Copenhagen 2009: Who's Who - Revision history

Miriam Rose: /* References */

2010-07-06T12:30:39Z

References

Miriam Rose: /* Conflict of interest? */

2009-12-15T17:15:05Z

Conflict of interest?

Claire Robinson: /* Conflict of interest? */

2009-12-10T12:03:35Z

Conflict of interest?

Miriam Rose: /* Sponsors */

2009-11-28T09:53:53Z

Sponsors

Claire Robinson: /* Sponsors */

2009-10-30T13:49:31Z

Sponsors

Claire Robinson: /* Sponsors */

2009-10-30T13:48:37Z

Sponsors

Claire Robinson: /* Sponsors */

2009-10-30T13:47:58Z

Sponsors

Claire Robinson: /* Sponsors */

2009-10-30T13:45:40Z

Sponsors

Claire Robinson at 13:44, 30 October 2009

2009-10-30T13:44:41Z

Claire Robinson at 13:41, 30 October 2009

2009-10-30T13:41:59Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:30, 6 July 2010
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 The demographic of COP15 sponsors is strongly biased towards the aviation, automotive and freight industries. The rationale of liberal corporate sustainability advocates would suggest that businesses must be part of the solution to climate change and are not 'the problem' themselves. As [[Livio de Simone]] chairman of the [[World Business Council for Sustainable Development]] stated in 1996, “Business used to be depicted as a primary source of the world's environmental problems. Today it is increasingly viewed as a vital contributor to solving those problems” <ref>Livio DeSimone (1996), ‘Letter from the Chairman’, Annual Review 1996 (Geneva: WBCSD).</ref>
-On the other hand, the involvement of highly polluting industries in funding a summit which hopes to achieve ambitious targets on carbon reduction can be argued to reflect a strong conflict of interest for companies whose profit is currently proportional to the carbon emissions of their products. This 'corporate capture of sustainable development'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> can be traced to the late 1980's, when corporations reacted to their portrayal as amoral and uncaring by environmentalists and saw the opportunity to promote a green image through the notion of 'sustainable economic growth' and corporate social responsibility, usually involving self regulation and domination of the sustainability agenda.<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> <ref>Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Gramsci describes how corporations absorb their enemies into coalitions he calls 'new historical blocs', formed to deal with a specific issue or public affairs campaign <ref>Germain. R and Kenny, M (1998). 'Engaging Gramsci: international relations theory and the new Gramscians', Review of International Studies  (1998), 24 : 3-21. Cambridge University Press.</ref>. Similarly Najam notes how the use of sustainability rhetoric has wooed universities, NGO's and governments into various corporate partnerships which helped to promote business as part of the solution, as opposed to the problem <ref> Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Sklair also describes how corporate input to the UN Commission on Sustainable Development resulted in the definition of 'sustainable consumption' as addressing 'how the goods and services (including energy) required to meet people's needs can be delivered in a way that reduces the burden on the earth's carrying capacity'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref>. The wording leaves 'needs' open to interpretation by commercial interests and advocates sustaining production and consumption levels, while reducing only waste. Others have argued that growth capitalism necessarily involves exploitation of resources, and a sustainable society must therefore minimise economic growth.<ref>Daly, Herman E. and Cobb,  John B. (1994) For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy toward Community,the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Beacon Press.</ref>
+On the other hand, the involvement of highly polluting industries in funding a summit which hopes to achieve ambitious targets on carbon reduction can be argued to reflect a strong conflict of interest for companies whose profit is currently proportional to the carbon emissions of their products. This 'corporate capture of sustainable development'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> can be traced to the late 1980's, when corporations reacted to their portrayal as amoral and uncaring by environmentalists and saw the opportunity to promote a green image through the notion of 'sustainable economic growth' and corporate social responsibility, usually involving self regulation and domination of the sustainability agenda.<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> <ref>Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Antonio Gramsci - eminient Italian political theorist, describes how corporations absorb their enemies into coalitions he calls 'new historical blocs', formed to deal with a specific issue or public affairs campaign <ref>Germain. R and Kenny, M (1998). 'Engaging Gramsci: international relations theory and the new Gramscians', Review of International Studies  (1998), 24 : 3-21. Cambridge University Press.</ref>. Similarly political commentator Adil Najam notes how the use of sustainability rhetoric has wooed universities, NGO's and governments into various corporate partnerships which helped to promote business as part of the solution, as opposed to the problem <ref> Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Political science academic Leslie Sklair also describes how corporate input to the UN Commission on Sustainable Development resulted in the definition of 'sustainable consumption' as addressing 'how the goods and services (including energy) required to meet people's needs can be delivered in a way that reduces the burden on the earth's carrying capacity'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref>. The wording leaves 'needs' open to interpretation by commercial interests and advocates sustaining production and consumption levels, while reducing only waste. Others have argued that growth capitalism necessarily involves exploitation of resources, and a sustainable society must therefore minimise economic growth.<ref>Daly, Herman E. and Cobb,  John B. (1994) For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy toward Community,the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Beacon Press.</ref>
 Oil and gas companies joined the sustainability bandwagon en masse in the late 1990's after the [[Exxon Valdez]] spill and the [[Brent Spa]] fiasco created a wave of bad press, and a renewables based image was deemed commercially prudent ([[BP]]'s Beyond Petroleum campaign was one of the first and most notable of the reformed oil company images) <ref>Kolk, A and Levy, D (2001), ‘Winds of change: corporate strategy, climate change and oil multinationals’, European Management Journal, 19(5), 501-509.</ref>. Business/government partnerships on environmental issues were also promoted by Kofi Annan at the 1999 World Economic Forum.

@@ Line 42: / Line 42: @@
 The demographic of COP15 sponsors is strongly biased towards the aviation, automotive and freight industries. The rationale of liberal corporate sustainability advocates would suggest that businesses must be part of the solution to climate change and are not 'the problem' themselves. As [[Livio de Simone]] chairman of the [[World Business Council for Sustainable Development]] stated in 1996, “Business used to be depicted as a primary source of the world's environmental problems. Today it is increasingly viewed as a vital contributor to solving those problems” <ref>Livio DeSimone (1996), ‘Letter from the Chairman’, Annual Review 1996 (Geneva: WBCSD).</ref>
-On the other hand, the involvement of highly polluting industries in funding a summit which hopes to achieve ambitious targets on carbon reduction can be argued to reflect a strong conflict of interest for companies who's profit is currently proportional to the carbon emissions of their products. This  'corporate capture of sustainable development' <ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> can be traced to the late 1980's, when corporations reacted to their portrayal as a-moral and uncaring by environmentalists and saw the opportunity to promote a green image through the notion of 'sustainable economic growth' and corporate social responsibility, usually involving self regulation and domination of the sustainability agenda.<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> <ref>Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Gramsci describes how corporations absorb their enemies into coalitions he calls 'new historical blocs', formed to deal with a specific issue or public affairs campaign <ref>Germain. R and Kenny, M (1998). 'Engaging Gramsci: international relations theory and the new Gramscians', Review of International Studies  (1998), 24 : 3-21. Cambridge University Press.</ref>. Similarly Najam notes how the use of sustainability rhetoric has wooed universities, NGO's and governments into various corporate partnerships which helped to promote business as part of the solution, as opposed to the problem <ref> Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Sklair also describes how corporate input to the UN Commission on Sustainable Development resulted in the definition of 'sustainable consumption' as addressing 'how the goods and services (including energy) required to meet people's needs can be delivered in a way that reduces the burden on the earth's carrying capacity'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref>. The wording leaves 'needs' open to interpretation by commercial interests and advocates sustaining production and consumption levels, while reducing only waste. Others have argued that growth capitalism necessarily involves exploitation of resources, and a sustainable society must therefore minimise economic growth.<ref>Daly, Herman E. and Cobb,  John B. (1994) For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy toward Community,the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Beacon Press.</ref>
+On the other hand, the involvement of highly polluting industries in funding a summit which hopes to achieve ambitious targets on carbon reduction can be argued to reflect a strong conflict of interest for companies whose profit is currently proportional to the carbon emissions of their products. This 'corporate capture of sustainable development'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> can be traced to the late 1980's, when corporations reacted to their portrayal as amoral and uncaring by environmentalists and saw the opportunity to promote a green image through the notion of 'sustainable economic growth' and corporate social responsibility, usually involving self regulation and domination of the sustainability agenda.<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref> <ref>Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Gramsci describes how corporations absorb their enemies into coalitions he calls 'new historical blocs', formed to deal with a specific issue or public affairs campaign <ref>Germain. R and Kenny, M (1998). 'Engaging Gramsci: international relations theory and the new Gramscians', Review of International Studies  (1998), 24 : 3-21. Cambridge University Press.</ref>. Similarly Najam notes how the use of sustainability rhetoric has wooed universities, NGO's and governments into various corporate partnerships which helped to promote business as part of the solution, as opposed to the problem <ref> Najam, Adil. 1999. 'World Business Council for Sustainable Development: The Greening of Business or a Greenwash?' pp. 65-77 in Helge Ole Bergesen, et al., eds. Yearbook of International Co-operation on Environment and Development, 1999/2000.</ref>. Sklair also describes how corporate input to the UN Commission on Sustainable Development resulted in the definition of 'sustainable consumption' as addressing 'how the goods and services (including energy) required to meet people's needs can be delivered in a way that reduces the burden on the earth's carrying capacity'<ref>Sklair, Leslie (2000) 'The transnational capitalist class and the discourse of globalisation' Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 1 Autumn 2000 , pages 67 – 85.</ref>. The wording leaves 'needs' open to interpretation by commercial interests and advocates sustaining production and consumption levels, while reducing only waste. Others have argued that growth capitalism necessarily involves exploitation of resources, and a sustainable society must therefore minimise economic growth.<ref>Daly, Herman E. and Cobb,  John B. (1994) For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy toward Community,the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Beacon Press.</ref>
 Oil and gas companies joined the sustainability bandwagon en masse in the late 1990's after the [[Exxon Valdez]] spill and the [[Brent Spa]] fiasco created a wave of bad press, and a renewables based image was deemed commercially prudent ([[BP]]'s Beyond Petroleum campaign was one of the first and most notable of the reformed oil company images) <ref>Kolk, A and Levy, D (2001), ‘Winds of change: corporate strategy, climate change and oil multinationals’, European Management Journal, 19(5), 501-509.</ref>. Business/government partnerships on environmental issues were also promoted by Kofi Annan at the 1999 World Economic Forum.

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 *[[Scandinavian Airlines]] – airline
 *[[Velux]]
 ==Resources==

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 ==Sponsors==
-Sponsors of COP15 include several major car manufacturers and an airline. These industries are among the foremost producers of greenhouse gas emissions.
+Sponsors of COP15 include several major car manufacturers, an airline, and an air and ocean freight company. These industries are among the foremost producers of greenhouse gas emissions.
 Sponsors listed on the COP15 website are:<ref>[http://en.cop15.dk/about+cop15 Sponsors], United Nations Climate Change Conference Dec 7-Dec 18 2009</ref>

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 *[[Cisco]]
 *[[Deloitte]]
-*[[DHL]]
+*[[DHL]] – air and ocean freight company
 *[[Honda]] – car manufacturer
 *[[Konica Minolta]]

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 *[[Neutral]]
 *[[PP Møbler]]
-*[[Vangsgaard]]
+*[[Vangsgaard]] – manufacturer of "exclusive cars"<ref>[http://www.vangsgaardcars.com/ Home page], Vangsgaard website, accessed 30 Oct 2009</ref>
 *[[Volvo]] – car manufacturer
 *[[Inbicon]]

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 <!----------------------------This page will compile all the European and International bodies, agencies, etc involved in Copenhagen 2009 (also including climate deniers)----------------------->
-The Conference has been mainly organized and hosted by the Danish Government, through the following ministeries: Ministry of Climate and Energy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, Ministry of Finance and the Prime Minister's Office. Originally the conference was initiated by the former Prime Minister, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, leader of the liberal party Vestre, and the centre-right collation Det Konservative Folkeparti. Rasmussen was replaced by the current Prime Minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen (also from Vestre, after Fogh Rasmussen's resignation in April 2009), through his minister of Climate and Energy, Connie Hedegaard.
+The Conference has been mainly organized and hosted by the United Nations in cooperation with the Danish Government, through the following ministries: Ministry of Climate and Energy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, Ministry of Finance and the Prime Minister's Office. Originally the conference was initiated by the former Prime Minister, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, leader of the liberal party Vestre, and the centre-right collation Det Konservative Folkeparti. Rasmussen was replaced by the current Prime Minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen (also from Vestre, after Fogh Rasmussen's resignation in April 2009), through his minister of Climate and Energy, Connie Hedegaard.
 It was the decision of the Danish Government that the Conference organization itself - not only the subject - should be focused on climate itself and how to reduce the GHG emissions. As a result of that, the Conference will be the first global Climate event to be powered by eco-friendly electricity, as organizers are working on the construction of a windmill near the Bella Centre.