to the Israeli state. In "Post-Zionism and the Sephardi Question," Wurmser argues that some Mizrahi Jewish academics with a "distinctly Mizrahi outlook" are "challenging the legitimacy of the Israeli state from within" because they criticize the notion of turning Israel into an ethnically enforced "Jewish State."[5]

True to post-Zionism, an intellectual movement that believes that Zionism lacks moral validity, post-Zionist Mizrahi writers believe that Israel has no right to exist as a Jewish state. According to Mizrahi post-Zionism, the Mizrahim, about half of Israel's Jewish population, are "Arab-Jews," who like the Palestinians are victims of Zionism. While this new school of intellectual radicalism remains so far contained within the halls of academia and without broad support among the broader Mizrahi population, it, nevertheless, represents a new and worrisome twist on the post-Zionist phenomenon that continues to dominate Israel's academia and media.[5]

Israeli Left

While Wurmser has long argued that Arabs, Palestinians and other dominantly Muslim societies are incompatible with Israeli and Jewish identity, she also regularly takes task with the Israeli left, a group which Israeli intellectuals such as Ilan Pappe describe as a small and marginalized group in Israeli society.

Israel's Withdrawal from Gaza/Israeli Settlements

On several occasions Wurmser referred to Israel's partial withdrawal from Gaza (Israel still controls the air, land and water of Gaza and has imposed an illegal blockade since June 2007)[6] as a "trauma" that has resulted in a growing affinity within Israeli society among Jewish settlers and regular Israelis.[7][8]

Many Israelis might still oppose the construction of settlements, but they are coming to empathize with the settlers themselves. The settlers' leadership's decision, which was followed mostly, to avoid the use of violence against the military and police who carried out the evacuation helped legitimize the movement in Israeli public opinion. Moreover, the emotional images of both settlers and soldiers hugging and crying reminded many Israelis that the embattling sides of Israeli society are, in fact, brothers who care deeply about their homeland. This reminded many in Israel that the settlers are an inherent part of Israeli society. Slowly the settlers are no longer considered as outside actors in the Israeli saga; they now embody Israel's necessity to face tragic choices. Once pariahs, they are now viewed as the salt of the earth who worked endlessly and selflessly for the good of the state and the country. The settlers may snatch victory from the jaws of defeat, since they are attaining the compassion of the Israeli center and are entering a newly established Israeli consensus. In this new consensus, the settlers will not be viewed as the extreme fringes of Israeli society, but as a significant part of its core.[7]

Although Wurmser admits to one case of Israeli settler violence against Palestinians, she nevertheless portrays Israeli settlers as a devoted and mostly peaceful group in Israel that faces strong opposition from the Israeli left (a group which Wurmser routinely criticizes in her work) and marginalization by Israeli governments that have left the settlers with feelings of "abandonment" after sending them to "define and secure the Israeli frontier."[7]

And it is precisely the gap which has thus far emerged between the nonviolent nature of the protests on the Right, and the harshness of response advocated by the Left, that has led many on the Right to argue that the Left seeks severe measures against the settlers, not to protect debate and democracy, but to crush a debate that they are beginning to lose.[8]



  1. Brian Whitaker, "Language Matters", Guardian, 28 September 2005
  2. EMET, "About EMET", EMET Online, accessed on 1 October 2010
  3. Ali Gharib and Eli Clifton, "Neo-cons, Ex-Israeli Diplomats Push Islamophobic Video", IPS News, 24 September 2008
  4. EMET, "Meyrav Wurmser", EMET Online, accessed on 1 October 2010
  5. 5.0 5.1 Meyrav Wurmser, "Post-Zionism and the Sephardi Question", Hudson Institute, Spring 2005, accessed on 2 October 2010
  6. B'Tselem, "The siege on the Gaza Strip: 1.5 million people imprisoned" , B'Tselem, accessed on 1 October 2010
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 Meyrav Wurmser, "Phoenix From the Ashes?", Hudson Institute, 24 August 2005 (accessed on 1 October 2010)
  8. 8.0 8.1 Meyrav Wurmser, "Color War Two flags and an Israeli schism", Hudson Institute, 24 August 2005 (accessed on 1 October 2010)