Powerbase - User contributions [en]

"Strategic Studies Institute"

2011-06-12T13:20:00Z

Crosbie Smith: moved "Strategic Studies Institute" to Strategic Studies Institute: accidentally included quotes in title

#REDIRECT [[Strategic Studies Institute]]

Strategic Studies Institute

2011-06-12T13:20:00Z

Crosbie Smith: moved "Strategic Studies Institute" to Strategic Studies Institute: accidentally included quotes in title

The Strategic Studies Institute is the U.S. Army's institute for geostrategic and national security research and analysis.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/about/strategic-studies-institute.cfm
|title=About the Strategic Studies Institute
}}</ref> It is based at the United States Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.

The institute was founded in 1971 as the United States Army Combat Developments Command Strategic Studies Institute.<ref>{{cite book
|title=History of Operations Research in the United States Army: Volume 2; Volumes 1961-1973
|pages=242}}</ref>

==References==
<references/>

Strategic Studies Institute

2011-06-12T13:19:34Z

Crosbie Smith: stub - a direct quotation used as taken from a U.S. government website

Nigel Farage

2011-06-02T19:14:26Z

Crosbie Smith: Educated, Dulwich College

[[Image:Nigel_Farage.jpg|right|thumb|Nigel Farage, MEP]]
[[Nigel Farage]] (born 03 April 1964, Farnborough) is a British MEP for South East from [[UK Independence Party]] since 20.07.1999.<ref>European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/members/archive/alphaOrder/view.do?language=EN&id=4525 MEP Directory: Nigel Farage], accessed 06 November 2010.</ref>
==Education==
Born in London, Farage was educated at Dulwich College, London.<ref>{{cite web
|title=Nigel Farage, Ukip: 'Other party leaders live in a PC world.'
|date=5 June 2009
|work=The Guardian
|url=http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2009/jun/05/nigel-farage-ukip-interview}}</ref>

==Affiliations==
*Member, Conference of Presidents
*Member, [[Committee on Fisheries]]

===Former Affiliations===
*Member, [[Conference of Presidents]]
*Substitute, [[Committee on Fisheries]]

==Record and Controversies==
===Declaration of Financial Interests===
Paid Functions or Activities:
*Journalism
*Commodity Banking
Support Received in Connection with Political Activities:
*Financial: Office provided free of rent - granted by J. Longhurst
Further Information:
*Employment of Kirsten Farage<ref>European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ep-dif/4525_16-07-2009.PDF Declaration of Members' Financial Interests: Nigel Farage], 16 July 2009, accessed 04 November 2009.</ref>

====Former Declaration of Financial Interests====
Paid Functions or Activities:
*Journalism
*Commodity Banking
Support Received in Connection with Political Activities:
*In terms of staff: granted by J.Longhurst
*In terms of material: Office accommodation free of rent<ref>European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ep-dif/4525_22-02-2008.pdf Declaration of Members' Financial Interests: Nigel Farage], 22 February 2008, accessed 08 February 2009.</ref>

===Record of Parliamentary Votes===
*Abstained from voting the directive on "establishing a framework for Community action in the field of water policy" (A5-0027/2000). The directive covers all water management aspects in order to achieve a 'good status' of all waters by 2015.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#water EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref>
*Abstained from voting the directive on "national emission ceilings for certain atmospheric pollutants" (A5-0063/2000). The amendment allows setting less ambitious national emission ceilings for sulphur dioxide (SO2), nitrogen oxides (NOx), ammonia (NH3) and volatile organic compounds (VOC), which would result in more damage to human health and the environment.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#air EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref>
*Voted against the directive on "waste electrical and electronic equipment" (A5-0100/2002). The amendment sets higher reuse and recycling rates for IT and telecommunication equipment.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#recycling EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref> Rejected due to lack of absolute majority.
*Abstained from voting the report on "Community guidelines for the development of the trans-European transport network" (A5-0135/2002). The Trans-European Network of Transport (TEN-T) is a network of so-called 'transport corridors' through Europe. This amendment calls for a full Strategic Environmental Assessment of these transport corridors and calls on the Commission to improve methods for analysing the environmental and economic impact of the TEN-T.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#transport EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref>
*Voted against the regulation concerning "traceability and labelling of genetically modified organisms and traceability of food and feed products produced from genetically modified organisms" (A5-0229/2002). The amendment allows customers the right to choose GM free food.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#gmos EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref>
*Voted against the directive on "environmental liability with regard to the prevention and remedying of environmental damage" (A5-0145/2003). According to the amendment, polluters have to pay for environmental clean-up, and it supports an EU-wide regime which makes polluters liable for the damage they cause to wildlife, water and land.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#liability EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref>
*Voted against the directive on restructuring the "Community framework for the taxation of energy products and electricity" (A5-0302/2003). The amendment aims at giving tax benefits to environmentally friendly sources of energy, which would make them cheaper and more competitive to conventional (more polluting) sources of energy. It also gives tax benefits to environmentally friendly uses of energy for transport, for instance trains.<ref>Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php#tax EU Vote Watch], accessed 02 February 2009.</ref> Rejected due to lack of absolute majority.

==Personal Information==
===Curriculum Vitae===
*Secondary education. Has worked for British, French and American companies operating in the commodity markets, especially the London Metal Exchange (since 1982).
*In the UK Independence Party:
:National Chairman (1998-2000);
:Chairman of the European Election Committee (2002-2004);
:Chairman, South East Counties (since 1999);
:National spokesman (since 2000).
*Member of the European Parliament (since 1999).
*Vice-Chairman of the EDD Group (1999-2004).

===Contact===
:Address:
:Parlement européen
:Bât. Altiero Spinelli
:04F158
:60, rue Wiertz / Wiertzstraat 60
:B-1047 Bruxelles/Brussel

:Phone:
:+32 (0)2 28 45855

:Fax:
:+32 (0)2 28 49855

:Email:
:nigel.farage AT europarl.europa.eu

:Website:
:
{{Template:MEPedia_badge}}

==Resources==
*European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ep-dif/4525_22-02-2008.pdf Declaration of Members' Financial Interests: Nigel Farage], 22 February 2008, accessed 08 February 2009.
*European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ep-dif/4525_16-07-2009.PDF Declaration of Members' Financial Interests: Nigel Farage], 16 July 2009, accessed 04 November 2009.
*European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/members/public/geoSearch/view.do?country=GB&partNumber=1&zone=South+East&language=EN&id=4525 MEP Directory: Nigel Farage], accessed 08 February 2009.
*European Parliament, [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/members/archive/alphaOrder/view.do?language=EN&id=4525 MEP Directory: Nigel Farage], accessed 06 November 2010.
*Friends of the Earth, [http://www.foeeurope.org/euvotewatch/support_docs/learnmore.php EU Vote Watch], accessed 07 February 2009.

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:MEP|Farage, Nigel]]
[[Category:British Politician|Farage, Nigel]]
[[Category:MEP UK UKIP|Farage, Nigel]]

International Center for Terrorism Studies

2011-05-24T18:24:02Z

Crosbie Smith: /* International Research Council */ linked Centre for Policy Research

The International Center for Terrorism Studies is a centre within the [[Potomac Institute for Policy Studies]] and is directed by long time terrorologist [[Yonah Alexander]]

==People==
===Staff===

*Professor [[Yonah Alexander]] Director and Senior Fellow
*Dr. [[Herbert M. Levine]] Research Coordinator
*Mr.[[Steven Lockfield]] Research Coordinator

====Adjunct Research Staff====
*Mr. [[Donald Musch]]
*Mr. [[Donald Pearson]]
*Dr. [[Jeffrey D. Simon]]
*Mr. [[James L. Zackrison]]

====Advisors====
*Professor [[Edgar H. Brenner]]
*Dr. [[M. Anthony Fainberg]]

====International Research Council====
*Professor [[Irwin Cotler]] Faculty of Law, McGill University, Montreal, Canada
*Professor [[Kingsley De Silva]] International Center for Ethnic Studies, Colombo, Sri Lanka
*Professor [[Hanspeter Heuhold]] Austrian Institute of International Affairs, Vienna, Austria
*Professor [[Walter Laqueur]] [[Center for Strategic and International Studies]], Washington, DC
*Professor [[Eric Moonman]] City University, London, UK
*Professor [[Yuval Ne’eman]] Institute for Advanced Studies, Tel Aviv University, Israel
*Professor [[Michael Noone]] The Catholic University of America, Washington, DC
*Professor [[V.A. Parandiker]] [[Centre for Policy Research]], New Delhi, India
*Professor [[Paul Rogers]] Peace Studies, University of Bradford, UK

====International Advisory and Resource Council====

*Professor [[A. Abou-el Wafa]] Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt
*Professor [[Jayantha W. Atukorala]] Colombo, Sri Lanka
*Professor [[Paolo Benvenuti]] Universita di Firenze
*Professor [[Ian Brownlie]] All Souls College, Oxford, UK
*Professor [[Abdelkader Larbi Chaht]] Universite D'Oran-Es-Senia, Oran, Algeria
*Professor [[Mario Chiavario]] Universita Degli Studi Di Torino, Torino, Italy
*Professor [[Horst Fischer]] Ruhr University, Bochum, Germany
*Professor [[Andreas Follesdal]] University of Oslo, Norway
*Professor [[Gideon Frieder]] The George Washington University, Washington, DC
*Professor [[Lauri Hannikainen]] University of Turku, Finland
*Professor [[Ivo Josipovic]] University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia
*Professor [[Christopher C. Joyner]] Georgetown University, Washington, DC
*Professor [[Tanel Kerikmae]] Tartu University, Tartu, Estonia
*Professor Borhan Uddin Khan University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
*[[Julissa Mantilla]], Esq. Catholic University, Lima, Peru
*Professor [[Sergio Marchisio]] Instituto di Studi Giuridici sulla Comunita Internazionale, Rome, Italy
*Professor [[Ved Marwah]] Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, India
*Professor [[Jerzy Menkes]] Warsaw, Poland
*Ambassador [[Jan Olander]] (Ret.) Swedish National Police Board, Stockholm, Sweden
*Professor [[Beate Rudolf]] Heinrich Heine University, Dusseldorf, Germany
*Professor [[Paul Tavernier]] Paris-Sud University, Chachan, France
*Professor [[B. Tsuruki]] University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
*Professor [[Amechi Uchegbu]] University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria
*Professor [[Richard Ward]] The University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL
*Professor [[Yong Zhang]] Nankai University, Faculty of Law, Tianjin, China<ref>Potomac Institute [http://www.potomacinstitute.org/academiccen/icts/ictsstaff.htm ICTS Staff], accessed 3 January 2008.</ref>

==Notes==
<references/>
[[Category:Terrorism Industry]]

Centre for Policy Research

2011-05-24T18:23:12Z

Crosbie Smith: stub

The '''Centre for Policy Research''' is a policy think-tank in New Delhi, India. Founded in 1973, its current chairman is former Government Secretary, K.C. Sivaramakrishnan.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.cprindia.org/page/about-cpr
|title=About CPR}}</ref>

==References==
<references/>

Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

2011-05-22T06:45:21Z

Crosbie Smith: stub

The '''Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses''' is a defence and security think-tank in New Delhi. The institute was founded in 1965 on the initiative of then Indian Defence Minister Shri Yeshwantrao Chavan. The institute's current president is A. K. Antony, who is also the current Minister of Defence. Funding is provided by the Indian Ministry of Defence.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.idsa.in/aboutidsa
|title=About us - Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses}}</ref>

==External==
<references/>

Jean Monnet

2011-03-12T08:00:36Z

Crosbie Smith: WWI and League of Nations

'''Jean Monnet''' (November 9, 1888 - March 16, 1979)<ref name=whoswho>{{cite book
|title=Who Was Who,
|publisher=A & C Black
|date=2007}}</ref> was a French government adviser. He was the main inspiration for the Schuman declaration, which led to the [[European Coal and Steel Community]].<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://europa.eu/abc/history/foundingfathers/monnet/index_en.htm
|title=Jean Monnet (1888-1979)
|publisher=Europa.eu
}}</ref>

During World War I, Monnet was the French representative of the Allied Executive Committee for the reallocation of common resources. He was deputy Secretary General of the [[League of Nations]] following its 1918 foundation.<ref name=whoswho/>

==Notes==
<references/>

Jean Monnet

2011-03-11T21:20:14Z

Crosbie Smith: stub

Hugh Gaitskell

2011-03-04T09:55:02Z

Crosbie Smith: Ministry of Economic Warfare, Rockefeller Scholarship

'''Hugh Gaitskell''' (9 April 1906 – 18 January 1963) was the Chancellor of the Exchequer 1950-51 and Leader of the Opposition and Leader of the Labour Party 1955-1963.

In 1933, as the recipient of a [[Rockefeller Foundation]] scholarship, he spent a year studying in Vienna.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://archives.ucl.ac.uk/DServe/dserve.exe?dsqIni=Dserve.ini&dsqApp=Archive&dsqCmd=Show.tcl&dsqSearch=RefNo=='GAITSKELL'&dsqDb=Catalog
|title=Gaitskell Papers}}</ref>

From 1940 to 1942, Gaitskell was Principal Private Secretary to Minister of Economic Warfare, [[Hugh Dalton]].<ref name=whoswho>{{cite book
|title=Who's Who
|publisher=A & C Black
|date=2007}}</ref>

==Covert US support==
For much of the 1950s, Labour was divided between right-wing 'Gaitskellites' and left-wing 'Bevanites.'
Ramsay and Dorril state that Gaitskell received US support for his attempt to expel [[Aneurin Bevan]] from the party in 1955.

::"Gaitskell held a series of meetings at the Russell Hotel, where he planned the expulsion campaign with [[Sam Watson]], the leader of the Durham miners. Also in attendance was the Labour attaché at the American Embassy in London, [[Joseph Godson|Joe Godson]]. One of the most important post-war events in the Labour Party's internal affairs was overseen by an American spook." <ref> Smear: Wilson and the Secret State, Stephen Dorril and Robin Ramsay, Fourth Estate, 1991, p 14.</ref>

Gaitskell was a regular guest at conferences of the CIA-sponsored [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]], and its magazine [[Encounter]] was a major outlet for Gaitskellite intellectuals. <ref>ibid, p 16.</ref>

==Affiliations==
*[[Special Operations Executive]]
*Friends of [[Socialist Commentary]] - Treasurer
*[[Bilderberg Group]]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:Old Wykehamists|Gaitskell, Hugh]][[Category:Labour Party|Gaitskell, Hugh]]

Hugh Gaitskell

2011-03-04T09:19:47Z

Crosbie Smith: dates

'''Hugh Gaitskell''' (9 April 1906 – 18 January 1963) was the Chancellor of the Exchequer 1950-51 and Leader of the Opposition and Leader of the Labour Party 1955-1963.

==Covert US support==
For much of the 1950s, Labour was divided between right-wing 'Gaitskellites' and left-wing 'Bevanites.'
Ramsay and Dorril state that Gaitskell received US support for his attempt to expel [[Aneurin Bevan]] from the party in 1955.

::"Gaitskell held a series of meetings at the Russell Hotel, where he planned the expulsion campaign with [[Sam Watson]], the leader of the Durham miners. Also in attendance was the Labour attaché at the American Embassy in London, [[Joseph Godson|Joe Godson]]. One of the most important post-war events in the Labour Party's internal affairs was overseen by an American spook." <ref> Smear: Wilson and the Secret State, Stephen Dorril and Robin Ramsay, Fourth Estate, 1991, p 14.</ref>

Gaitskell was a regular guest at conferences of the CIA-sponsored [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]], and its magazine [[Encounter]] was a major outlet for Gaitskellite intellectuals. <ref>ibid, p 16.</ref>

==Affiliations==
*[[Special Operations Executive]]
*Friends of [[Socialist Commentary]] - Treasurer
*[[Bilderberg Group]]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:Old Wykehamists|Gaitskell, Hugh]][[Category:Labour Party|Gaitskell, Hugh]]

User talk:Crosbie Smith

2011-03-02T14:07:38Z

Crosbie Smith: /* referencing style */ reduced to stubs

== welcome/query re testcite/book code ==

Welcome Crosbie, nice to have you on board! Thanks also for your pic of IISS. A quick query re the testcitebook template code you set up - this seems to not be working on the Whitney Hart Shepardson and War and Peace Studies‎ profiles?
----
:There were unfilled fields on the template showing. I was using the template as a placeholder for the reference templates I had used when I originally submitted the material to Wikipedia. I've reverted my edit. It occurs to me it might be useful to copy the citation templates over from Wikipedia, as these make referencing more convenient. I'm new here though, so perhaps this idea has already been discussed and rejected! - [[User:Crosbie Smith|Crosbie Smith]] 16:35, 16 February 2011 (UTC)
Ok thanks. Not sure re citation templates, will discuss, anything that makes referencing easier is always good.
--[[User:Melissa Jones|Melissa Jones]] 16:47, 16 February 2011 (UTC)

== referencing style ==

Hi Crosbie,
thanks for your all interesting work and porting from wikipedia. Could you please doublecheck that your referencing follows our style as outlined on the Powerbase referencing page, eg for books, website articles etc etc and fix where necessary. . http://www.powerbase.info/index.php/Powerbase:A_Guide_to_Referencing#Reference_examples many thanks --[[User:Melissa Jones|Melissa Jones]] 16:37, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

eg Office of Military Government; John P Mascotte; Weatherhead Center for International Affairs' and Robert R. Bowie pages. Many thanks--[[User:Melissa Jones|Melissa Jones]] 13:19, 2 March 2011 (UTC)
:Sorry, I introduced material from Wikipedia without regard to quality. I have reduced these to referenced stubs. If these are too short to merit inclusion, do please delete them. I don't think I am able to do that. In the case of [[John P Mascotte]], this is existing unreferenced material taken from the [[Aspen Institute]] article. I split it out as it did not have direct bearing on that subject. I'm not sure I can reference the existing content, added by another user, but I did not wish to simply delete another writer's work. - [[User:Crosbie Smith|Crosbie]] 14:07, 2 March 2011 (UTC)

Weatherhead Center for International Affairs

2011-03-02T13:58:18Z

Crosbie Smith: reduce to referenced stub

The '''Weatherhead Center for International Affairs''' was founded as the Center for International Affairs in 1958 and assumed its current name in 1998 following an endowment by Albert and Celia Weatherhead and the Weatherhead Foundation. The aim of the Center was to confront the worlds problems as diagnosed by [[Robert R. Bowie]] and [[Henry Kissinger]] in their specification of The Program of the Center for International Affairs (1958).<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/about
|title=The Weatherhead Center for International Affairs
}}</ref>

==Notes==
<references/>

Robert R. Bowie

2011-03-02T13:56:28Z

Crosbie Smith: reduce to referenced stub

'''Robert R. Bowie''' is Dillon Professor of International Affairs, Emeritus, at Harvard University.<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/legacycommittee/bios.htm
|title=Eisenhower Memorial Commission - Legacy Committee}}</ref> He was CIA deputy director for intelligence from 1977 to 1979.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/1991_hr/s910911-cia.htm
|title=CIA's senior management structure}}</ref>

==References==
<references/>

Office of Military Government

2011-03-02T13:38:47Z

Crosbie Smith: add reference

Hedley Bull

2011-03-01T20:35:27Z

Crosbie Smith: Who's who reference

'''Hedley Bull''', [[FBA]] (10 June,1932 – 18 May 1985) was Professor of [[International Relations]] at the [[Australian National University]] and [[Montague Burton Professor of International Relations]] at Oxford from 1977 to 1985.<ref>{{cite book
|title=Who's Who
|publisher=A & C Black
|date=2008}}</ref>

As a Rockefeller fellowship recipient, Bull spent much of 1957 and 58 as a visiting scholar in the United States, firstly at Harvard's [[Center for International Affairs]], at Johns Hopkins' [[School of Advanced International Studies]] and at the [[University of Chicago]].<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://epress.anu.edu.au/sdsc/hedley/mobile_devices/ch03s03.html
|title=Remembering Hedley
|author=Robert O’Neill}}</ref>

==References==
<references/>

McGeorge Bundy

2011-02-27T19:52:55Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Career */ World War II

'''McGeorge "Mac" Bundy''' (March 30, 1919 – September 16, 1996) was [[United States National Security Advisor]] to Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon Johnson]] from 1961 through 1966, and president of the [[Ford Foundation]] from 1966 through 1979. He is known primarily for his role in escalating the involvement of the United States in [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

==Early life==
Raised in [[Boston]], [[Massachusetts]], Bundy came from a wealthy family long involved in [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]<ref name="NYT01">[http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/books/review/Holbrooke-t.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=mcgeorge%20bundy%20stimson&st=cse 'The Doves Were Right'] Review by Richard C. Holbrooke of Goldstein, Gordon M., ''Lessons in Disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the Path to War in Vietnam'', ''The New York Times Book Review'', Nov. 28, 2008 (Nov. 30, 2008 on p. BR12 of NY ed.). Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref> politics. His mother, Katherine Lawrence Putnam, was the daughter of two [[Boston Brahmin]] families listed in the [[Social Register]]. His father, [[Harvey Hollister Bundy]], was from Grand Rapids, Michigan and was a diplomat who helped implement the [[Marshall Plan]].

Bundy attended the elite Dexter School in Brookline, Massachusetts and then the [[Groton School]], where he placed first in his class and ran the student newspaper and debating society. He was then admitted to [[Yale University]], one year behind his brother [[William Bundy|William]], as the first student ever to receive perfect scores on all three admissions exams. At Yale, where he majored in mathematics, he served as secretary of the [[Yale Political Union]] and then chairman of its Liberal Party; he also wrote a column for the ''[[Yale Daily News]]''. Like his father, he was inducted into the [[Skull and Bones]] [[secret society]].<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=lhd3ygLAXXcC&lpg=PA8&ots=nY2GuDtaqD&dq=%22mcgeorge%20bundy%22%20yale%20%22liberal%20party%22&pg=PA8#v=onepage&q&f=false
|title=Lessons in disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the path to war in Vietnam
|last= Goldstein
|first=Gordon M.
|publisher=[[Henry Holt]]
|year=2008}}</ref>

==Career==
Bundy joined the U.S. army in 1941, training as a signals intelligence officer. He became personal aide to Admiral Alan R. Kirk, Commander of Allied Amphibious Force, responsible for the reception of decoded German ''Ultra'' transmissions.<ref>{{cite book
|title=The Color of Truth
|author=Kai Bird
|pages=80}}</ref>

For a year and a half 1945-47<ref>[http://query.nytimes.com/search/sitesearch?query=mcgeorge+bundy+stimson&srchst=cse Search of ''NYTimes'' for "mcgeorge bundy stimson"] "When Bundy Says, 'The President Wants--'"; December 2, 1962 article in paid archive. Partial quote: "After V-J Day, Bundy spent a year and a half working on the Stimson book, ...." Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref>, Bundy co-wrote [[Henry L. Stimson]]'s third-person autobiography with the just-retired [[United States Secretary of War]].

In 1949, Bundy took a position at the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York to study [[Marshall Plan]] aid to Europe. The study group included [[Dwight Eisenhower]], [[Allen Dulles]], [[Richard M. Bissell, Jr.]] and [[George Kennan]]. The group's deliberations were sensitive and highly secret, dealing as they did with the highly classified fact that there was a covert side to the Marshall Plan, where the [[CIA]] used certain funds to aid anti-communist groups in [[France]] and [[Italy]].<ref>Covert CIA side to the Marshall Plan - see Kai Bird, ''The Color of Truth: McGeorge and William Bundy, Brothers in Arms: A Biography.'' New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998, (p.106)</ref>

Bundy was one of Kennedy's "wise men," and noted professor of government at Harvard University, despite having only a bachelor's degree. In 1953, Bundy was appointed Dean of the Faculty at Harvard at the age of thirty-four, the youngest in the school's history. He moved into public life in 1961, becoming [[national security adviser]] in the Kennedy administration. He played a crucial role in all of the major foreign policy and defense decisions of the Kennedy and part of the Johnson administration. These included the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]], the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], and, most controversially, the [[Vietnam War]]. From 1964 he was Chairman of the [[NSC oversight of covert operations#303 Committee|303 Committee]], responsible for coordinating government covert operations.<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://www.fas.org/sgp/advisory/state/covert.html
|title=Foreign Relations, 1964–1968 Volume XII
|last=Miller
|first=James E.
|publisher=[[United States Government Printing Office]]
|year=2001}}</ref>

Bundy was a strong proponent of the Vietnam War during his tenure. He supported escalating the American involvement and the bombing of [[North Vietnam]].

He left government in 1966 to take over as president of the [[Ford Foundation]], a position he held until 1979.

From 1979 to 1989, he was Professor of History at [[New York University]]. He was scholar-in-residence at the [[Carnegie Corporation]] from 1990–1996.

==Sources==
*[http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E06E5DE1730F936A25751C1A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all ''The New York Times'']

==External links==
* [http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2001/02.01/13-bundy.html McGeorge Bundy at Harvard]

==Notes==
<references/>

McGeorge Bundy

2011-02-27T19:39:50Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Career */ rm ' Presidential Medal of Freedom'

'''McGeorge "Mac" Bundy''' (March 30, 1919 – September 16, 1996) was [[United States National Security Advisor]] to Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon Johnson]] from 1961 through 1966, and president of the [[Ford Foundation]] from 1966 through 1979. He is known primarily for his role in escalating the involvement of the United States in [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

==Early life==
Raised in [[Boston]], [[Massachusetts]], Bundy came from a wealthy family long involved in [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]<ref name="NYT01">[http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/books/review/Holbrooke-t.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=mcgeorge%20bundy%20stimson&st=cse 'The Doves Were Right'] Review by Richard C. Holbrooke of Goldstein, Gordon M., ''Lessons in Disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the Path to War in Vietnam'', ''The New York Times Book Review'', Nov. 28, 2008 (Nov. 30, 2008 on p. BR12 of NY ed.). Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref> politics. His mother, Katherine Lawrence Putnam, was the daughter of two [[Boston Brahmin]] families listed in the [[Social Register]]. His father, [[Harvey Hollister Bundy]], was from Grand Rapids, Michigan and was a diplomat who helped implement the [[Marshall Plan]].

Bundy attended the elite Dexter School in Brookline, Massachusetts and then the [[Groton School]], where he placed first in his class and ran the student newspaper and debating society. He was then admitted to [[Yale University]], one year behind his brother [[William Bundy|William]], as the first student ever to receive perfect scores on all three admissions exams. At Yale, where he majored in mathematics, he served as secretary of the [[Yale Political Union]] and then chairman of its Liberal Party; he also wrote a column for the ''[[Yale Daily News]]''. Like his father, he was inducted into the [[Skull and Bones]] [[secret society]].<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=lhd3ygLAXXcC&lpg=PA8&ots=nY2GuDtaqD&dq=%22mcgeorge%20bundy%22%20yale%20%22liberal%20party%22&pg=PA8#v=onepage&q&f=false
|title=Lessons in disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the path to war in Vietnam
|last= Goldstein
|first=Gordon M.
|publisher=[[Henry Holt]]
|year=2008}}</ref>

==Career==
For a year and a half 1945-47<ref>[http://query.nytimes.com/search/sitesearch?query=mcgeorge+bundy+stimson&srchst=cse Search of ''NYTimes'' for "mcgeorge bundy stimson"] "When Bundy Says, 'The President Wants--'"; December 2, 1962 article in paid archive. Partial quote: "After V-J Day, Bundy spent a year and a half working on the Stimson book, ...." Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref>, Bundy co-wrote [[Henry L. Stimson]]'s third-person autobiography with the just-retired [[United States Secretary of War]].

In 1949, Bundy took a position at the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York to study [[Marshall Plan]] aid to Europe. The study group included [[Dwight Eisenhower]], [[Allen Dulles]], [[Richard M. Bissell, Jr.]] and [[George Kennan]]. The group's deliberations were sensitive and highly secret, dealing as they did with the highly classified fact that there was a covert side to the Marshall Plan, where the [[CIA]] used certain funds to aid anti-communist groups in [[France]] and [[Italy]].<ref>Covert CIA side to the Marshall Plan - see Kai Bird, ''The Color of Truth: McGeorge and William Bundy, Brothers in Arms: A Biography.'' New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998, (p.106)</ref>

Bundy was one of Kennedy's "wise men," and noted professor of government at Harvard University, despite having only a bachelor's degree. In 1953, Bundy was appointed Dean of the Faculty at Harvard at the age of thirty-four, the youngest in the school's history. He moved into public life in 1961, becoming [[national security adviser]] in the Kennedy administration. He played a crucial role in all of the major foreign policy and defense decisions of the Kennedy and part of the Johnson administration. These included the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]], the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], and, most controversially, the [[Vietnam War]]. From 1964 he was Chairman of the [[NSC oversight of covert operations#303 Committee|303 Committee]], responsible for coordinating government covert operations.<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://www.fas.org/sgp/advisory/state/covert.html
|title=Foreign Relations, 1964–1968 Volume XII
|last=Miller
|first=James E.
|publisher=[[United States Government Printing Office]]
|year=2001}}</ref>

Bundy was a strong proponent of the Vietnam War during his tenure. He supported escalating the American involvement and the bombing of [[North Vietnam]].

He left government in 1966 to take over as president of the [[Ford Foundation]], a position he held until 1979.

From 1979 to 1989, he was Professor of History at [[New York University]]. He was scholar-in-residence at the [[Carnegie Corporation]] from 1990–1996.

==Sources==
*[http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E06E5DE1730F936A25751C1A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all ''The New York Times'']

==External links==
* [http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2001/02.01/13-bundy.html McGeorge Bundy at Harvard]

==Notes==
<references/>

Richard M. Bissell Jr

2011-02-27T19:33:00Z

Crosbie Smith: linked CIA Directorate of Plans

'''Richard M. Bissell Jr''' (1909-1994) was the [[CIA]]'s Deputy Director For Plans, head of its [[CIA Directorate of Plans|Directorate of Plans]] from 1959 to 1964.<ref>Phillip Frazer, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/obituary-richard-bissell-1426661.html Obituary: Richard Bissell], ''Independent'', 3 March 1994.</ref>

According to the ''Independent'', Bissell was "the central covert operations man in the Central Intelligence Agency for the central period of the cold war":

::Not the most well-known nor the highest-ranking official, Bissell was the man who planned and gave the orders for such low points in American cold-war dirty tricks as the overthrow of [[Patrice Lumumba]], the disastrous invasion of Cuba and the numerous (failed) attempts to assassinate [[Fidel Castro]].<ref>Phillip Frazer, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/obituary-richard-bissell-1426661.html Obituary: Richard Bissell], ''Independent'', 3 March 1994.</ref>

==Affiliations==
*[[Ford Foundation]]
*[[Central Intelligence Agency]]

==External Resources==
*Namebase [http://www.namebase.org/cgi-bin/nb01?Na=Bissell,+Richard+Mervin Bissell Richard Mervin Jr]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:Spooks|Bissell, Richard]][[Category:CIA|Bissell, Richard]]

Allen Dulles

2011-02-27T19:30:09Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Cuba */ rm double-link

[[Image:Allen_w_dulles.jpg|200px|thumb|right|Allen Dulles]]
'''Allen Welsh Dulles''' was director of the [[CIA]] from 26 February 1953 to 29 November 1961.<ref>[https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/directors-and-deputy-directors-of-central-intelligence/dulles.html Allen Welsh Dulles], Directors and Deputy Directors of Central Intelligence, CIA, accessed 23 February 2010.</ref>

==Background==
Dulles was born in Watertown, New York in 1893. His grandfather and uncle had both served as US Secretaries of State.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.26.</ref>

==State Department==
Following the First World War, Dulles served as an American diplomat with the [[American Commission to Negotiate the Peace]] at Versailles. In the 1920s, he served as the chief of the Near Eastern Division at the State Department, and as US representative on various arms conferences.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.60.</ref>

In that capacity, Dulles carefully monitored negotiations over Iraqi oil. In 1924, he told [[Standard Oil of New Jersey|Standard Oil]]'s [[Walter Teagle]] that the concession claimed by the European-backed [[Turkish Petroleum Company]] was invalid.<ref>Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power, Pocket Books, 1993, p.201.</ref>

==1930s==
Kees van der Pjil argues that Dulles brothers, along with the Rockefellers, were part of a pro-German state-monopoly tendency within American capitalism, which came to the fore in the interwar-period at the expense of a previously prevailing liberal-internationalist tendency:
::[[Sullivan & Cromwell]], the Wall Street law firm in which they were partners and which they turned into a financial group in the 1930s, was the American agent for [[IG Farben]] and the [[Vereignigte Stahlwerke]], while the brothers were also directors of [[IG Chemical Corp]]. Sullivan & Cromwell had further links with the German [[Schroder Bank]] and with [[Lazard Fréres]]; Allen Dulles was a director of the [[J. Schroder Banking Corporation]] in New York.<ref>Kees van der Pjil, [http://www.theglobalsite.ac.uk/atlanticrulingclass/ The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class], Verso, 1984, p.82.</ref>

In 1935, Dulles and [[Hamilton Fish Armstrong]] published ''Can We Be Neutral'', an examination of US neutrality legislation.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.60.</ref>

==World War Two==
In September 1939, Dulles and Fish Armstrong published ''Can America Stay Neutral'', which warned that "no neutrality legislation can give us the advantages of an isolation that does not in fact exist."<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.60.</ref>

===Century Group===
At a meeting of the [[Century Group]] on 5 September 1940, Dulles was detailed to chair a committee looking at ways to better co-ordinate British and American production.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.110.</ref> Dulles drifted away from the Group after the US-UK Destoyers for Bases Agreement that month, apparently feeling it had served its purpose.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.113.</ref>

===Fight For Freedom===
Dulles was a member of the Executive Committee of [[Fight For Freedom]] drawn up at the [[Century Club]] on 22 April 1941.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.169.</ref>

Dulles was among the speakers at the Fight For Freedom Continental Congress on 9-10 October 1941.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.229.</ref>

===Co-ordinator of Information===
Dulles headed the New York office of [[William Donovan]]'s [[Office of the Coordinator of Information]], an intelligence agency established in July 1941. Dulles worked out of the same building as [[British Security Coordination]] (BSC), 630 Fifth Avenue. His assistant was [[De Witte Poole]].<ref>Thomas E. Mahl, Desperate Deception: British Covert Operations in the United States 1939-44, Brassey's, 1999, p.51.</ref>

According to one BSC document, Dulles intervened in March 1942 to have the British hold their American propaganda campaign against [[I.G.. Farben]], on the grounds that "this might involve large American companies like [[Standard Oil of New Jersey]], etc., thereby perhaps impairing the war effort." Thomas Mahl's account of this episode notes that Dulles was himself a former attorney for Standard Oil.<ref>Thomas E. Mahl, Desperate Deception: British Covert Operations in the United States 1939-44, Brassey's, 1999, p.100.</ref>

===OSS===
As head of the [[OSS]] station in Berne, Dulles met in February 1943 with [[Frederick Vanden Heuvel]] and [[Walter Schellenberg]] of the [[Sicherheitsdienst]] to discuss peace proposals by elements in the [[SS]]. Dulles allegedly told Prince [[Max Hohenlohe]] that a 'Greater Germany' and a 'Danubian conferederation' would provide a bulwark against Bolshevism.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI^: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.168.</ref>

In April 1943, the exiled Russian nationalist Prince [[Anton Turkul]] attempted usuccesfuly to make contact with Dulles.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI^: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.198.</ref>

==Postwar==
At the end of World War Two, Dulles rejoined [[Sullivan & Cromwell]], the New York law firm where his brother [[John Foster Dulles]] was a partner.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.13.</ref>

According to [[Carmel Offie]], Dulles represented [[Nicholas Malaxa]], a Romanian fascist, who sought German citizenship in 1946.<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life - Jay Lovestone: Communist, Anti-Communist and Spymaster, Random House, 1999, p.223.</ref>

Dulles briefed a Congressional Committee considering the formation of the [[CIA]] on 27 June 1947.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.26.</ref>

In early 1948, Defence Secretary [[James Forrestal]] asked Dulles to compile a secret report on the CIA.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.40.</ref> Forestal also backed Dulles in calling for CIA control of covert action, in opposition to [[George Kennan]] at the State Department.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.84.</ref>

The [[Office of Policy Coordination]] (OPC) emerged as a compromise. Dulles passed up the opportunity to head this body in the belief that he would be appointed CIA director in a Republican administration following the 1948 election.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.85.</ref>

In April 1948, Dulles helped Count [[Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi]] set up the [[American Committee for a Free and United Europe]].<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.227.</ref>

Dulles later abandoned Coudenhove-Kalergi and backed [[Joseph Retinger]], becoming vice-chair of the [[American Committee for a United Europe]] (ACUE), which was incorporated in February 1949, and launched a month later. <ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.228.</ref>

In May 1949, Dulles' law firm drew up the legal papers for the creation of the [[National Committee for a Free Europe]].<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.87.</ref> In the same month, he authored an article in the [[New Leader]] calling for a new internal security commission in the United States.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.132.</ref>

==CIA Deputy Director for Plans==
[[CIA]] director [[Walter Bedell Smith]] appointed Dulles Deputy Director of Plans, responsible for covert operations, on 4 January 1951.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.59.</ref> Shortly afterwards, he met [[Jay Lovestone]] who obtained funds for operations in Finland and Indonesia.<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life - Jay Lovestone: Communist, Anti-Communist and Spymaster, Random House, 1999, p.218.</ref>

In March 1951, [[Jay Lovestone]] met Dulles in a failed attempt block grants for the [[Free Trade Union Committee]] (FTUC), thereby strengthening its independence.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.98.</ref> In the same month, Dulles visited London where he urged [[MI6]] to abandon support for [[Stepan Bandera]]'s Ukrainian guerrilas, something which [[Harry Carr]], head of MI6's Northern Division, refused to do.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.245.</ref>

In April 1951, Dulles appointed [[Thomas W. Braden|Thomas Braden]] head of the [[International Organizations Division]], taking control of labour affairs from [[Frank Wisner]]. He told the FTUC to sack [[Carmel Offie]] in return for continued funding.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.98.</ref>

In May 1952 Dulles held a secret conference at the Princetown Inn to consider the scope for covert action in Eastern Europe. [[Charles Bohlen]] was among those present.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.70-71.</ref>

===Project Ultra===
Dulles and [[Frank Wisner]] were briefed on [[Project Artichoke]], the CIA's experimental program on the use of LSD and other drugs for interrogation purposes on 12 May 1952. Dulles approved an expanded program, [[MK-Ultra|Project Ultra]], a few months later.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.73-74.</ref>

==CIA Director==
Dulles was appointed Director of the CIA in the new [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] administration on 26 February 1953.<ref>[https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/directors-and-deputy-directors-of-central-intelligence/dulles.html Allen Welsh Dulles], Directors and Deputy Directors of Central Intelligence, CIA, accessed 23 February 2010.</ref><ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.78-79.</ref>

Dulles gave [[James Angleton]] responsibility for two areas in addition to his counterintelligence responsibilities, liason with Israel and running [[Jay Lovestone]].<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life - Jay Lovestone: Communist, Anti-Communist and Spymaster, Random House, 1999, p.247.</ref>

In a letter to Eisenhower in May 1954, CIA officer [[Jim Kellis]] wrote that Dulles was "a ruthless, ambitious and utterly incompetent government administrator.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.123.</ref>

Dulles was reappointed as CIA director following the election of [[John F. Kennedy]] in 1961. According to Tim Weiner, this was influenced by [[Joseph Kennedy]]'s awareness that Dulles had been told by [[J. Edgar Hoover]] about a World War Two-era sexual relationship between the new president and a suspected German spy.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.191.</ref>

Dulles retired as head of the CIA in September 1961.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.206.</ref>

===Congress for Cultural Freedom===
In late 1954, [[Sidney Hook]] obtained $10,000 for the [[American Congress for Cultural Freedom]] after a meeting with Dulles.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.112.</ref>

===Iran===
On 18 February 1953, Dulles met the new British [[MI6]] chief, Sir [[John Sinclair]], who briefed him on [[Operation Boot]], Britain's plan to overthrow the Iranian Prime Minister [[Mohammad Mosaddegh]]. Sinclair proposed [[Kim Roosevelt]] as field commander for the project, which Dulles renamed [[Operation Ajax]].<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.95.</ref>

Dulles' warning of a communist threat in Iran was initially rebuffed by Eisenhower at a [[National Security Council]] meeting on 4 March. However, on 18 March [[Frank Wisner]], passed on Dulles' initial approval to Roosevelt and [[Montague Woodhouse]]. Dulles dismissed the CIA station chief in Tehran, [[Roger Goiran]], for opposing a coup.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.96-97.</ref>

Dulles was among those present at the meeting chaired by his brother, [[John Foster Dulles]] which gave final approval for the coup.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.587.</ref>

Dulles travelled to Europe during the operation itself, where he bumped into the Shah, who had fled to Rome.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.101-103.</ref>

Following the coup, Dulles' law firm [[Sullivan & Cromwell]] negotiated the redivision of Iran's oil reserves to the advantage of US companies. [[British Petroleum]], an old client of the firm, was assisted with the takeover of [[Standard Oil of Ohio]] by way of compensation.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.595.</ref>

===Guatemala===
Dulles approved [[Operation Success]], the CIA plan to overthrow the government of Guatemala, on 9 December 1953. He appointed [[Al Haney]] as field commander and [[Tracey Barnes]] as head of political warfare.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.107.</ref>

===Syria===
In October 1956, Dulles and [[Richard Helms]] met [[Dick White]] and [[George Kennedy Young]] in London to discuss plans for a coup in Syria. White and Young did no mention Britain's impending attempt to retake the Suez canal.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI^: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.637.</ref>

===Hungary===
On 1 November 1956, during the Hungarian uprising, Dulles wrongly briefed Eisenhower that "armed force could not effectively be used" by the Soviet Union.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.151.</ref> On 5 November, however, he told the president that the Soviets were ready to send 250,000 troops to Egypt to defend the Suez Canal.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.152.</ref>

===Indonesia===
Eisenhower ordered the CIA to overthrow the [[Sukarno]] government on 25 September 1957.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.170.</ref>Dulles failed to obey the President's order that no American personnel were to be involved, and CIA pilots began bombing in support of US-backed rebels on 19 April 1958. Hower, American pilot [[Al Pope]] was captured on 18 May. Dulles ordered the operation stood down the next day.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.175-176.</ref>

===Japan===
Dulles had a secret meeting in his office 6 February 1959 with Japanese Prime Minister [[Nobusuke Kishi]], a convicted war criminal, and according to Tim Weiner, a recruited CIA agent.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.139.</ref>

===Cuba===
On 11 September 1959, [[Richard M. Bissell Jr|Richard Bissell]] sent Dulles a memo proposing the elimination of [[Fidel Castro]]. Dulles crossed out the word ''elimination'', replaced it with ''removal from Cuba'' and approved the proposal.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.180.</ref>

On 8 January 1960, Dulles ordered Bissell to organise a task force to overthrow Castro.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.180.</ref>

Dulles briefed Vice-President [[Richard Nixon]] on the CIA's covert operations in Cuba on 2 March 1960.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.181.</ref> He and Bissell presented detailed plans to Eisenhower and Nixon on 17 March. These called for the infiltration of agents into Cuba rather than an outright invasion.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.181.</ref>

Eisenhower agreed to train a covert paramilitary unit to overthrow Castro at a meeting with Dulles and Richard Bissell on 18 August 1960.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.187.</ref> In the same month, Dulles allowed Bissell to take out a Mafia contract on Castro.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.186.</ref>

At a meeting with President-Elect Kennedy on 18 November 1960, Dulles and Bissell failed to tell Kennedy that Eisenhower had not given final approval for an invasion of Cuba.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.191.</ref>

On 22 April 1961, following the the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy ordered Dulles to step up coverage of Cuban operations in the United States, an activity outside the [[CIA]]'s charter. Dulles told the [[Maxwell Taylor|Taylor]] inquiry the same day: "I'm first to recognize that I don't think that the [[CIA]] should run paramilitary operations."<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.204.</ref>

A report by the CIA Inspector General [[Lyman Kirkpatrick]] concluded that Dulles had failed to keep Eisenhower or Kennedy accurately informed about the operation. Dulles destroyed all but a single copy of the report, which was locked away for 40 years.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.206.</ref>

===Tibet===
Eisenhower approved an operation to support Tibetan guerrillas against the Chinese following a briefing by Dulles and [[Desmond FitzGerald]] in February 1960.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.349.</ref>

===Congo===
At a meeting of the [[National Security Council]] on 18 August 1960, Eisenhower ordered Dulles to eliminate the Prime Minister of the Congo, [[Patrice Lumumba]].<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.187.</ref> At another NSC meeting on 21 September, Dulles told Eisenhower that [[Joseph Mobutu]] was "the only man in the Congo able to act with firmness".<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.189.</ref>

===Dominican Republic===
In January 1961, Dulles presided over a special group within the US government which agreed to support the assassination of [[Rafael Trujillo]], the US-backed dictator of the Dominican Republic.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.198.</ref>

==Affiliations==
*[[Sullivan & Cromwell]]
*[[IG Chemical Corp]]
*[[J. Schroder Banking Corporation]]
*[[Century Group]]
*[[Fight For Freedom Committee]]
*[[Office of Strategic Services]]
*[[American Committee for a United Europe]]
*[[National Committee for a Free Europe]]
*[[Overseas Consultants]]
*[[Central Intelligence Agency]]
*[[Council on Foreign Relations]]

===Connections===
*[[John Foster Dulles]] - Brother
*[[Eleanor Dulles]] - Sister
*[[Fritz Molden]] Son-in-law

==External Resources==
*NameBase [http://www.namebase.org/cgi-bin/nb01?Na=Dulles,+Allen+W. DULLES ALLEN WELSH]
*History Commons [http://www.historycommons.org/entity.jsp?entity=allen_welsh_dulles Profile: Allen Welsh Dulles]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:WWII Hawks|Dulles, Alan]]
[[Category:spooks|Dulles, Alan]]
[[Category:CIA|Dulles, Alan]]
[[Category:OSS|Dulles, Alan]]

Ford Foundation

2011-02-27T19:29:09Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Critics */ disambig Richard M. Bissell Jr

The '''Ford Foundation''' is a charitable foundation based in New York City created to fund programs that promote democracy, reduce poverty and promote international understanding. The current chair is [[Susan V. Berresford]].

==History==
The Ford Foundation was founded in 1936 with grants from [[Henry Ford]] and his son [[Edsel Ford]] of the [[Ford Motor Company]]. Initially, the foundation was used to support Ford family causes, such as [[Henry Ford Hospital]] and [[Greenfield Village and Henry Ford Museum]].

After the deaths of Henry Ford in 1947 and Edsel Ford in 1943, the Ford Foundation commissioned a report to determine how the foundation should continue. The committee, headed by [[H. Rowan Gaither]], recommended that the foundation should commit to promoting peace, freedom, and education throughout the world. To provide funding for various projects, the board of directors decided to diversify the foundation's portfolio and gradually divested itself of its substantial Ford Motor Company stock between 1955 and 1974. Through this divestiture, the Ford Motor Company became a public company in 1956.

Other than its name, the Ford Foundation has not had any connections to the Ford Motor Company nor the Ford family for over thirty years. [[Henry Ford II]], the last remaining Ford on the board of directors, resigned from the foundation board in 1976 due to his frustration with what he believed was the foundation's arrogance and anti-capitalist attitudes.

As of the end of the 2004 fiscal year, the foundation reported a total investment portfolio of $10.5 billion, giving out around $520 million in grants for the year.

==Critics==

In 2005, Michigan Attorney General [[Mike Cox]] began a probe of the foundation. Though the Ford Foundation is headquarted in New York City, it is chartered in [[Michigan]], giving the state jurisdiction. Cox is focusing on its governance, potential conflicts of interest among board members, and its poor record of giving to charities in Michigan. Between 1998 and 2002, the Ford Foundation gave Michigan charities about $2.5 million per year, far less than many other charities. Cox is hoping that this probe will prod the foundation into giving more to Michigan charities. {{ref|det}}

Certain critics such as former Binghamton University professor [[James Petras]] have criticized the Foundation for links with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. Petras cites former Foundation president [[Richard M. Bissell Jr|Richard Bissell]]'s relationship with DCI [[Allen Dulles]] and involvement with the [[Marshall Plan]] during the 1950s. Petras also criticises the Ford Foundation for funding what he terms "anti-leftist" human rights groups that "do not participate in anti-globalization and anti-neoliberal mass actions."{{ref|Petras}}

Another American academic, Joan Roelofs, in ''Foundations and Public Policy: The Mask of Pluralism'' (State University of New York Press, 2003,) argues that Ford and similar foundations play a key role in co-opting opposition movements: "While dissent from ruling class ideas is labeled 'extremism' and is isolated, individual dissenters may be welcomed and transformed. Indeed, ruling class hegemony is more durable if it is not rigid and narrow, but is able dynamically to incorporate emergent trends." She reports that [[John J. McCloy]], while chairman of the Foundation's board of trustees, "...thought of the Foundation as a quasi-extension of the U.S. government. It was his habit, for instance, to drop by the [[National Security Council]] (NSC) in Washington every couple of months and casually ask whether there were any overseas projects the NSC would like to see funded." Roelofs also charges that the Ford Foundation financed [[counter-insurgency]] programs in [[Indonesia]] and other countries.

==Trustees==
* [[Paul Arthur Allaire]], Chairman of the Board
* [[Alain J.P. Belda]], Chairman/CEO, [[Alcoa]] Inc.
* [[Afsaneh M. Beschloss]], President/CEO, [[Carlyle Asset Management Group]]
* [[Anke A. Ehrhardt]], Director, HIV Ctr for Clinical and Behavioral Studies NY State Psychiatric Institute
* [[Kathryn Fuller]], Ex-President/CEO, World Wildlife Fund (as of 2005), now Director of Alcoa
* [[Juliet V. Garcia]], President, University of Texas at Brownsville/Texas Southmost College
* [[Wilmot G. James]], Executive Director, Social Cohesion and Integration Research Programme, [[Human Sciences Research Council]], Cape Town, South Africa
* [[Yolanda Kakabadse]], Executive President, [[Fundacion Futuro Latinoamericano]], Quito, Ecuador
* Wilma P. Mankiller, Former Principal Chief, Cherokee Nation, Park Hill, Oklahoma
* Richard Moe, President, National Trust for Historic Preservation
* Yolanda T. Moses, President, The American Association for Higher Education
* Luis G. Nogales, Managing Partner, Nogales Investors, LLC, Los Angeles, California
* Deval L. Patrick, Executive Vice President and General Counsel, The [[Coca-Cola]] Company
* Ratan N. Tata, Chairman, Tata Industries Limited, Mumbai, India
* Carl B. Weisbrod, President, Alliance for Downtown New York, Inc.
* W. Richard West, Director, National Museum of the American Indian
* Susan V. Berresford, President, The [[Ford Foundation]]

==Recipients of funding==
*[[Demos USA]]

== Further reading ==
*Eric Thomas Chester, 1995 [http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/oss/fordfoundation.htm The Ford Foundation] in Covert Network: Progressives, the International Rescue Committee, and the CIA. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.
* Frances Stonor Saunders (2001), ''The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters'', New Press, ISBN 1-56584-664-8. [Aka, ''Who Paid the Piper?: The CIA and the Cultural Cold War'' 1999, Granta (UK edition)].
* Edward H Berman ''The Ideology of Philanthropy: The influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller foundations on American foreign policy'', State University of New York Press, 1983. Excerpt available [http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/oss/ideologyofphilanthropy.htm here]
* David Ransom, ''The Trojan Horse: A Radical Look at Foreign Aid'', pub. 1975, pp. 93-116 "1970 Ford Foundation : Building an Elite for Indonesia".
* Bob Feldman, [http://www.questionsquestions.net/gatekeepers.html "Alternative Media Censorship sponsored by CIA's Ford Foundation?"]
* Scott Sherman "[http://www.thenation.com/doc/20060605/sherman Target Ford]" (2006), in ''The Nation''.

== External links ==
* [http://www.fordfound.org/ The Ford Foundation Website]
*G. William Domhoff, '[http://sociology.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/power/ford_foundation.html The Ford Foundation in the Inner City: Forging an Alliance with Neighborhood Activists]' Posted 7 September 2005.
*James Petras [http://www.rebelion.org/petras/english/ford010102.htm The Ford Foundation and the CIA: A documented case of philanthropic collaboration with the Secret Police] Rebelión 15 December 2001
* [http://www.voltairenet.org/article30039.html Ford Foundation, a philanthropic facade for the CIA] [[Voltaire Network]], April 5, 2004.
* [http://www.questionsquestions.net/feldman/ff_divest.html Time for Ford Foundation & CFR to Divest?] Collaboration of the Rockefeller, Ford and Carnegie Foundations with the [[Council on Foreign Relations]].
* List of grant recipients can be found on the Ford Foundation's [http://www.fordfound.org/grants_db/view_grant_detail1.cfm grant database].

==Resources==

*[[Ford Foundation, extract from Who Rules America]] by G. William Domhoff, (1967) Spectrum Books, pp. 65-8.

== References ==

#{{note|det}}Daniel Howes [http://www.detroitnews.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20060402/OPINION03/604020373&SearchID=7324199359959 Ford Foundation probed; AG claims Mich. left out] Detroit News 2006-04-02
#{{note|Petras}}James Petras [http://www.rebelion.org/petras/english/ford010102.htm The Ford Foundation and the CIA: A documented case of philanthropic collaboration with the Secret Police] Rebelión 15 December 2001

Consortium for the Study of Intelligence

2011-02-27T19:25:26Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Founding Members, 1979 */ disambig Richard E. Bissell

The [[Consortium for the Study of Intelligence]] was founded in 1979 as a project of the [[National Strategy Information Center]].

:: "It acted as a catalyst in the founding of the [[Intelligence Studies Section]] of the International Studies Association; the [[Security and Intelligence Studies Group]] of the UK Political Studies Association; and the [[Canadian Association for the Security and Intelligence Studies]]. Hundreds of faculty members from universities and military colleges throughout the United States, Canada, and the UK have attended Consortium faculty seminars. The Consortium also sponsored numerous publications and studies, and its members continue to make significant individual contributions to the literature on intelligence." <ref>[http://www.intelligenceconsortium.org/purpose.htm Consortium for the Study of Intelligence - Purpose], accessed 16 December 2007</ref>

==The Future of US Intelligence==

In 1996, two senior associates at the [[National Strategy Information Center]], [[Abram Shulsky]] and [[Gary Schmitt]] produced a report for the Consortium entitled The Future of US Intelligence.

::The document recommended the establishment of "competing analytic centers" with "different points of view" that could "provide policymakers better protection against new 'Pearl Harbors', ie, against being surprised". Rather than a narrow focus on information collection, "intelligence analysis must ... make it more relevant to policymakers by emphasizing the forces that shape a given situation", the authors contend.

::The study's overall conclusion was that the "future of intelligence" depended on building a new model that would offer "greater flexibility in the collection process" and produce the "big picture" of security threats. Ultimately, Shulsky and Schmitt concluded, the purpose of analysis is to help the policymaker shape the future, not predict it. Intelligence analysis should go beyond simply identifying security threats and assessing the military capabilities of a present or future enemy or a competitor nation; it should be "opportunity analysis" that anticipates chances to advance US interests. <ref> [http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Front_Page/FB19Aa01.html The neo-con philosophy of intelligence]Asia Times, February 19, 2004. </ref>

The report's recommendations have been seen as prefiguring the strategy which Shulsky would pursue as director of the Pentagon's [[Office of Special Plans]].

== Founding Members, 1979 ==

*[[Richard Betts]], Columbia University
*[[Richard E. Bissell]], Foreign Policy Research Institute
*[[Adda Bozeman]], Sarah Lawrence College
*[[Ray Cline]], Georgetown University
*[[Stephen Gibert]], Georgetown University
*[[Roy Godson]], Georgetown University
*[[Samuel Huntington]], Harvard University
*[[John Norton Moore]], University of Virginia
*[[Myres McDougal]], Yale University
*[[Robert Nisbet]], American Enterprise Institute
*[[Robert Pfaltzgraff]], Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy
*[[Richard Pipes]], Harvard University
*[[Antonin Scalia]], University of Chicago
*[[Paul Seabury]], University of California, Berkeley
*[[Richard Starr]], Hoover Institution
*[[Frank Trager]], New York University
*[[Allen Weinstein]], Smith College
*[[James Q. Wilson]], Harvard University <ref>[http://www.intelligenceconsortium.org/purpose2.htm Consortium for the Study of Intelligence - Founding members], accessed 16 December 2007</ref>

==Staff==
Director of Research
* Dr [[Richard H. Schultz Jr]] <ref> [http://www.intelligenceconsortium.org/staff.htm Consortium for the Study of Intelligence - Staff], accessed 16 December 2007. </ref>

==Conferences==
*[[Colloquium on Analysis and Estimates]], 30 November - 1 December 1979
*[[Colloquium on Counterintelligence]], 24-26 April 1980
*[[Colloquium on Clandestine Collection]], 30-31 December 1981
*[[Colloquium on Intelligence and Policy]], 9-10 November 1984
*[[Colloquium on Intelligence Requirements for the 1990s]], 4-5 December 1987

==Notes==
<references/>
[[Category:Terrorism Industry]][[category:Spooks]]

Allen Dulles

2011-02-27T19:18:07Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Cuba */ disambig Richard M. Bissell Jr

[[Image:Allen_w_dulles.jpg|200px|thumb|right|Allen Dulles]]
'''Allen Welsh Dulles''' was director of the [[CIA]] from 26 February 1953 to 29 November 1961.<ref>[https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/directors-and-deputy-directors-of-central-intelligence/dulles.html Allen Welsh Dulles], Directors and Deputy Directors of Central Intelligence, CIA, accessed 23 February 2010.</ref>

==Background==
Dulles was born in Watertown, New York in 1893. His grandfather and uncle had both served as US Secretaries of State.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.26.</ref>

==State Department==
Following the First World War, Dulles served as an American diplomat with the [[American Commission to Negotiate the Peace]] at Versailles. In the 1920s, he served as the chief of the Near Eastern Division at the State Department, and as US representative on various arms conferences.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.60.</ref>

In that capacity, Dulles carefully monitored negotiations over Iraqi oil. In 1924, he told [[Standard Oil of New Jersey|Standard Oil]]'s [[Walter Teagle]] that the concession claimed by the European-backed [[Turkish Petroleum Company]] was invalid.<ref>Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power, Pocket Books, 1993, p.201.</ref>

==1930s==
Kees van der Pjil argues that Dulles brothers, along with the Rockefellers, were part of a pro-German state-monopoly tendency within American capitalism, which came to the fore in the interwar-period at the expense of a previously prevailing liberal-internationalist tendency:
::[[Sullivan & Cromwell]], the Wall Street law firm in which they were partners and which they turned into a financial group in the 1930s, was the American agent for [[IG Farben]] and the [[Vereignigte Stahlwerke]], while the brothers were also directors of [[IG Chemical Corp]]. Sullivan & Cromwell had further links with the German [[Schroder Bank]] and with [[Lazard Fréres]]; Allen Dulles was a director of the [[J. Schroder Banking Corporation]] in New York.<ref>Kees van der Pjil, [http://www.theglobalsite.ac.uk/atlanticrulingclass/ The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class], Verso, 1984, p.82.</ref>

In 1935, Dulles and [[Hamilton Fish Armstrong]] published ''Can We Be Neutral'', an examination of US neutrality legislation.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.60.</ref>

==World War Two==
In September 1939, Dulles and Fish Armstrong published ''Can America Stay Neutral'', which warned that "no neutrality legislation can give us the advantages of an isolation that does not in fact exist."<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.60.</ref>

===Century Group===
At a meeting of the [[Century Group]] on 5 September 1940, Dulles was detailed to chair a committee looking at ways to better co-ordinate British and American production.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.110.</ref> Dulles drifted away from the Group after the US-UK Destoyers for Bases Agreement that month, apparently feeling it had served its purpose.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.113.</ref>

===Fight For Freedom===
Dulles was a member of the Executive Committee of [[Fight For Freedom]] drawn up at the [[Century Club]] on 22 April 1941.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.169.</ref>

Dulles was among the speakers at the Fight For Freedom Continental Congress on 9-10 October 1941.<ref>Mark Lincoln Chadwin, The Hawks of World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 1968, p.229.</ref>

===Co-ordinator of Information===
Dulles headed the New York office of [[William Donovan]]'s [[Office of the Coordinator of Information]], an intelligence agency established in July 1941. Dulles worked out of the same building as [[British Security Coordination]] (BSC), 630 Fifth Avenue. His assistant was [[De Witte Poole]].<ref>Thomas E. Mahl, Desperate Deception: British Covert Operations in the United States 1939-44, Brassey's, 1999, p.51.</ref>

According to one BSC document, Dulles intervened in March 1942 to have the British hold their American propaganda campaign against [[I.G.. Farben]], on the grounds that "this might involve large American companies like [[Standard Oil of New Jersey]], etc., thereby perhaps impairing the war effort." Thomas Mahl's account of this episode notes that Dulles was himself a former attorney for Standard Oil.<ref>Thomas E. Mahl, Desperate Deception: British Covert Operations in the United States 1939-44, Brassey's, 1999, p.100.</ref>

===OSS===
As head of the [[OSS]] station in Berne, Dulles met in February 1943 with [[Frederick Vanden Heuvel]] and [[Walter Schellenberg]] of the [[Sicherheitsdienst]] to discuss peace proposals by elements in the [[SS]]. Dulles allegedly told Prince [[Max Hohenlohe]] that a 'Greater Germany' and a 'Danubian conferederation' would provide a bulwark against Bolshevism.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI^: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.168.</ref>

In April 1943, the exiled Russian nationalist Prince [[Anton Turkul]] attempted usuccesfuly to make contact with Dulles.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI^: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.198.</ref>

==Postwar==
At the end of World War Two, Dulles rejoined [[Sullivan & Cromwell]], the New York law firm where his brother [[John Foster Dulles]] was a partner.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.13.</ref>

According to [[Carmel Offie]], Dulles represented [[Nicholas Malaxa]], a Romanian fascist, who sought German citizenship in 1946.<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life - Jay Lovestone: Communist, Anti-Communist and Spymaster, Random House, 1999, p.223.</ref>

Dulles briefed a Congressional Committee considering the formation of the [[CIA]] on 27 June 1947.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.26.</ref>

In early 1948, Defence Secretary [[James Forrestal]] asked Dulles to compile a secret report on the CIA.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.40.</ref> Forestal also backed Dulles in calling for CIA control of covert action, in opposition to [[George Kennan]] at the State Department.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.84.</ref>

The [[Office of Policy Coordination]] (OPC) emerged as a compromise. Dulles passed up the opportunity to head this body in the belief that he would be appointed CIA director in a Republican administration following the 1948 election.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.85.</ref>

In April 1948, Dulles helped Count [[Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi]] set up the [[American Committee for a Free and United Europe]].<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.227.</ref>

Dulles later abandoned Coudenhove-Kalergi and backed [[Joseph Retinger]], becoming vice-chair of the [[American Committee for a United Europe]] (ACUE), which was incorporated in February 1949, and launched a month later. <ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.228.</ref>

In May 1949, Dulles' law firm drew up the legal papers for the creation of the [[National Committee for a Free Europe]].<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.87.</ref> In the same month, he authored an article in the [[New Leader]] calling for a new internal security commission in the United States.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.132.</ref>

==CIA Deputy Director for Plans==
[[CIA]] director [[Walter Bedell Smith]] appointed Dulles Deputy Director of Plans, responsible for covert operations, on 4 January 1951.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.59.</ref> Shortly afterwards, he met [[Jay Lovestone]] who obtained funds for operations in Finland and Indonesia.<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life - Jay Lovestone: Communist, Anti-Communist and Spymaster, Random House, 1999, p.218.</ref>

In March 1951, [[Jay Lovestone]] met Dulles in a failed attempt block grants for the [[Free Trade Union Committee]] (FTUC), thereby strengthening its independence.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.98.</ref> In the same month, Dulles visited London where he urged [[MI6]] to abandon support for [[Stepan Bandera]]'s Ukrainian guerrilas, something which [[Harry Carr]], head of MI6's Northern Division, refused to do.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.245.</ref>

In April 1951, Dulles appointed [[Thomas W. Braden|Thomas Braden]] head of the [[International Organizations Division]], taking control of labour affairs from [[Frank Wisner]]. He told the FTUC to sack [[Carmel Offie]] in return for continued funding.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.98.</ref>

In May 1952 Dulles held a secret conference at the Princetown Inn to consider the scope for covert action in Eastern Europe. [[Charles Bohlen]] was among those present.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.70-71.</ref>

===Project Ultra===
Dulles and [[Frank Wisner]] were briefed on [[Project Artichoke]], the CIA's experimental program on the use of LSD and other drugs for interrogation purposes on 12 May 1952. Dulles approved an expanded program, [[MK-Ultra|Project Ultra]], a few months later.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.73-74.</ref>

==CIA Director==
Dulles was appointed Director of the CIA in the new [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] administration on 26 February 1953.<ref>[https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/directors-and-deputy-directors-of-central-intelligence/dulles.html Allen Welsh Dulles], Directors and Deputy Directors of Central Intelligence, CIA, accessed 23 February 2010.</ref><ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.78-79.</ref>

Dulles gave [[James Angleton]] responsibility for two areas in addition to his counterintelligence responsibilities, liason with Israel and running [[Jay Lovestone]].<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life - Jay Lovestone: Communist, Anti-Communist and Spymaster, Random House, 1999, p.247.</ref>

In a letter to Eisenhower in May 1954, CIA officer [[Jim Kellis]] wrote that Dulles was "a ruthless, ambitious and utterly incompetent government administrator.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.123.</ref>

Dulles was reappointed as CIA director following the election of [[John F. Kennedy]] in 1961. According to Tim Weiner, this was influenced by [[Joseph Kennedy]]'s awareness that Dulles had been told by [[J. Edgar Hoover]] about a World War Two-era sexual relationship between the new president and a suspected German spy.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.191.</ref>

Dulles retired as head of the CIA in September 1961.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.206.</ref>

===Congress for Cultural Freedom===
In late 1954, [[Sidney Hook]] obtained $10,000 for the [[American Congress for Cultural Freedom]] after a meeting with Dulles.<ref>Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? Frank Cass, 2003, p.112.</ref>

===Iran===
On 18 February 1953, Dulles met the new British [[MI6]] chief, Sir [[John Sinclair]], who briefed him on [[Operation Boot]], Britain's plan to overthrow the Iranian Prime Minister [[Mohammad Mosaddegh]]. Sinclair proposed [[Kim Roosevelt]] as field commander for the project, which Dulles renamed [[Operation Ajax]].<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.95.</ref>

Dulles' warning of a communist threat in Iran was initially rebuffed by Eisenhower at a [[National Security Council]] meeting on 4 March. However, on 18 March [[Frank Wisner]], passed on Dulles' initial approval to Roosevelt and [[Montague Woodhouse]]. Dulles dismissed the CIA station chief in Tehran, [[Roger Goiran]], for opposing a coup.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.96-97.</ref>

Dulles was among those present at the meeting chaired by his brother, [[John Foster Dulles]] which gave final approval for the coup.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.587.</ref>

Dulles travelled to Europe during the operation itself, where he bumped into the Shah, who had fled to Rome.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.101-103.</ref>

Following the coup, Dulles' law firm [[Sullivan & Cromwell]] negotiated the redivision of Iran's oil reserves to the advantage of US companies. [[British Petroleum]], an old client of the firm, was assisted with the takeover of [[Standard Oil of Ohio]] by way of compensation.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.595.</ref>

===Guatemala===
Dulles approved [[Operation Success]], the CIA plan to overthrow the government of Guatemala, on 9 December 1953. He appointed [[Al Haney]] as field commander and [[Tracey Barnes]] as head of political warfare.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.107.</ref>

===Syria===
In October 1956, Dulles and [[Richard Helms]] met [[Dick White]] and [[George Kennedy Young]] in London to discuss plans for a coup in Syria. White and Young did no mention Britain's impending attempt to retake the Suez canal.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI^: Inside the Covert World of her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Touchstone, 2000, p.637.</ref>

===Hungary===
On 1 November 1956, during the Hungarian uprising, Dulles wrongly briefed Eisenhower that "armed force could not effectively be used" by the Soviet Union.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.151.</ref> On 5 November, however, he told the president that the Soviets were ready to send 250,000 troops to Egypt to defend the Suez Canal.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.152.</ref>

===Indonesia===
Eisenhower ordered the CIA to overthrow the [[Sukarno]] government on 25 September 1957.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.170.</ref>Dulles failed to obey the President's order that no American personnel were to be involved, and CIA pilots began bombing in support of US-backed rebels on 19 April 1958. Hower, American pilot [[Al Pope]] was captured on 18 May. Dulles ordered the operation stood down the next day.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.175-176.</ref>

===Japan===
Dulles had a secret meeting in his office 6 February 1959 with Japanese Prime Minister [[Nobusuke Kishi]], a convicted war criminal, and according to Tim Weiner, a recruited CIA agent.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.139.</ref>

===Cuba===
On 11 September 1959, [[Richard M. Bissell Jr|Richard Bissell]] sent Dulles a memo proposing the elimination of [[Fidel Castro]]. Dulles crossed out the word ''elimination'', replaced it with ''removal from Cuba'' and approved the proposal.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.180.</ref>

On 8 January 1960, Dulles ordered Bissell to organise a task force to overthrow Castro.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.180.</ref>

Dulles briefed Vice-President [[Richard Nixon]] on the CIA's covert operations in Cuba on 2 March 1960.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.181.</ref> He and Bissell presented detailed plans to Eisenhower and Nixon on 17 March. These called for the infiltration of agents into Cuba rather than an outright invasion.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.181.</ref>

Eisenhower agreed to train a covert paramilitary unit to overthrow Castro at a meeting with Dulles and [[Richard Bissell]] on 18 August 1960.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.187.</ref> In the same month, Dulles allowed Bissell to take out a Mafia contract on Castro.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.186.</ref>

At a meeting with President-Elect Kennedy on 18 November 1960, Dulles and Bissell failed to tell Kennedy that Eisenhower had not given final approval for an invasion of Cuba.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.191.</ref>

On 22 April 1961, following the the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy ordered Dulles to step up coverage of Cuban operations in the United States, an activity outside the [[CIA]]'s charter. Dulles told the [[Maxwell Taylor|Taylor]] inquiry the same day: "I'm first to recognize that I don't think that the [[CIA]] should run paramilitary operations."<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.204.</ref>

A report by the CIA Inspector General [[Lyman Kirkpatrick]] concluded that Dulles had failed to keep Eisenhower or Kennedy accurately informed about the operation. Dulles destroyed all but a single copy of the report, which was locked away for 40 years.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.206.</ref>

===Tibet===
Eisenhower approved an operation to support Tibetan guerrillas against the Chinese following a briefing by Dulles and [[Desmond FitzGerald]] in February 1960.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.349.</ref>

===Congo===
At a meeting of the [[National Security Council]] on 18 August 1960, Eisenhower ordered Dulles to eliminate the Prime Minister of the Congo, [[Patrice Lumumba]].<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.187.</ref> At another NSC meeting on 21 September, Dulles told Eisenhower that [[Joseph Mobutu]] was "the only man in the Congo able to act with firmness".<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.189.</ref>

===Dominican Republic===
In January 1961, Dulles presided over a special group within the US government which agreed to support the assassination of [[Rafael Trujillo]], the US-backed dictator of the Dominican Republic.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.198.</ref>

==Affiliations==
*[[Sullivan & Cromwell]]
*[[IG Chemical Corp]]
*[[J. Schroder Banking Corporation]]
*[[Century Group]]
*[[Fight For Freedom Committee]]
*[[Office of Strategic Services]]
*[[American Committee for a United Europe]]
*[[National Committee for a Free Europe]]
*[[Overseas Consultants]]
*[[Central Intelligence Agency]]
*[[Council on Foreign Relations]]

===Connections===
*[[John Foster Dulles]] - Brother
*[[Eleanor Dulles]] - Sister
*[[Fritz Molden]] Son-in-law

==External Resources==
*NameBase [http://www.namebase.org/cgi-bin/nb01?Na=Dulles,+Allen+W. DULLES ALLEN WELSH]
*History Commons [http://www.historycommons.org/entity.jsp?entity=allen_welsh_dulles Profile: Allen Welsh Dulles]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:WWII Hawks|Dulles, Alan]]
[[Category:spooks|Dulles, Alan]]
[[Category:CIA|Dulles, Alan]]
[[Category:OSS|Dulles, Alan]]

Richard M. Bissell Jr

2011-02-27T19:16:18Z

Crosbie Smith: formatting

'''Richard M. Bissell Jr''' (1909-1994) was the [[CIA]]'s Deputy Director For Plans from 1959 to 1964.<ref>Phillip Frazer, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/obituary-richard-bissell-1426661.html Obituary: Richard Bissell], ''Independent'', 3 March 1994.</ref>

According to the ''Independent'', Bissell was "the central covert operations man in the Central Intelligence Agency for the central period of the cold war":

::Not the most well-known nor the highest-ranking official, Bissell was the man who planned and gave the orders for such low points in American cold-war dirty tricks as the overthrow of [[Patrice Lumumba]], the disastrous invasion of Cuba and the numerous (failed) attempts to assassinate [[Fidel Castro]].<ref>Phillip Frazer, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/obituary-richard-bissell-1426661.html Obituary: Richard Bissell], ''Independent'', 3 March 1994.</ref>

==Affiliations==
*[[Ford Foundation]]
*[[Central Intelligence Agency]]

==External Resources==
*Namebase [http://www.namebase.org/cgi-bin/nb01?Na=Bissell,+Richard+Mervin Bissell Richard Mervin Jr]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:Spooks|Bissell, Richard]][[Category:CIA|Bissell, Richard]]

Joseph E. Johnson

2011-02-27T13:20:34Z

Crosbie Smith: content from Wikipedia

'''Joseph Esrey Johnson''' (April 30, 1906 – 1990) was an American government official who served with both the [[United States Department of State]] and the [[United Nations]].

Born in [[Virginia]], Johnson was educated at [[Harvard University]]. He was instructor in history at [[Bowdoin College]] and [[Williams College]], becoming Associate Professor at the latter in 1938. He took leave in 1942 to join the wartime [[United States Department of State|State Department]]. Johnson became chief of the department's Division of International Security Affairs in 1945, having served as acting chief from 1944.<ref>{{cite book|
|isbn=0905118979
|title=The International Who' Who, 1984-85
|publisher=International Publications Service}}</ref>

From 1950 to 1971 he was president of the [[Carnegie Endowment for International Peace]]. He was a member of the board of trustees of the [[World Peace Foundation]] in the early 1950s. From 1954, he was inaugural American secretary of the annual [[Bilderberg Group|Bilderberg conference]] which discusses matters relating to European-American relations.<ref name=hatch>{{cite book
|title=H.R.H.Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands: An authorized biography
|last=[[Alden R. Hatch|Hatch, Alden]]
|first=
|year=1962
|location=London
|publisher=Harrap
|id=ISBN B0000CLLN4
}}</ref>

Johnson was Vice President of the [[International Institute for Strategic Studies]] from 1965 to 1981.

==External links==
*{{cite web
|url=http://www.ecommcode2.com/hoover/research/historicalmaterials/other/johnson.htm
|title=Joseph E. Johnson Papers
|publisher=Herbert Hoover Presidential Library}}

==Notes==
<references/>

McGeorge Bundy

2011-02-27T13:17:50Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Career */ rm 'master list' - unsourced, grammatically incorrect

'''McGeorge "Mac" Bundy''' (March 30, 1919 – September 16, 1996) was [[United States National Security Advisor]] to Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon Johnson]] from 1961 through 1966, and president of the [[Ford Foundation]] from 1966 through 1979. He is known primarily for his role in escalating the involvement of the United States in [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

==Early life==
Raised in [[Boston]], [[Massachusetts]], Bundy came from a wealthy family long involved in [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]<ref name="NYT01">[http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/books/review/Holbrooke-t.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=mcgeorge%20bundy%20stimson&st=cse 'The Doves Were Right'] Review by Richard C. Holbrooke of Goldstein, Gordon M., ''Lessons in Disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the Path to War in Vietnam'', ''The New York Times Book Review'', Nov. 28, 2008 (Nov. 30, 2008 on p. BR12 of NY ed.). Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref> politics. His mother, Katherine Lawrence Putnam, was the daughter of two [[Boston Brahmin]] families listed in the [[Social Register]]. His father, [[Harvey Hollister Bundy]], was from Grand Rapids, Michigan and was a diplomat who helped implement the [[Marshall Plan]].

Bundy attended the elite Dexter School in Brookline, Massachusetts and then the [[Groton School]], where he placed first in his class and ran the student newspaper and debating society. He was then admitted to [[Yale University]], one year behind his brother [[William Bundy|William]], as the first student ever to receive perfect scores on all three admissions exams. At Yale, where he majored in mathematics, he served as secretary of the [[Yale Political Union]] and then chairman of its Liberal Party; he also wrote a column for the ''[[Yale Daily News]]''. Like his father, he was inducted into the [[Skull and Bones]] [[secret society]].<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=lhd3ygLAXXcC&lpg=PA8&ots=nY2GuDtaqD&dq=%22mcgeorge%20bundy%22%20yale%20%22liberal%20party%22&pg=PA8#v=onepage&q&f=false
|title=Lessons in disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the path to war in Vietnam
|last= Goldstein
|first=Gordon M.
|publisher=[[Henry Holt]]
|year=2008}}</ref>

==Career==
For a year and a half 1945-47<ref>[http://query.nytimes.com/search/sitesearch?query=mcgeorge+bundy+stimson&srchst=cse Search of ''NYTimes'' for "mcgeorge bundy stimson"] "When Bundy Says, 'The President Wants--'"; December 2, 1962 article in paid archive. Partial quote: "After V-J Day, Bundy spent a year and a half working on the Stimson book, ...." Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref>, Bundy co-wrote [[Henry L. Stimson]]'s third-person autobiography with the just-retired [[United States Secretary of War]].

In 1949, Bundy took a position at the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York to study [[Marshall Plan]] aid to Europe. The study group included [[Dwight Eisenhower]], [[Allen Dulles]], [[Richard M. Bissell, Jr.]] and [[George Kennan]]. The group's deliberations were sensitive and highly secret, dealing as they did with the highly classified fact that there was a covert side to the Marshall Plan, where the [[CIA]] used certain funds to aid anti-communist groups in [[France]] and [[Italy]].<ref>Covert CIA side to the Marshall Plan - see Kai Bird, ''The Color of Truth: McGeorge and William Bundy, Brothers in Arms: A Biography.'' New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998, (p.106)</ref>

Bundy was one of Kennedy's "wise men," and noted professor of government at Harvard University, despite having only a bachelor's degree. In 1953, Bundy was appointed Dean of the Faculty at Harvard at the age of thirty-four, the youngest in the school's history. He moved into public life in 1961, becoming [[national security adviser]] in the Kennedy administration. He played a crucial role in all of the major foreign policy and defense decisions of the Kennedy and part of the Johnson administration. These included the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]], the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], and, most controversially, the [[Vietnam War]]. From 1964 he was Chairman of the [[NSC oversight of covert operations#303 Committee|303 Committee]], responsible for coordinating government covert operations.<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://www.fas.org/sgp/advisory/state/covert.html
|title=Foreign Relations, 1964–1968 Volume XII
|last=Miller
|first=James E.
|publisher=[[United States Government Printing Office]]
|year=2001}}</ref>

Bundy was a strong proponent of the Vietnam War during his tenure. He supported escalating the American involvement and the bombing of [[North Vietnam]].

He left government in 1966 to take over as president of the [[Ford Foundation]], a position he held until 1979.

In January 1969, he was presented with the [[Presidential Medal of Freedom]] by President [[Lyndon Johnson]].

From 1979 to 1989, he was Professor of History at [[New York University]]. He was scholar-in-residence at the [[Carnegie Corporation]] from 1990–1996.

==Sources==
*[http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E06E5DE1730F936A25751C1A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all ''The New York Times'']

==External links==
* [http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2001/02.01/13-bundy.html McGeorge Bundy at Harvard]

==Notes==
<references/>

How the European Movement was launched

2011-02-27T13:16:02Z

Crosbie Smith: link fix: McGeorge Bundy. Left text incorrect, as it's a quote

How the European Movement was launched, by Richard Fletcher.

SECRET US funding of "voluntary" organisations began with the Marshall Plan. In June 1947 George Marshall, US Secretary of State, in a speech at Harvard, suggested that the European nations, including the USSR, should agree a joint programme of reconstruction to which the US would contribute. Within three months 16 European nations had formulated a European Recovery Programme (ERP) for the period 1947-51. ERP was welcomed by President Truman, immediate interim aid was authorised for Austria, France and Italy, and in April 1948 Congress passed the Economic Co-operation Act which set up the Economic Co-operation Administration (ECA*) to administer some 13,000 million dollars of aid to Europe over the period 1948-51. (*ECA administrator for France was Barry Bingham, who helped launch the International Press Institute.)

Russian refusal to join ERP marked the start of the Cold War and historians will continue to argue which side was to blame. Certainly Congress imposed strict economic conditions which the USSR would have found very difficult to fulfil. It also required recipients to make substantial repayments which - except for certain carefully specified educational provisions such as the Fulbright scholarships - were to be repatriated to the USA.

These repayments - known as counterpart funds - accumulated under the control of ECA's American administrators in Europe in various local currencies and, in flat violation of Act of Congress, only part were returned to the United States. Thus there existed across Europe in the late 'forties a network of American territorial baroncies with massive funds available to finance their own pet projects, the most powerful such grouping being the [[Office of Military Government|US Military Government]] in Berlin whose chief was General [[Lucius D. Clay]]. The use of these funds was illegal and their deployment, therefore, had to be negotiated between the local baron, or his agent, and the recipient in secret. Thus it was that [[Joseph Retinger]] persuaded [[Shepard Stone]], then in the US Military Government, to back the Congress of The Hague in May 1948 which launched the [[European Movement]].

The Congress received worldwide publicity without which the European Movement would probably have been stillborn. Seven hundred and fifty top people were brought to The Hague, lodged and entertained for a week at the expense of the organisers. Without the £40,000 that this cost-a huge amount for Europe still recovering from the war-the Congress could not have been held.

The launching of the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] by [[Melvin J. Lasky|Melvin Lasky]] in Berlin in 1950 was financed in the same way. Disaster threatened the Cold Warriors in 1950-51 when Congress refused to renew Marshall Aid. As [[Thomas W. Braden|Thomas Braden]] has confirmed, they had either to shut up shop or turn to the CIA. They chose the latter. Thus continued 17 years of secret US funding.

When, in the early sixties, it seemed to the National Security Council (NSC) that the CIA's cover was about to be blown, funding was quietly shifted to the larger charitable fundations whose directors were well aware of what was going on. The Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations moved into international affairs in a big way in 1950. Ford's international director for the next 17 years was Sheperd Stone under the NSC members Mr [[McGeorge Bundy|George Bundy]], Presidential Adviser on Security, and [[Robert McNamara]], Defence Secretary. Carnegie president was [[Joseph E. Johnson]] who organised the American end of Bilderberg. Thomas Braden was a Carnegie trustee.

Rockefeller trustees included [[Barry Bingham]] - ECA Administrator France 1949-50, chairman [[International Press Institute]], director [[Asia Foundation]] - and [[Arthur Houghton]], whose [[Foundation for Youth and Student Affairs]] channelled millions of dollars of CIA money into the US and world students movements. For those who continue to protest the innocence of the US (and some European) foundations, massive documentary evidence can - and will - be produced to show that in their international affairs they acted as agents of the US State Department.

But to return to the [[European Movement]]. Thomas Braden had been in the US Military Government in Germany. From 1949 to 1951 he was executive director of the American Committee on United Europe-a body resulting from a visit by Retinger and Duncan Sandys to Allen Dulles and others in the United States in July 1948. Its aims were to fund the European Movement and to bring about the establishment of a European army rearming the Germans against the USSR. It also worked closely with Cord Meyer's United World Federalists.

In a letter to [[Duncan Sandys]], 20 January 1950, Thomas Braden wrote that the ACUE's purpose was ''not only to influence public opinion, but to sell the idea of the European Movement . . . and to justify the appeal for important sums of money."

According to [[Allan Hovey, Jnr.]], ACUE representative in Europe, the vast majority of US funds for Europe and nearly all for the European Youth Campaign (EYC) came from State Department covert funds. This was, of course. kept very secret. ACUE was a legal covering organisation.

Braden joined the CIA as Dulles' assistant in 1950 while continuing as ACUE executive director. Funds were sent to the European representative in Brussels, and those intended for the EYC were passed through a covering body in Paris - the Centre d'Action Europiènne - which submitted a monthly budget to Brussels.

Total secret US funding to the European Movement from 1947 to 1953 was £440,000. (Source: EM Archives, FIN/P/6 "European Movement: EYC Treasurer's Report 1949/53").

Thus, far from being a spontaneous expression of the desire for unity of the people of Europe, the European movement was launched by Retinger with secret money from the State Department and kept afloat with massive subventions through Thomas Braden, head of the CIA'S International Organisation Division.

Council on Foreign Relations, extract from The Higher Circles

2011-02-27T13:12:45Z

Crosbie Smith: fix link: John J. McCloy

To give empirical flesh to these generalizations, there is no better starting point than the '''[[Council on Foreign Relations]]''' (CFR). It is the key middle term, so to speak, between the large corporations on the one hand and the federal government on the other. By studying its connections in both directions, it is possible to establish the first link we are looking for in showing the specific mechanisms by which the power elite formulate and transfer their wishes into government policy. While it would be hard to under-estimate the importance of this organization in understanding the overall framework for American foreign policy, I do not want to overemphasize it, and we will see that there are other links between big business and big-government.

The [[Council on Foreign Relations]] is a nonpartisan research and discussion group dedicated to informing citizens about world affairs and creating an interest in international relations. Despite its reputed prominence and the fact that it was founded in 1921, most information on it comes from its own publications: a fifteen-year history, a twenty-five-year history and annual reports. One of the few who has written on it, Washington journalist [[Joseph Kraft]], noted in 1958 that it was mentioned only five times in Time magazine in the period 1953-1958.'(Joseph Kraft, 'School for Statesmen' (Harper's Magazine, July,1958), p. 64.) We can go one step further and say that there never has been any research paper on it in any scholarly journal indexed in the Social Science and Humanities Index. While this may suggest it is not very important, there are several ways to establish its crucial role, including testimony by journalists and scholars, the acknowledged preeminence of its journal ([[Foreign Affairs]]), the nature of its financial backing, the composition of its leadership and membership, and the presence of its members in federal government positions.

To begin with expert testimony, CFR was called by Kraft a 'school for statesmen [which] comes close to being an organ of what C. Wright Mills has called the Power Elite - a group of men, similar in interest and outlook, shaping events from invulnerable positions behind the scenes.'(Joseph Kraft, 'School for Statesmen' (Harper's Magazine, July,1958), p. 64, 68). [[Douglass Cater]], a journalist from Exeter and Harvard who served on the staff of President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], has noted that 'a diligent scholar would do well to delve into the role of the purely unofficial Council on Foreign Relations in the care and breeding of an incipient American Establishment.'(Douglass Cater, Power in Washington (New York: Random House, 1964), p. 247.) The New York Times calls it 'a testing ground for new ideas, with enough political and financial power to bring the ideas to the attention of the policy makers in Washington.'('Experts on Policy Looking to Youth' (The New York Times, May 15, 1966), p. 34.) Political scientist Lester Milbrath notes that 'The Council on Foreign Relations, while not financed by government, works so closely with it that it is difficult to distinguish Council actions stimulated by government from autonomous actions.'(Lester Milbrath, 'Interest Groups and Foreign Policy' in James N. Rosenau, ed., Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1967), p. 247.)

==Funding==
Empirically speaking, such reputational testimony is the least important of our evidence. Far more important is CFR's financing and leadership. Aside from membership dues, dividends from invested gifts and bequests, and profits from the sale of Foreign Affairs, the most important sources of income are leading corporations and major foundations. In 1957-58, for example, [[Chase Manhattan]], [[Continental Can]], [[Ford Motor]], [[Bankers Trust]], [[Cities Service]], [[Gulf]], [[Otis Elevator]], [[General Motors]] Overseas Operations, Brown Brothers, Harriman, and International General Electric were paying from $1,000 to $10,000 per year for the corporation service, depending upon the size of the company and its interest in international affairs. (The benefits of subscribing to this corporation service are as follows: free consultation with all members of the CFR staff, subscriptions to [[Foreign Affairs]] for leading officers of the corporation, the use of the Council's excellent library which is second to none in its field, and the right to nominate one 'promising young executive' to participate in seminars which the Council conducts each fall and spring for the benefit of the corporations.)(Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1957-58.) More generally, in 1960-61, eighty-four large corporations and financial institutions contributed 12% ($i 12,200) of CFRs total income. As to the foundations, the major contributors over the years have been the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] and the Carnegie Corporation, with the Ford Foundation joining in with a large grant in the 1950's. According to Kraft, a $2.5 million grant in the early i 0's from the Ford, Rockefeller, and Carnegie foundations made the Council 'the most important single private agency conducting research in foreign affairs.'(Kraft, op. cit., p. 68.) In 1960-61, foundation money accounted for 25% of CFR income.

:The foundations which support the CFR are in turn directed by men from [[Bechtel]] Construction, [[Chase Manhattan]], Cummins Engine, Corning Glass, Kimberly-Clark, [[Monsanto]] Chemical, and dozens of other corporations. Further, to complete the circle, most foundation directors are members of CFR. In the early 1960's, Dan Smoot found that twelve of twenty Rockefeller Foundation trustees, ten of fifteen Ford Foundation trustees, and ten of fourteen Carnegie Corporation trustees were members of CFR.(Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government (Dallas: The Dan Smoot Report, 1962), pp. 168-71.) Nor is this interlock of recent origin. In 1922, for example, former 'Secretary of State Elihu Root, a corporation lawyer; was honorary CFR president as well as president of the Carnegie Corporation, while [[John W. Davis]], the corporation lawyer who ran for President on the Democratic ticket in 1924, was a trustee of both the [[Carnegie Corporation]] and CFR.

==Leadership==
A consideration of the leadership and membership of CER is equally conclusive in establishing its relationship tothe power elite. Its founders included two lawyers and two bankers from Wall Street. The single permanent official of CFR at its outset, [[Hamilton Fish Armstrong]], and the first editor of Foreign Affairs, Archibald Coolidge, were both from well-known, upper-class families. Indeed, Hamiltons, Fishes and Armstrongs have been involved in American foreign policy since the beginnirigs of the Republic. Nor has anything changed since the early 1920's, with fourteen of the twenty-two recent or current directors as of the early 1960's being listed in the Social Register. Among the most prominent of the recent directors highly visible in the corporate elite are [[Frank Altschul]], [[Elliott V. Bell]], [[Thomas K. Finletter]] (one-time Secretary of the Air Force), [[Devereaux C. Josephs]], [[John J. McCloy]], [[David Rockefeller]] and [[Adlai B. Stevenson]].

The CFR limits itself to 700 New York area residents and 700 non-New York residents (no women or foreigners are allowed to join). As of the mid-sixties, 46% of the resident members and 49 % of the non-resident members, most of whom are big businessmen and lawyers, were listed in the Social Register.(John F. Whitney, Jr., 'The Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.' (Unpublished research paper, Texas A and I University, January, 1968).) The Council's only other formal associates are the Committees on Foreign Relations that have been formed in about thirty cities across the country. These committees come together at dinners and other occasions to hear speakers (mostly supplied by CFR) and exchange ideas. This committee program has been financed since 1938 by the Carnegie - Corporation.(Smoot, op. cit., p. 21.) We were able to locate information on 509 committee members from twenty-nine cities ranging in size and importance from Philadelphia, Detroit and Atlanta to Albuquerque, Boise and Little Rock. A significant minority of those studied (41 %) were corporate executives and bankers. Twenty-one percent were lawyers, almost half of whom (44%) were also corporate directors. Thus, a small majonty (51%) were directly involved in business enterprises. Another significant group consisted of educators (22 %), most of whom were college presidents, political scientists, economists, and deans. Seven percent of those studied were editors or publishers, with the remainder being small numbers of government officials, politicians, church leaders, physicians, accountants and museum directors.
Turning to the all-important question of government involvement, the presence of CFR members in government has been attested to by Kraft, Cater, Smoot, CFR histories and The New York Times, but the point is made most authoritatively by John J. McCloy, Wall Street lawyer, former chairman of [[Chase Manhattan]], trustee of the [[Ford Foundation]], director of CFR and a government appointee in a variety of roles since the early 1940's: 'Whenever we needed a man,' said McCloy in explaining the presence of CFR members in the modem defense establishment that fought World War II, 'we thumbed through the roll of council members and put through a call to New York.'(Kraft, op. cit., p. 67.) According to Kraft, 'When John McCloy went to Bonn as US High Commissioner, he took with him a staff composed almost exclusively of men who had interested themselves in German affairs at the Council.'(Ibid.., p. 68.) CFR members also were prominent in the US delegation to the founding of the United Nations, and several dozen have held high posts in postwar administrations. One Annual Report spoke as follows in an obituary notice:

[[John Foster Dulles]] was a member of the Council almost from the start. He wrote an article on 'The Allieri Debts' for the first issue of Foreign Affairs and six more articles thereafter, including two while Secretary of State. He participated in numerous study and discussion groups over the years and 'spoke often at Council afternoon meetings an dinners, twice as Secretary of State.(Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1958-59, p. 4.)

[[Theodore White]], in recounting how Lyndon Johnson won the Presidency in 1964, wrote as follows about the relationship of the Council to government:

:Its roster of members has for a generation, under Republican and Democratic administrations 'alike, been the chief recruiting ground for Cabinet-level officials in Washington. Among the first eighty-two names on a list prepared for John F. Kennedy for staffing his State Department, at least sixty-three were members of the Council, Republicans and Democrats alike. When, finally, he made his appointments, both his Secretary of State (Rusk, Democrat) and Treasury (Dillon, Republican) were chosen from Council members; so were seven assistant and undersecretaries of State, four senior members of Defense, . . . as well as two members of the White House staff (Schlesinger, Democrat; Bundy, Republican) (Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1964 (New York: Atheneum Publishers, 1965), pp. 67-8.)

Now that we have located the CFR in sociological space as an institution controlled by members of the upper class, we are in a position to see what it does and how effective it is in shaping foreign policy. As to what the CFR does, in addition to serving as a talent pool and training ground for government service, it is a tax-exempt, non-partisan organization which sponsors education, discussion and research on all aspects of foreign affairs. As part of its educational effort, it brings before its exclusive membership leading scholars and government officials from all nations to make off-the-record speeches and to answer questions from the members. And, as Kraft notes, this not only educates the members, it gives them a chance to size up important leaders with whom they will have to deal.{{ref|15}} Also under the heading of education, CFR publishes Foreign Affairs, by far the most important journal in its field, and three annual surveys: Political Handbook of the World, The United States in World Affairs, and Documents on American Foreign Relations.

Despite the importance of speeches and publications, I think the most important aspects of the CFR program are its special discussion groups and study groups. These small groups of about twenty-five bring together businessmen, government officials, military men and scholars for detailed discussions of specific topics in the area of foreign affairs. Discussion groups explore problems in a general way, trying to define issues and alternatives. Such groups often lead to a study group as the next stage. Study groups revolve around the work of a Council research fellow (financed by Carnegie, Ford and Rockefeller) or a staff member. This group leader usually presents monthly papers, which are discussed and criticized by the rest of the group. The goal of such study groups is a detailed statement of the problem by the scholar leading the discussion. In 1957-58, for example, the Council published six books which grew out of study groups. Perhaps the most famous of these was written by Henry Kissinger, a bright young [[McGeorge Bundy]] protege at Harvard who was asked by the CFR to head a study group. His Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy was ''a best seller which has been closely read in the highest Administration circles and foreign offices abroad.''{{ref|16}} As 40 his study group, it included 'two former chairmen of the Atomic Energy Commission, a Nobel Prize winner in physics, two former civilian secretaries in the Defense Department and representatives just below the highest level from the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency the three armed services.'{{ref|17}} When economist Percy of the CFR staff led a discussion on foreign tariff, issue that will be discussed later, the study group included ten corporate representatives, ten economists, two communications experts from MIT's Center for International Studies, a minor Defense Department official and a foreign service officer.{{ref|18}}

It is within these discussion groups and study groups, where privacy is the rule to encourage members to speak freely, that members of the power elite study and plan as to how best to attain American objectives in world affairs. It is here that they discuss alternatives and hash out differ ences, far from the limelight of official government and mass media. As The New York Times says of these unpublicized luncheons and closed seminars: 'Except for its annual public Elihu Root Lectures, the Council's talks and seminars are strictly off the record. An indiscretion can be grounds for termination or suspension of. membership.....'{[ref|19}} Such discussions also help to reduce the effect of political changes. In Kraft's language: 'e.g the Council plays a special part in helping to bridge the gap between the two parties, affording unofficially a measure of continuity when the guard changes in Washington.'{{ref|20}}

Given its privacy as to discussions (it is quite open about everything else), can we know the relationship between CFR and government policy? Can we go beyond the fact that CFR conducts research and discussions and that its members hold responsible positions in the federal government? It is not only secrecy which makes this question hard to answer; there is also the problem that CFR as an organization does not take a partisan stand. To even begin to answer such a question completely would require a large number of studies of various decisions and their outcomes. In lieu of such studies, the most important and easy of which would be on the origins of the bipartisan foreign policy of postwar years, several suggestive examples will have to suffice, along with the general testimony of Kraft ('It has been the seat of some basic government decisions, has set the context for many more') and The New York Times ('Discussion groups, scholarly papers and studies sponsored by the Council laid the groundwork for the Marshall Plan for European recovery, set American policy guidelines for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and currently are evolving a long-range analysis of American attitudes toward China').{{ref|21}} More concretely, Kraft claims that CFR action was responsible for putting Greenland out of bounds for the Nazis, for shaping the United Nations charter, and for softening the American position on German postwar reparations, among others. One of the most impressive evidences is that four CFR planning groups, set up in 1939 with aid from the Rockefeller Foundation, were taken (along with most of. the personnel) into the State Department in 1942 'as the nub of its Advisory Committee on Postwar Planning Problems.'{{ref|22}} And it was supposedly a special CFR briefing session in early 1947 that convinced Undersecretary of State Robert Lovett of Brown Brothers, Harriman that 'it would be our principal task at State to awaken the nation, to the dangers of Communist aggression.'{{ref|23}}

Despite the 'fact that the CFR is an organization most Americans have never heard of, I think we have clearly established by a variety of means that it is a key connection between the federal government and the owners and managers of the country's largest financial institutions and corporations. It is an organization of the power elite. If it is not all-embracing in its importance, it is certainly a considerable understatement to speak of CFR members and members of similar power elite associations, as one scholar does, as 'external bureaucrats' who supply the government with information, perspectives, and manpower.{{ref|24}} Inmy view, what knowledge we have of CFR suggests that through it the power elite formulate general guidelines for American foreign policy and provide the personnel to carry out' this policy. But I also know that the evidence I have presented is not enough for those scholars who prefer to analyze actual decisions. Then, too, skeptics can point out that CFR has no policy (other than the all-important policy of international involvement, as opposed to isolationism, for which it is called 'Communist' and 'Un-American' by older-fashioned, nationalistic critics). Furthermore, skeptics can say that CFR's members have other institutional and associational affiliations that may be more important in determining their outlook. For all of these reasons, I will let the case for.

CFR rest at this point, noting the presence of its directors and members only in passing, and instead emphasizing the direct corporate connections of important decision-makers In closing this discussion of the CFR as an organization of the power elite, it should be noted that Kraft is among the skeptics. Despite all the comments we have quoted from him on the importance of CFR, he concludes that 'even that cock will not fight' as far as the CFR being part of any power elite. This is because CFR has assumed 'semi-official duties only in emergencies,' because it 'has never accepted government financial support' and because its recommendations 'have subsequently all stood test at the polls or in Congress.' Furthermore, there are 'divergent views within the Council, and such an organization is necessary because issues are too complicated for the ordinary citizen, who is all wrapped up in his private life. Kraft's concluding sentence seems to be a challenge to those who might criticize - he quotes Voltaire, asking, 'What have you got that's better?'{{ref|25}}

==References==

#{{note|15}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 66. A perusal of any annual report of the CER will show that a foreign official visiting in New York who is anyone at all will be speaking or meeting with members of the Council.
#{{note|16}}. Ibid.
#{{note|17}}. Ibid.
#{{note|18}}. Percy W. Bidwell, What the Tariff Means to American industries (published for the Council on Foreign Relations by Harper & Row, New York, 1956).
#{{note|19}}. 'Experts on Foreign Policy Look to Youth,' op cit., p. 34.
#{{note|20}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 68.
#{{note|21}}. Ibid., p. 64; 'Experts on Foreign Policy Look to Youth,' op. cit., p.34.
#{{note|22}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 67. Much of Kraft's information on CFR involvement in specific issues seems to be drawn from CFR's self-published 25-year history. It contains further details and information on other issues as well. See The Council on Foreign Relations, A Record of Twenty-five Years, New York, 1947.
#{{note|23}}. Quoted in Kraft, op. cit., p. 68
#{{note|24}}. Chadwick F. Alger, 'The External Bureaucracy in United States Foreign Affairs (Administration Science Quarterly, June, 1962).
#{{note|25}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 68.

[[Category:The Higher Circles]]

Council on Foreign Relations, extract from The Higher Circles

2011-02-27T13:11:55Z

Crosbie Smith: linked McGeorge Bundy

To give empirical flesh to these generalizations, there is no better starting point than the '''[[Council on Foreign Relations]]''' (CFR). It is the key middle term, so to speak, between the large corporations on the one hand and the federal government on the other. By studying its connections in both directions, it is possible to establish the first link we are looking for in showing the specific mechanisms by which the power elite formulate and transfer their wishes into government policy. While it would be hard to under-estimate the importance of this organization in understanding the overall framework for American foreign policy, I do not want to overemphasize it, and we will see that there are other links between big business and big-government.

The [[Council on Foreign Relations]] is a nonpartisan research and discussion group dedicated to informing citizens about world affairs and creating an interest in international relations. Despite its reputed prominence and the fact that it was founded in 1921, most information on it comes from its own publications: a fifteen-year history, a twenty-five-year history and annual reports. One of the few who has written on it, Washington journalist [[Joseph Kraft]], noted in 1958 that it was mentioned only five times in Time magazine in the period 1953-1958.'(Joseph Kraft, 'School for Statesmen' (Harper's Magazine, July,1958), p. 64.) We can go one step further and say that there never has been any research paper on it in any scholarly journal indexed in the Social Science and Humanities Index. While this may suggest it is not very important, there are several ways to establish its crucial role, including testimony by journalists and scholars, the acknowledged preeminence of its journal ([[Foreign Affairs]]), the nature of its financial backing, the composition of its leadership and membership, and the presence of its members in federal government positions.

To begin with expert testimony, CFR was called by Kraft a 'school for statesmen [which] comes close to being an organ of what C. Wright Mills has called the Power Elite - a group of men, similar in interest and outlook, shaping events from invulnerable positions behind the scenes.'(Joseph Kraft, 'School for Statesmen' (Harper's Magazine, July,1958), p. 64, 68). [[Douglass Cater]], a journalist from Exeter and Harvard who served on the staff of President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], has noted that 'a diligent scholar would do well to delve into the role of the purely unofficial Council on Foreign Relations in the care and breeding of an incipient American Establishment.'(Douglass Cater, Power in Washington (New York: Random House, 1964), p. 247.) The New York Times calls it 'a testing ground for new ideas, with enough political and financial power to bring the ideas to the attention of the policy makers in Washington.'('Experts on Policy Looking to Youth' (The New York Times, May 15, 1966), p. 34.) Political scientist Lester Milbrath notes that 'The Council on Foreign Relations, while not financed by government, works so closely with it that it is difficult to distinguish Council actions stimulated by government from autonomous actions.'(Lester Milbrath, 'Interest Groups and Foreign Policy' in James N. Rosenau, ed., Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1967), p. 247.)

==Funding==
Empirically speaking, such reputational testimony is the least important of our evidence. Far more important is CFR's financing and leadership. Aside from membership dues, dividends from invested gifts and bequests, and profits from the sale of Foreign Affairs, the most important sources of income are leading corporations and major foundations. In 1957-58, for example, [[Chase Manhattan]], [[Continental Can]], [[Ford Motor]], [[Bankers Trust]], [[Cities Service]], [[Gulf]], [[Otis Elevator]], [[General Motors]] Overseas Operations, Brown Brothers, Harriman, and International General Electric were paying from $1,000 to $10,000 per year for the corporation service, depending upon the size of the company and its interest in international affairs. (The benefits of subscribing to this corporation service are as follows: free consultation with all members of the CFR staff, subscriptions to [[Foreign Affairs]] for leading officers of the corporation, the use of the Council's excellent library which is second to none in its field, and the right to nominate one 'promising young executive' to participate in seminars which the Council conducts each fall and spring for the benefit of the corporations.)(Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1957-58.) More generally, in 1960-61, eighty-four large corporations and financial institutions contributed 12% ($i 12,200) of CFRs total income. As to the foundations, the major contributors over the years have been the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] and the Carnegie Corporation, with the Ford Foundation joining in with a large grant in the 1950's. According to Kraft, a $2.5 million grant in the early i 0's from the Ford, Rockefeller, and Carnegie foundations made the Council 'the most important single private agency conducting research in foreign affairs.'(Kraft, op. cit., p. 68.) In 1960-61, foundation money accounted for 25% of CFR income.

:The foundations which support the CFR are in turn directed by men from [[Bechtel]] Construction, [[Chase Manhattan]], Cummins Engine, Corning Glass, Kimberly-Clark, [[Monsanto]] Chemical, and dozens of other corporations. Further, to complete the circle, most foundation directors are members of CFR. In the early 1960's, Dan Smoot found that twelve of twenty Rockefeller Foundation trustees, ten of fifteen Ford Foundation trustees, and ten of fourteen Carnegie Corporation trustees were members of CFR.(Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government (Dallas: The Dan Smoot Report, 1962), pp. 168-71.) Nor is this interlock of recent origin. In 1922, for example, former 'Secretary of State Elihu Root, a corporation lawyer; was honorary CFR president as well as president of the Carnegie Corporation, while [[John W. Davis]], the corporation lawyer who ran for President on the Democratic ticket in 1924, was a trustee of both the [[Carnegie Corporation]] and CFR.

==Leadership==
A consideration of the leadership and membership of CER is equally conclusive in establishing its relationship tothe power elite. Its founders included two lawyers and two bankers from Wall Street. The single permanent official of CFR at its outset, [[Hamilton Fish Armstrong]], and the first editor of Foreign Affairs, Archibald Coolidge, were both from well-known, upper-class families. Indeed, Hamiltons, Fishes and Armstrongs have been involved in American foreign policy since the beginnirigs of the Republic. Nor has anything changed since the early 1920's, with fourteen of the twenty-two recent or current directors as of the early 1960's being listed in the Social Register. Among the most prominent of the recent directors highly visible in the corporate elite are [[Frank Altschul]], [[Elliott V. Bell]], [[Thomas K. Finletter]] (one-time Secretary of the Air Force), [[Devereaux C. Josephs]], [[John J. Mc Cloy]], [[David Rockefeller]] and [[Adlai B. Stevenson]].

The CFR limits itself to 700 New York area residents and 700 non-New York residents (no women or foreigners are allowed to join). As of the mid-sixties, 46% of the resident members and 49 % of the non-resident members, most of whom are big businessmen and lawyers, were listed in the Social Register.(John F. Whitney, Jr., 'The Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.' (Unpublished research paper, Texas A and I University, January, 1968).) The Council's only other formal associates are the Committees on Foreign Relations that have been formed in about thirty cities across the country. These committees come together at dinners and other occasions to hear speakers (mostly supplied by CFR) and exchange ideas. This committee program has been financed since 1938 by the Carnegie - Corporation.(Smoot, op. cit., p. 21.) We were able to locate information on 509 committee members from twenty-nine cities ranging in size and importance from Philadelphia, Detroit and Atlanta to Albuquerque, Boise and Little Rock. A significant minority of those studied (41 %) were corporate executives and bankers. Twenty-one percent were lawyers, almost half of whom (44%) were also corporate directors. Thus, a small majonty (51%) were directly involved in business enterprises. Another significant group consisted of educators (22 %), most of whom were college presidents, political scientists, economists, and deans. Seven percent of those studied were editors or publishers, with the remainder being small numbers of government officials, politicians, church leaders, physicians, accountants and museum directors.
Turning to the all-important question of government involvement, the presence of CFR members in government has been attested to by Kraft, Cater, Smoot, CFR histories and The New York Times, but the point is made most authoritatively by John J. McCloy, Wall Street lawyer, former chairman of [[Chase Manhattan]], trustee of the [[Ford Foundation]], director of CFR and a government appointee in a variety of roles since the early 1940's: 'Whenever we needed a man,' said McCloy in explaining the presence of CFR members in the modem defense establishment that fought World War II, 'we thumbed through the roll of council members and put through a call to New York.'(Kraft, op. cit., p. 67.) According to Kraft, 'When John McCloy went to Bonn as US High Commissioner, he took with him a staff composed almost exclusively of men who had interested themselves in German affairs at the Council.'(Ibid.., p. 68.) CFR members also were prominent in the US delegation to the founding of the United Nations, and several dozen have held high posts in postwar administrations. One Annual Report spoke as follows in an obituary notice:

[[John Foster Dulles]] was a member of the Council almost from the start. He wrote an article on 'The Allieri Debts' for the first issue of Foreign Affairs and six more articles thereafter, including two while Secretary of State. He participated in numerous study and discussion groups over the years and 'spoke often at Council afternoon meetings an dinners, twice as Secretary of State.(Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1958-59, p. 4.)

[[Theodore White]], in recounting how Lyndon Johnson won the Presidency in 1964, wrote as follows about the relationship of the Council to government:

:Its roster of members has for a generation, under Republican and Democratic administrations 'alike, been the chief recruiting ground for Cabinet-level officials in Washington. Among the first eighty-two names on a list prepared for John F. Kennedy for staffing his State Department, at least sixty-three were members of the Council, Republicans and Democrats alike. When, finally, he made his appointments, both his Secretary of State (Rusk, Democrat) and Treasury (Dillon, Republican) were chosen from Council members; so were seven assistant and undersecretaries of State, four senior members of Defense, . . . as well as two members of the White House staff (Schlesinger, Democrat; Bundy, Republican) (Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1964 (New York: Atheneum Publishers, 1965), pp. 67-8.)

Now that we have located the CFR in sociological space as an institution controlled by members of the upper class, we are in a position to see what it does and how effective it is in shaping foreign policy. As to what the CFR does, in addition to serving as a talent pool and training ground for government service, it is a tax-exempt, non-partisan organization which sponsors education, discussion and research on all aspects of foreign affairs. As part of its educational effort, it brings before its exclusive membership leading scholars and government officials from all nations to make off-the-record speeches and to answer questions from the members. And, as Kraft notes, this not only educates the members, it gives them a chance to size up important leaders with whom they will have to deal.{{ref|15}} Also under the heading of education, CFR publishes Foreign Affairs, by far the most important journal in its field, and three annual surveys: Political Handbook of the World, The United States in World Affairs, and Documents on American Foreign Relations.

Despite the importance of speeches and publications, I think the most important aspects of the CFR program are its special discussion groups and study groups. These small groups of about twenty-five bring together businessmen, government officials, military men and scholars for detailed discussions of specific topics in the area of foreign affairs. Discussion groups explore problems in a general way, trying to define issues and alternatives. Such groups often lead to a study group as the next stage. Study groups revolve around the work of a Council research fellow (financed by Carnegie, Ford and Rockefeller) or a staff member. This group leader usually presents monthly papers, which are discussed and criticized by the rest of the group. The goal of such study groups is a detailed statement of the problem by the scholar leading the discussion. In 1957-58, for example, the Council published six books which grew out of study groups. Perhaps the most famous of these was written by Henry Kissinger, a bright young [[McGeorge Bundy]] protege at Harvard who was asked by the CFR to head a study group. His Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy was ''a best seller which has been closely read in the highest Administration circles and foreign offices abroad.''{{ref|16}} As 40 his study group, it included 'two former chairmen of the Atomic Energy Commission, a Nobel Prize winner in physics, two former civilian secretaries in the Defense Department and representatives just below the highest level from the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency the three armed services.'{{ref|17}} When economist Percy of the CFR staff led a discussion on foreign tariff, issue that will be discussed later, the study group included ten corporate representatives, ten economists, two communications experts from MIT's Center for International Studies, a minor Defense Department official and a foreign service officer.{{ref|18}}

It is within these discussion groups and study groups, where privacy is the rule to encourage members to speak freely, that members of the power elite study and plan as to how best to attain American objectives in world affairs. It is here that they discuss alternatives and hash out differ ences, far from the limelight of official government and mass media. As The New York Times says of these unpublicized luncheons and closed seminars: 'Except for its annual public Elihu Root Lectures, the Council's talks and seminars are strictly off the record. An indiscretion can be grounds for termination or suspension of. membership.....'{[ref|19}} Such discussions also help to reduce the effect of political changes. In Kraft's language: 'e.g the Council plays a special part in helping to bridge the gap between the two parties, affording unofficially a measure of continuity when the guard changes in Washington.'{{ref|20}}

Given its privacy as to discussions (it is quite open about everything else), can we know the relationship between CFR and government policy? Can we go beyond the fact that CFR conducts research and discussions and that its members hold responsible positions in the federal government? It is not only secrecy which makes this question hard to answer; there is also the problem that CFR as an organization does not take a partisan stand. To even begin to answer such a question completely would require a large number of studies of various decisions and their outcomes. In lieu of such studies, the most important and easy of which would be on the origins of the bipartisan foreign policy of postwar years, several suggestive examples will have to suffice, along with the general testimony of Kraft ('It has been the seat of some basic government decisions, has set the context for many more') and The New York Times ('Discussion groups, scholarly papers and studies sponsored by the Council laid the groundwork for the Marshall Plan for European recovery, set American policy guidelines for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and currently are evolving a long-range analysis of American attitudes toward China').{{ref|21}} More concretely, Kraft claims that CFR action was responsible for putting Greenland out of bounds for the Nazis, for shaping the United Nations charter, and for softening the American position on German postwar reparations, among others. One of the most impressive evidences is that four CFR planning groups, set up in 1939 with aid from the Rockefeller Foundation, were taken (along with most of. the personnel) into the State Department in 1942 'as the nub of its Advisory Committee on Postwar Planning Problems.'{{ref|22}} And it was supposedly a special CFR briefing session in early 1947 that convinced Undersecretary of State Robert Lovett of Brown Brothers, Harriman that 'it would be our principal task at State to awaken the nation, to the dangers of Communist aggression.'{{ref|23}}

Despite the 'fact that the CFR is an organization most Americans have never heard of, I think we have clearly established by a variety of means that it is a key connection between the federal government and the owners and managers of the country's largest financial institutions and corporations. It is an organization of the power elite. If it is not all-embracing in its importance, it is certainly a considerable understatement to speak of CFR members and members of similar power elite associations, as one scholar does, as 'external bureaucrats' who supply the government with information, perspectives, and manpower.{{ref|24}} Inmy view, what knowledge we have of CFR suggests that through it the power elite formulate general guidelines for American foreign policy and provide the personnel to carry out' this policy. But I also know that the evidence I have presented is not enough for those scholars who prefer to analyze actual decisions. Then, too, skeptics can point out that CFR has no policy (other than the all-important policy of international involvement, as opposed to isolationism, for which it is called 'Communist' and 'Un-American' by older-fashioned, nationalistic critics). Furthermore, skeptics can say that CFR's members have other institutional and associational affiliations that may be more important in determining their outlook. For all of these reasons, I will let the case for.

CFR rest at this point, noting the presence of its directors and members only in passing, and instead emphasizing the direct corporate connections of important decision-makers In closing this discussion of the CFR as an organization of the power elite, it should be noted that Kraft is among the skeptics. Despite all the comments we have quoted from him on the importance of CFR, he concludes that 'even that cock will not fight' as far as the CFR being part of any power elite. This is because CFR has assumed 'semi-official duties only in emergencies,' because it 'has never accepted government financial support' and because its recommendations 'have subsequently all stood test at the polls or in Congress.' Furthermore, there are 'divergent views within the Council, and such an organization is necessary because issues are too complicated for the ordinary citizen, who is all wrapped up in his private life. Kraft's concluding sentence seems to be a challenge to those who might criticize - he quotes Voltaire, asking, 'What have you got that's better?'{{ref|25}}

==References==

#{{note|15}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 66. A perusal of any annual report of the CER will show that a foreign official visiting in New York who is anyone at all will be speaking or meeting with members of the Council.
#{{note|16}}. Ibid.
#{{note|17}}. Ibid.
#{{note|18}}. Percy W. Bidwell, What the Tariff Means to American industries (published for the Council on Foreign Relations by Harper & Row, New York, 1956).
#{{note|19}}. 'Experts on Foreign Policy Look to Youth,' op cit., p. 34.
#{{note|20}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 68.
#{{note|21}}. Ibid., p. 64; 'Experts on Foreign Policy Look to Youth,' op. cit., p.34.
#{{note|22}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 67. Much of Kraft's information on CFR involvement in specific issues seems to be drawn from CFR's self-published 25-year history. It contains further details and information on other issues as well. See The Council on Foreign Relations, A Record of Twenty-five Years, New York, 1947.
#{{note|23}}. Quoted in Kraft, op. cit., p. 68
#{{note|24}}. Chadwick F. Alger, 'The External Bureaucracy in United States Foreign Affairs (Administration Science Quarterly, June, 1962).
#{{note|25}}. Kraft, op. cit., p. 68.

[[Category:The Higher Circles]]

Hubertus Hoffmann

2011-02-27T13:10:54Z

Crosbie Smith: linked McGeorge Bundy

[[Image:Prussian1.jpg|right|thumb|Hoffman is recipient of the Bismark Medal in Silver with Golden Oak Leaves for his 'patriotic faithfulness and proven Prussian national consciousness'<ref> [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio3.cfm?authID=12 Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann President and Founder World Security Network Foundation], accessed 14 September 2008</ref>]]

'''Hubertus Hoffmann''' is president and founder of the [[World Security Network]] (WSN). On the WSN website Hoffmann is described as a "German entrepreneur and geostrategist".<ref>"[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio3.cfm?authID=12 Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

Hoffmann's biography on the WSN website states that he has worked as advisor in the European Parliament (Office of Prof. [[Hans-Gert Poettering]], now President of the European Parliament), the German Bundestag (Parl. State Secretary of Defense [[Peter Kurt Wuerzbach]] MP) and with the U.S. Senate ([[Sam Nunn]], [[Gary Hart]]) in defence affairs for many years. He was a Research Fellow at the [[Center for Strategic and International Studies]] (CSIS), Georgetown University (1983-84), and also worked as a journalist in the White House Press Corps and as an editor in ZDF, the largest TV station in Europe. Hoffmann holds a PhD in political science with "summa cum laude" and is a lawyer and a reserve officer in the German Army.<ref> [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio3.cfm?authID=12 Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann President and Founder World Security Network Foundation], WSN website, accessed 14 September 2008</ref>
[[Image:Hoffmann.jpg|right|thumb|Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann]]
Hoffmann is co-founder of the [[General Capital Group]] which invested €3.3 bn in companies that include [[Volkswagen]], [[BASF]], Thyssen Krupp and Lanxess. Members of its board have connections to [[Morgan Stanley]], [[IBM]], [[GEC ALSTHOM]], Perot Systems Corporation USA, Textron USA, Siemens, [[Axel Springer]] and Allianz AG. <ref>http://www.gencap.de/page_nonav.aspxPage3d169494-8e41-4245-9b2e-9b6391919560.htm</ref>

The biography states:

:Hoffmann has from 1979 to 1983 supported NATO’s Two Track Decision to deploy medium range nuclear weapons in Europe combined with mutual arms reductions on the Russian side which put him on the target list of RAF, the German terrorist organization. In 1978 he founded a popular German appeal (Dattelner Appell) to dismantle the new Russian SS-20 missiles and to combine it with the non-deployment of NATO Pershing II and Cruise Missiles, which was signed by more than 100 members of the German Bundestag, U.S. Senators like Edward Kennedy and others, which was on December 12, 1979 successfully integrated into NATO's Two Track Decision and later into the INF Treaty. In 1980 he initiated a CDU/CSU resolution and Federal Law of the Bundestag for an Annual Report on Arms Control and Disarmament, which since than is published by the German Goverment.<ref> [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio3.cfm?authID=12 Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann President and Founder World Security Network Foundation], WSN website, accessed 14 September 2008</ref>

Hoffmann's biography also states that he was Chairman of the Christian-Democratic (CDU) Committee for Foreign, Defense, European and Inner German Affairs and active in promoting the German re-unification and a strong NATO, adding that:

:In 1984 Dr. Hoffmann organized the exchange program for young reserve officers from the U.S.A. and Germany with the support of than Parl. State Secretary of Defense Peter Kurt Wuerzbach. He was a German member of the Executive Committee of the NATO Reserve Officers Association CIOR. He supported the Mudjahedin from 1985-1990 against the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, visiting them in the mountains in 1985 and writing the Afghanistan report for the European Parliament. In 2002 at Friedrichruh Palace near Hamburg, Fürst Ferdinand von Bismark bestowed upon Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann the "Bismark Medal in Silver with Golden Oak Leaves" for his "patriotic faithfulness and proven Prussian national consciousness".<ref> [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio3.cfm?authID=12 Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann President and Founder World Security Network Foundation], WSN website, accessed 14 September 2008</ref>

==Mentor: Fritz Kraemer==

Hoffmann's long-time mentor was Fritz Kraemer, who was given to advising world leaders: "No provocative weakness, please!" (See [[Fritz Kraemer]]). The idea that military weakness provokes attack is an idea that Hoffmann has embraced in his own philosophy.<ref>Hubertus Hoffmann, "[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showarticle3.cfm?article_id=9140 Sheikh Yassin, Osama bin Laden, Adolf Hitler: Appeasement and Provocative Weakness]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

==World Security Network==

The New York-based [[World Security Network]] has been described in a speaker note profile of Hoffman as "the largest global elite network for foreign and security policy with the purpose of 'Networking a Safer World'."<ref>[http://www.zu.ac.ae/leadership2008/hoffmann.html Hubertus Hoffmann], Women as Global Leaders website, accessed February 2009.</ref> The same source states that:

:WSN has two goals: Networking of the young elite via the Internet and promoting international discussion of fresh solutions and proposals. Young authors can publish their own analyses worldwide, and a network of 59 mostly young editors with 27 nationalities report from all over the world. The International Advisory Board consists of 53 well-known experts from 15 countries, including 14 generals and admirals. More than 303,000 members of the international information elite receive the weekly electronic newsletter; 158 media partners (including CNN, UPI and Newsweek) and 85 institutes (including RAND and IISS,) World Security Network website, cooperate with WSN and make use of the analyses.

The WSN website tells us what WSN is not<ref>[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/corp/index3.cfm Letter from the President and Founder], accessed 14 September 2008</ref>:

:# not American, Asian or European: we are the largest global-elite action network for foreign and defense affairs—focussing on the young, new elite of the world
:# not left or right, not U.S. Republican or U.S. Democrat or an adherent to any other party-line: it is an independent, international and pluralistic non-profit organization.
:# not a peace movement or an organization of warmongers: it promotes a realistic and credible balance of Realpolitik and Idealpolitik, of power and diplomacy, of necessary military actions and reconciliation—a Double Strategy of solid and realistic peacemaking
:# not academic: it is solution-oriented, looking for concrete proposals for all conflicts
:# not bureaucratic: we are creative and action-oriented, like businessmen
:# not fanatical: we are engaged global citizens with the vision of networking a safer and better world for our children

The organisation's goals are stated as:

:* Networking the young global elite in foreign and defense affairs
:* Providing fresh analysis, ideas, and visions for the world's most pressing problems
:* Promoting designs for a safer world in politics, media and academia.<ref>"Hubertus Hoffmann, [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showArticle3.cfm?article_id=15226 World Security Network: Why you should join as a prominent supporter now!]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

This is coupled with the disclaimer that:

:We do not want to leave the important area of foreign and defense affairs to a few extremists, the mediocre majority of politicians and bureaucrats, and primarily backwards-looking analysts without an action orientation. WSN promotes timely actions to implement double peace strategies: power on one side, diplomacy and reconciliation on the other. The World Security Network's broad action approach considers all three levels required to resolve a conflict: visions, structures, and actions. These must include innovative master plans, sufficient funding, and rapid implementation.<ref>"Hubertus Hoffmann, [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showArticle3.cfm?article_id=15226 World Security Network: Why you should join as a prominent supporter now!]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

Taken together, WSN executives have connections to the following organisations: the [[International Institute for Strategic Studies]], [[Royal College of Defence Studies]], the [[Johns Hopkins University]] [[School of Advanced International Studies]] (SAIS),[[Konrad Adenauer Foundation]], [[Hanns Seidel Foundation]], [[Kissinger McLarty Associates]], [[The Company Agency]], [[The Institute of World Politics]], [[Human Rights Watch]], [[NATO]], [[DFI International Security Consultants]], [[Center for International Security and Cooperation]], the Düsseldorf Institute for Foreign and Security Policy, the [[German Marshall Fund of the US]], the [[School of Foreign Service]], [[Georgetown University]], the U.S. State Department, the UN Office of Internal Oversight Services, the United States Army, [[Cicero Foundation]], [[Atlantic Council]], [[International Center for Human Development]], the [[International Republican Institute]], the [[Center of International Politics and Transatlantic Relations]], [[Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research]], [[UN Office of the Humanitarian Coordination for Iraq]], [[Research Institute for European and American Studies]], the [[Institute for International Policy]], the [[German Israeli Association of Political Scientists]].<ref>"[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/corp/prn_exec3.cfm Executives]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

WSN has 59 Advisory Board members from 19 nations containing 16 generals and admirals.<ref>"[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/corp/index3.cfm Letter from the President and Founder]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

==Atlanticist connections==

Hoffmann has many Atlanticist<ref>Atlanticism is a philosophy of cooperation among Western European and North American nations (specifically the United States and Canada) regarding political, economic, and defense issues.</ref> affiliations. His WSN biography says he is a member of the [[Young Presidents' Organization]] (YPO) (Rhine Chapter).<ref>"[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_authorBio3.cfm?authID=12 Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann, President and Founder, World Security Network Foundation]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref> The YPO is an organization made up of company presidents from around the world. The YPO ties in with Jim Warner's OnCourse International YPO retreats<ref>"[http://www.oncourseinternational.com/ypo_wpo/index.htm OnCourse International YPO / WPO Offerings]", OnCourse International website, accessed February 2009.</ref> See the OnCourse International website for some interesting speakers.<ref>For example, "[http://www.gdaspotlight.com/bio.asp?SpeakerID=349 Richard Marcinko, Rogue Warrior]", OnCourse International website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

Founded by [[Ray Hickok]] in 1950, the YPO is a millionaires' club to put their young in touch with the global elite.<ref>"[http://www.ypo.org/milestones.htm Milestones]", YPO website, accessed February 2009.</ref> It has ties to the [[Aspen Institute]], which
:offers a variety of programs to YPO members that serve leaders from many different fields... Leaders leave better prepared to manage relationships with diverse constituencies, conduct business in a global environment and motivate followers through visions that unite and inspire.<ref>"[http://www.ypo.org/alliances.htm Alliances]", YPO website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

Hoffmann is also a member of the [[International institute for Strategic Studies]] in London, a [[Konrad Adenauer Foundation]] scholar and a Young Atlantic Leader (1992) with [[Atlantik-Brücke]] (a Berlin-based organisation founded in 1952 with the stated aim of promoting German-American understanding after World War II).<ref>"[http://www.atlantik-bruecke.org/owx_1_295_3_17_1_aae488d2b64977.html History and organization]", Atlantik-Brücke website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

In 1959, the [[American Council on Germany]] (ACG), in collaboration with the [[Atlantik-Brücke]], initiated the American-German Biennial Conferences. At these conferences, high-level German and American opinion shapers and policymakers from academia, business, government, media, and the military meet to discuss the major bilateral and international issues of the day and how to make money out of them. Among the ACG founders were General [[Lucius Clay]], [[Christopher Emmet]], Ellen Z. McCloy, and [[Eric M. Warburg]]. [[John J. McCloy]], the first civilian U.S. High Commissioner in Germany following the war, was the founding Chairman and continued to serve until 1987.<ref>"[http://www.acgusa.org/about2.php?pagename=About+Us&subpagename=History History]", American Council on Germany website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

The ACG website also states that the conferences were conceived and initiated by the venture capitalist and computer pioneer [[John Diebold]], "who also served as Vice Chairman of the American Council on Germany", in collaboration with [[Christopher Emmet]], who became its full-time director.<ref>"[http://www.acgusa.org/about2.php?pagename=About+Us&subpagename=History History]", American Council on Germany website, accessed February 2009.</ref> Diebold started John Diebold Inc., an investment firm, in 1967.

Diebold also started the [[Diebold Institute for Public Policy Studies]], Inc., which was in the advance guard for neo-liberalism. This how the Institute's approach to spreading privatization was described on its website in 2007:

:In undertaking its early work on privatization, the Institute proceeded, as always, on the assumption that a small think tank such as the Diebold Institute, must focus on reaching leadership groups rather than a general audience. The Ford Foundation, with the direct and personal intervention and encouragement of its President [[McGeorge Bundy]], provided substantial initial outside financing of the Institute's work on privatization during the early seventies.[...] Somewhat later the British Institute of Directors also requested presentation of a paper at their annual Albert Hall meeting which occurred on the eve of Mrs. Thatcher's election to the premiership. The reaction of this audience was overwhelmingly positive. Years later, in a speech, Lord King credited Diebold with having introduced the term "privatization" to Great Britain. <ref>"[http://web.archive.org/web/20070101101450/http://www.dieboldinstitute.org/private.htm Work on Privatization]", Diebold Institute for Public Policy Studies website, archived version of 1 January 2007, accessed February 2009.</ref>

According to a book by Zack Carden, John Diebold offered Henry F. Sherwood the directorship of the Diebold Research Program-Europe, and while there Sherwood became an undercover agent for the CIA.<ref>Zack Carden, The Secret Files of Henry F. Sherwood: ...a comprehensive biography of a pioneer computer genius, and CIA spy, iUniverse, Inc., 2005.</ref>

== Tales of Hoffmann ==

Hoffman writes of Al Qaida on the WSN website:

:Only 65 years after its worst diplomatic mistake that cost more than 50 million people their lives - the appeasement of Adolf Hitler at the Munich Conference – Europe is about to make the same mistake again, now in response to the terrorist threat of our time.<ref>Hubertus Hoffmann, "[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showarticle3.cfm?article_id=9140 Sheikh Yassin, Osama bin Laden, Adolf Hitler: Appeasement and Provocative Weakness]", WSN website, 23 March 2004, accessed February 2009.</ref>

He adds:

:In a 42-page document obtained by the Research Institute of the Norwegian Ministry of Defense in December 2003, Al Qaida wrote that Spain is the weakest ally of the US in Iraq. The document noted that terror in Spain would lead to withdrawal of her troops and that an attack would be most effective before election day. After only two to three attacks, "Spain would give up its engagement in Iraq," Al Qaida wrote. Congratulations Osama bin Laden! You got what you wanted from the new Spanish Prime Minister! Perfect targets and perfect timing too! It is worth bombing innocent people in Europe, it moves their weak democratic leaders to give-in and appease Al Qaida!<ref>Hubertus Hoffmann, "[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showarticle3.cfm?article_id=9140 Sheikh Yassin, Osama bin Laden, Adolf Hitler: Appeasement and Provocative Weakness]", WSN website, 23 March 2004, accessed February 2009.</ref>

Hoffmann cites the Norwegian government document as saying, "more countries will follow [Spain]". This leads him to the conclusion that:

:Therefore, Mr. Zapatero is personally responsible when other allies of the US in Iraq get under attack. By "provocative weakness," he is provoking those attacks like Chamberlain did with Adolf Hitler in Munich in 1938.

Also described by Hoffmann as "another 'Munich of Our Time' act" was:

:The EU statement ... calling the killing of Sheikh Yassian “extra-judicial” and criticizing Israel for the elimination of the spiritual leader and founder of the terrorist group Hamas...
[[Image:Rumsfeld-Hoffman.jpg|thumb|right|With Donald Rumsfeld]]
The article is accompanied by a photograph of Hoffman with [[Donald Rumsfeld]] and Inspector General Joe Schmitz in the Pentagon (opposite).

Some of Hoffmann's writings are exercises in retrospective thinking. For instance, one states "Could 9/11 have been avoided? The answer is a clear and sound: YES! How?"

The answer is given as:

:in 1998, the appropriate and necessary U.S. action should have been to wipe out bin Laden’s infrastructure by permanent and massive covert and military actions starting in 1998 to 2001.<ref>Hubertus Hoffmann, "[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showArticle3.cfm?article_id=9173 9/11 could have been avoided, but only very soon starting 1998!]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

He also asks, "Who is to blame for this?" and answers, "CIA Director George Tenet is one of them."<ref>Hubertus Hoffmann, "[http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showArticle3.cfm?article_id=9173 9/11 could have been avoided, but only very soon starting 1998!]", WSN website, accessed February 2009.</ref>

==Resources==

See also [[Fritz Kraemer]]. Kraemer was Hoffmann's mentor for 25 years and Hoffmann wrote a book about him.

WSN's website includes [http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/wsntv/player.asp?topic_id=0 WSN-TV WSN TV], where you can watch its experts and Hoffmann himself.

==Affiliations==
*[[Henry Jackson Society Project for Democratic Geopolitics|Henry Jackson Society]] - International Patron

== References ==
<References/>

McGeorge Bundy

2011-02-27T13:09:39Z

Crosbie Smith: /* Career */ linked NSC oversight of covert operations#303 Committee

'''McGeorge "Mac" Bundy''' (March 30, 1919 – September 16, 1996) was [[United States National Security Advisor]] to Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon Johnson]] from 1961 through 1966, and president of the [[Ford Foundation]] from 1966 through 1979. He is known primarily for his role in escalating the involvement of the United States in [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

==Early life==
Raised in [[Boston]], [[Massachusetts]], Bundy came from a wealthy family long involved in [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]<ref name="NYT01">[http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/books/review/Holbrooke-t.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=mcgeorge%20bundy%20stimson&st=cse 'The Doves Were Right'] Review by Richard C. Holbrooke of Goldstein, Gordon M., ''Lessons in Disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the Path to War in Vietnam'', ''The New York Times Book Review'', Nov. 28, 2008 (Nov. 30, 2008 on p. BR12 of NY ed.). Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref> politics. His mother, Katherine Lawrence Putnam, was the daughter of two [[Boston Brahmin]] families listed in the [[Social Register]]. His father, [[Harvey Hollister Bundy]], was from Grand Rapids, Michigan and was a diplomat who helped implement the [[Marshall Plan]].

Bundy attended the elite Dexter School in Brookline, Massachusetts and then the [[Groton School]], where he placed first in his class and ran the student newspaper and debating society. He was then admitted to [[Yale University]], one year behind his brother [[William Bundy|William]], as the first student ever to receive perfect scores on all three admissions exams. At Yale, where he majored in mathematics, he served as secretary of the [[Yale Political Union]] and then chairman of its Liberal Party; he also wrote a column for the ''[[Yale Daily News]]''. Like his father, he was inducted into the [[Skull and Bones]] [[secret society]].<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=lhd3ygLAXXcC&lpg=PA8&ots=nY2GuDtaqD&dq=%22mcgeorge%20bundy%22%20yale%20%22liberal%20party%22&pg=PA8#v=onepage&q&f=false
|title=Lessons in disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the path to war in Vietnam
|last= Goldstein
|first=Gordon M.
|publisher=[[Henry Holt]]
|year=2008}}</ref>

==Career==
For a year and a half 1945-47<ref>[http://query.nytimes.com/search/sitesearch?query=mcgeorge+bundy+stimson&srchst=cse Search of ''NYTimes'' for "mcgeorge bundy stimson"] "When Bundy Says, 'The President Wants--'"; December 2, 1962 article in paid archive. Partial quote: "After V-J Day, Bundy spent a year and a half working on the Stimson book, ...." Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref>, Bundy co-wrote [[Henry L. Stimson]]'s third-person autobiography with the just-retired [[United States Secretary of War]].

In 1949, Bundy took a position at the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York to study [[Marshall Plan]] aid to Europe. The study group included [[Dwight Eisenhower]], [[Allen Dulles]], [[Richard M. Bissell, Jr.]] and [[George Kennan]]. The group's deliberations were sensitive and highly secret, dealing as they did with the highly classified fact that there was a covert side to the Marshall Plan, where the [[CIA]] used certain funds to aid anti-communist groups in [[France]] and [[Italy]].<ref>Covert CIA side to the Marshall Plan - see Kai Bird, ''The Color of Truth: McGeorge and William Bundy, Brothers in Arms: A Biography.'' New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998, (p.106)</ref>

Bundy was one of Kennedy's "wise men," and noted professor of government at Harvard University, despite having only a bachelor's degree. In 1953, Bundy was appointed Dean of the Faculty at Harvard at the age of thirty-four, the youngest in the school's history. He moved into public life in 1961, becoming [[national security adviser]] in the Kennedy administration. He played a crucial role in all of the major foreign policy and defense decisions of the Kennedy and part of the Johnson administration. These included the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]], the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], and, most controversially, the [[Vietnam War]]. From 1964 he was Chairman of the [[NSC oversight of covert operations#303 Committee|303 Committee]], responsible for coordinating government covert operations.<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://www.fas.org/sgp/advisory/state/covert.html
|title=Foreign Relations, 1964–1968 Volume XII
|last=Miller
|first=James E.
|publisher=[[United States Government Printing Office]]
|year=2001}}</ref>

Bundy was a strong proponent of the Vietnam War during his tenure. He supported escalating the American involvement and the bombing of [[North Vietnam]].

He left government in 1966 to take over as president of the [[Ford Foundation]], a position he held until 1979. He was named to the "master list" of President [[Richard M. Nixon|Richard Nixon's]] infamous " [[Master list of Nixon political opponents|Enemies List]]".

In January 1969, he was presented with the [[Presidential Medal of Freedom]] by President [[Lyndon Johnson]].

From 1979 to 1989, he was Professor of History at [[New York University]]. He was scholar-in-residence at the [[Carnegie Corporation]] from 1990–1996.

==Sources==
*[http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E06E5DE1730F936A25751C1A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all ''The New York Times'']

==External links==
* [http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2001/02.01/13-bundy.html McGeorge Bundy at Harvard]

==Notes==
<references/>

McGeorge Bundy

2011-02-27T13:08:11Z

Crosbie Smith: content from Wikipedia

'''McGeorge "Mac" Bundy''' (March 30, 1919 – September 16, 1996) was [[United States National Security Advisor]] to Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon Johnson]] from 1961 through 1966, and president of the [[Ford Foundation]] from 1966 through 1979. He is known primarily for his role in escalating the involvement of the United States in [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

==Early life==
Raised in [[Boston]], [[Massachusetts]], Bundy came from a wealthy family long involved in [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]<ref name="NYT01">[http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/30/books/review/Holbrooke-t.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=mcgeorge%20bundy%20stimson&st=cse 'The Doves Were Right'] Review by Richard C. Holbrooke of Goldstein, Gordon M., ''Lessons in Disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the Path to War in Vietnam'', ''The New York Times Book Review'', Nov. 28, 2008 (Nov. 30, 2008 on p. BR12 of NY ed.). Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref> politics. His mother, Katherine Lawrence Putnam, was the daughter of two [[Boston Brahmin]] families listed in the [[Social Register]]. His father, [[Harvey Hollister Bundy]], was from Grand Rapids, Michigan and was a diplomat who helped implement the [[Marshall Plan]].

Bundy attended the elite Dexter School in Brookline, Massachusetts and then the [[Groton School]], where he placed first in his class and ran the student newspaper and debating society. He was then admitted to [[Yale University]], one year behind his brother [[William Bundy|William]], as the first student ever to receive perfect scores on all three admissions exams. At Yale, where he majored in mathematics, he served as secretary of the [[Yale Political Union]] and then chairman of its Liberal Party; he also wrote a column for the ''[[Yale Daily News]]''. Like his father, he was inducted into the [[Skull and Bones]] [[secret society]].<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=lhd3ygLAXXcC&lpg=PA8&ots=nY2GuDtaqD&dq=%22mcgeorge%20bundy%22%20yale%20%22liberal%20party%22&pg=PA8#v=onepage&q&f=false
|title=Lessons in disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the path to war in Vietnam
|last= Goldstein
|first=Gordon M.
|publisher=[[Henry Holt]]
|year=2008}}</ref>

==Career==
For a year and a half 1945-47<ref>[http://query.nytimes.com/search/sitesearch?query=mcgeorge+bundy+stimson&srchst=cse Search of ''NYTimes'' for "mcgeorge bundy stimson"] "When Bundy Says, 'The President Wants--'"; December 2, 1962 article in paid archive. Partial quote: "After V-J Day, Bundy spent a year and a half working on the Stimson book, ...." Retrieved 7/7/09.</ref>, Bundy co-wrote [[Henry L. Stimson]]'s third-person autobiography with the just-retired [[United States Secretary of War]].

In 1949, Bundy took a position at the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York to study [[Marshall Plan]] aid to Europe. The study group included [[Dwight Eisenhower]], [[Allen Dulles]], [[Richard M. Bissell, Jr.]] and [[George Kennan]]. The group's deliberations were sensitive and highly secret, dealing as they did with the highly classified fact that there was a covert side to the Marshall Plan, where the [[CIA]] used certain funds to aid anti-communist groups in [[France]] and [[Italy]].<ref>Covert CIA side to the Marshall Plan - see Kai Bird, ''The Color of Truth: McGeorge and William Bundy, Brothers in Arms: A Biography.'' New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998, (p.106)</ref>

Bundy was one of Kennedy's "wise men," and noted professor of government at Harvard University, despite having only a bachelor's degree. In 1953, Bundy was appointed Dean of the Faculty at Harvard at the age of thirty-four, the youngest in the school's history. He moved into public life in 1961, becoming [[national security adviser]] in the Kennedy administration. He played a crucial role in all of the major foreign policy and defense decisions of the Kennedy and part of the Johnson administration. These included the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]], the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], and, most controversially, the [[Vietnam War]]. From 1964 he was Chairman of the [[303 Committee]], responsible for coordinating government covert operations.<ref>{{cite book
|url=http://www.fas.org/sgp/advisory/state/covert.html
|title=Foreign Relations, 1964–1968 Volume XII
|last=Miller
|first=James E.
|publisher=[[United States Government Printing Office]]
|year=2001}}</ref>

Bundy was a strong proponent of the Vietnam War during his tenure. He supported escalating the American involvement and the bombing of [[North Vietnam]].

He left government in 1966 to take over as president of the [[Ford Foundation]], a position he held until 1979. He was named to the "master list" of President [[Richard M. Nixon|Richard Nixon's]] infamous " [[Master list of Nixon political opponents|Enemies List]]".

In January 1969, he was presented with the [[Presidential Medal of Freedom]] by President [[Lyndon Johnson]].

From 1979 to 1989, he was Professor of History at [[New York University]]. He was scholar-in-residence at the [[Carnegie Corporation]] from 1990–1996.

==Sources==
*[http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E06E5DE1730F936A25751C1A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all ''The New York Times'']

==External links==
* [http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2001/02.01/13-bundy.html McGeorge Bundy at Harvard]

==Notes==
<references/>

How the European Movement was launched

2011-02-27T10:26:16Z

Crosbie Smith: linked Thomas W. Braden

How the European Movement was launched, by Richard Fletcher.

SECRET US funding of "voluntary" organisations began with the Marshall Plan. In June 1947 George Marshall, US Secretary of State, in a speech at Harvard, suggested that the European nations, including the USSR, should agree a joint programme of reconstruction to which the US would contribute. Within three months 16 European nations had formulated a European Recovery Programme (ERP) for the period 1947-51. ERP was welcomed by President Truman, immediate interim aid was authorised for Austria, France and Italy, and in April 1948 Congress passed the Economic Co-operation Act which set up the Economic Co-operation Administration (ECA*) to administer some 13,000 million dollars of aid to Europe over the period 1948-51. (*ECA administrator for France was Barry Bingham, who helped launch the International Press Institute.)

Russian refusal to join ERP marked the start of the Cold War and historians will continue to argue which side was to blame. Certainly Congress imposed strict economic conditions which the USSR would have found very difficult to fulfil. It also required recipients to make substantial repayments which - except for certain carefully specified educational provisions such as the Fulbright scholarships - were to be repatriated to the USA.

These repayments - known as counterpart funds - accumulated under the control of ECA's American administrators in Europe in various local currencies and, in flat violation of Act of Congress, only part were returned to the United States. Thus there existed across Europe in the late 'forties a network of American territorial baroncies with massive funds available to finance their own pet projects, the most powerful such grouping being the [[Office of Military Government|US Military Government]] in Berlin whose chief was General [[Lucius D. Clay]]. The use of these funds was illegal and their deployment, therefore, had to be negotiated between the local baron, or his agent, and the recipient in secret. Thus it was that [[Joseph Retinger]] persuaded [[Shepard Stone]], then in the US Military Government, to back the Congress of The Hague in May 1948 which launched the [[European Movement]].

The Congress received worldwide publicity without which the European Movement would probably have been stillborn. Seven hundred and fifty top people were brought to The Hague, lodged and entertained for a week at the expense of the organisers. Without the £40,000 that this cost-a huge amount for Europe still recovering from the war-the Congress could not have been held.

The launching of the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] by [[Melvin J. Lasky|Melvin Lasky]] in Berlin in 1950 was financed in the same way. Disaster threatened the Cold Warriors in 1950-51 when Congress refused to renew Marshall Aid. As [[Thomas W. Braden|Thomas Braden]] has confirmed, they had either to shut up shop or turn to the CIA. They chose the latter. Thus continued 17 years of secret US funding.

When, in the early sixties, it seemed to the National Security Council (NSC) that the CIA's cover was about to be blown, funding was quietly shifted to the larger charitable fundations whose directors were well aware of what was going on. The Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations moved into international affairs in a big way in 1950. Ford's international director for the next 17 years was Sheperd Stone under the NSC members Mr [[George Bundy]], Presidential Adviser on Security, and [[Robert McNamara]], Defence Secretary. Carnegie president was [[Joseph E. Johnson]] who organised the American end of Bilderberg. [[Thomas Braden]] was a Carnegie trustee.

Rockefeller trustees included [[Barry Bingham]] - ECA Administrator France 1949-50, chairman [[International Press Institute]], director [[Asia Foundation]] - and [[Arthur Houghton]], whose [[Foundation for Youth and Student Affairs]] channelled millions of dollars of CIA money into the US and world students movements. For those who continue to protest the innocence of the US (and some European) foundations, massive documentary evidence can - and will - be produced to show that in their international affairs they acted as agents of the US State Department.

But to return to the [[European Movement]]. Thomas Braden had been in the US Military Government in Germany. From 1949 to 1951 he was executive director of the American Committee on United Europe-a body resulting from a visit by Retinger and Duncan Sandys to Allen Dulles and others in the United States in July 1948. Its aims were to fund the European Movement and to bring about the establishment of a European army rearming the Germans against the USSR. It also worked closely with Cord Meyer's United World Federalists.

In a letter to [[Duncan Sandys]], 20 January 1950, Thomas Braden wrote that the ACUE's purpose was ''not only to influence public opinion, but to sell the idea of the European Movement . . . and to justify the appeal for important sums of money."

According to [[Allan Hovey, Jnr.]], ACUE representative in Europe, the vast majority of US funds for Europe and nearly all for the European Youth Campaign (EYC) came from State Department covert funds. This was, of course. kept very secret. ACUE was a legal covering organisation.

Braden joined the CIA as Dulles' assistant in 1950 while continuing as ACUE executive director. Funds were sent to the European representative in Brussels, and those intended for the EYC were passed through a covering body in Paris - the Centre d'Action Europiènne - which submitted a monthly budget to Brussels.

Total secret US funding to the European Movement from 1947 to 1953 was £440,000. (Source: EM Archives, FIN/P/6 "European Movement: EYC Treasurer's Report 1949/53").

Thus, far from being a spontaneous expression of the desire for unity of the people of Europe, the European movement was launched by Retinger with secret money from the State Department and kept afloat with massive subventions through Thomas Braden, head of the CIA'S International Organisation Division.

How the European Movement was launched

2011-02-27T07:49:22Z

Crosbie Smith: links

How the European Movement was launched, by Richard Fletcher.

SECRET US funding of "voluntary" organisations began with the Marshall Plan. In June 1947 George Marshall, US Secretary of State, in a speech at Harvard, suggested that the European nations, including the USSR, should agree a joint programme of reconstruction to which the US would contribute. Within three months 16 European nations had formulated a European Recovery Programme (ERP) for the period 1947-51. ERP was welcomed by President Truman, immediate interim aid was authorised for Austria, France and Italy, and in April 1948 Congress passed the Economic Co-operation Act which set up the Economic Co-operation Administration (ECA*) to administer some 13,000 million dollars of aid to Europe over the period 1948-51. (*ECA administrator for France was Barry Bingham, who helped launch the International Press Institute.)

Russian refusal to join ERP marked the start of the Cold War and historians will continue to argue which side was to blame. Certainly Congress imposed strict economic conditions which the USSR would have found very difficult to fulfil. It also required recipients to make substantial repayments which - except for certain carefully specified educational provisions such as the Fulbright scholarships - were to be repatriated to the USA.

These repayments - known as counterpart funds - accumulated under the control of ECA's American administrators in Europe in various local currencies and, in flat violation of Act of Congress, only part were returned to the United States. Thus there existed across Europe in the late 'forties a network of American territorial baroncies with massive funds available to finance their own pet projects, the most powerful such grouping being the [[Office of Military Government|US Military Government]] in Berlin whose chief was General [[Lucius D. Clay]]. The use of these funds was illegal and their deployment, therefore, had to be negotiated between the local baron, or his agent, and the recipient in secret. Thus it was that [[Joseph Retinger]] persuaded [[Shepard Stone]], then in the US Military Government, to back the Congress of The Hague in May 1948 which launched the [[European Movement]].

The Congress received worldwide publicity without which the European Movement would probably have been stillborn. Seven hundred and fifty top people were brought to The Hague, lodged and entertained for a week at the expense of the organisers. Without the £40,000 that this cost-a huge amount for Europe still recovering from the war-the Congress could not have been held.

The launching of the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] by [[Melvin J. Lasky|Melvin Lasky]] in Berlin in 1950 was financed in the same way. Disaster threatened the Cold Warriors in 1950-51 when Congress refused to renew Marshall Aid. As Thomas Braden has confirmed, they had either to shut up shop or turn to the CIA. They chose the latter. Thus continued 17 years of secret US funding.

When, in the early sixties, it seemed to the National Security Council (NSC) that the CIA's cover was about to be blown, funding was quietly shifted to the larger charitable fundations whose directors were well aware of what was going on. The Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations moved into international affairs in a big way in 1950. Ford's international director for the next 17 years was Sheperd Stone under the NSC members Mr [[George Bundy]], Presidential Adviser on Security, and [[Robert McNamara]], Defence Secretary. Carnegie president was [[Joseph E. Johnson]] who organised the American end of Bilderberg. [[Thomas Braden]] was a Carnegie trustee.

Rockefeller trustees included [[Barry Bingham]] - ECA Administrator France 1949-50, chairman [[International Press Institute]], director [[Asia Foundation]] - and [[Arthur Houghton]], whose [[Foundation for Youth and Student Affairs]] channelled millions of dollars of CIA money into the US and world students movements. For those who continue to protest the innocence of the US (and some European) foundations, massive documentary evidence can - and will - be produced to show that in their international affairs they acted as agents of the US State Department.

But to return to the [[European Movement]]. Thomas Braden had been in the US Military Government in Germany. From 1949 to 1951 he was executive director of the American Committee on United Europe-a body resulting from a visit by Retinger and Duncan Sandys to Allen Dulles and others in the United States in July 1948. Its aims were to fund the European Movement and to bring about the establishment of a European army rearming the Germans against the USSR. It also worked closely with Cord Meyer's United World Federalists.

In a letter to [[Duncan Sandys]], 20 January 1950, Thomas Braden wrote that the ACUE's purpose was ''not only to influence public opinion, but to sell the idea of the European Movement . . . and to justify the appeal for important sums of money."

According to [[Allan Hovey, Jnr.]], ACUE representative in Europe, the vast majority of US funds for Europe and nearly all for the European Youth Campaign (EYC) came from State Department covert funds. This was, of course. kept very secret. ACUE was a legal covering organisation.

Braden joined the CIA as Dulles' assistant in 1950 while continuing as ACUE executive director. Funds were sent to the European representative in Brussels, and those intended for the EYC were passed through a covering body in Paris - the Centre d'Action Europiènne - which submitted a monthly budget to Brussels.

Total secret US funding to the European Movement from 1947 to 1953 was £440,000. (Source: EM Archives, FIN/P/6 "European Movement: EYC Treasurer's Report 1949/53").

Thus, far from being a spontaneous expression of the desire for unity of the people of Europe, the European movement was launched by Retinger with secret money from the State Department and kept afloat with massive subventions through Thomas Braden, head of the CIA'S International Organisation Division.

Joseph Retinger

2011-02-27T07:47:04Z

Crosbie Smith: content from Wikipedia

'''Józef Hieronim Retinger''' ('''Joseph Retinger''', 17 April 1888 – 12 June 1960) was a [[Poles|Polish]] political adviser and a founder of the [[European Movement]] that would lead to the founding of the [[European Union]].

==Life==
Retinger was born in [[Kraków]], [[Poland]] (at that time a part of [[Austria-Hungary]]), the youngest of four children. His father, Józef Stanisław Retinger, was the personal legal counsel and adviser to Count [[Władysław Zamoyski]]. When Józef H. Retinger's father died, Count Zamoyski took young Józef under his wing.

Financed by Count Zamoyski, Retinger attended the [[University of Paris|Sorbonne]] in 1906, and was the youngest person ever to earn a [[Doctor of Philosophy|Ph.D.]] there, in 1908 at the age of twenty, before his move to [[England]] in 1911, where his closest friend was fellow Pole, [[Joseph Conrad]]. He would later write about Conrad in his book, ''Conrad and His Contemporaries'' (1943).

In 1917 Retinger traveled to [[Mexico]], where he became an unofficial political adviser to union organizer [[Luis Morones]] and President [[Plutarco Elías Calles]]. Later, during [[World War II]], he advised the Prime Minister of the [[Polish Government in Exile]], General [[Władysław Sikorski]]. In 1944, aged 56, Retinger parachuted into occupied Poland with 2nd Lt. [[Tadeusz Chciuk-Celt]], in [[Operation Salamander]], to talk with leading political figures and deliver money to the Polish underground.

After the war, Retinger became a leading advocate of [[European unification]] and helped found both the [[European Movement]] and the [[Council of Europe]]. He was later to become Honorary Secretary General of the European Movement.

Retinger initiated the [[Bilderberg Group|Bilderberg conference]]s (1954) and was their secretary until his death in 1960.

==References==
*[http://www.bilderberg.org/bildhist.htm#Memoirs Chapter 4, European Unity.] from ''Memoirs of An Eminence Grise'' by John Pomian,
*{{cite book
|last= Retinger
|first= Joseph
|coauthors= Pomian, John
|title= Memoirs of an Eminence Grise
|origyear= 1972
|publisher= Sussex University Press, distr. by Chatto and Windus
|isbn= 0856210021
}}
*[http://home.teleport.com/~flyheart/retinger.htm] Biography of Jozef Retinger

How the European Movement was launched

2011-02-27T07:44:26Z

Crosbie Smith: linked Office of Military Government

How the European Movement was launched, by Richard Fletcher.

SECRET US funding of "voluntary" organisations began with the Marshall Plan. In June 1947 George Marshall, US Secretary of State, in a speech at Harvard, suggested that the European nations, including the USSR, should agree a joint programme of reconstruction to which the US would contribute. Within three months 16 European nations had formulated a European Recovery Programme (ERP) for the period 1947-51. ERP was welcomed by President Truman, immediate interim aid was authorised for Austria, France and Italy, and in April 1948 Congress passed the Economic Co-operation Act which set up the Economic Co-operation Administration (ECA*) to administer some 13,000 million dollars of aid to Europe over the period 1948-51. (*ECA administrator for France was Barry Bingham, who helped launch the International Press Institute.)

Russian refusal to join ERP marked the start of the Cold War and historians will continue to argue which side was to blame. Certainly Congress imposed strict economic conditions which the USSR would have found very difficult to fulfil. It also required recipients to make substantial repayments which - except for certain carefully specified educational provisions such as the Fulbright scholarships - were to be repatriated to the USA.

These repayments - known as counterpart funds - accumulated under the control of ECA's American administrators in Europe in various local currencies and, in flat violation of Act of Congress, only part were returned to the United States. Thus there existed across Europe in the late 'forties a network of American territorial baroncies with massive funds available to finance their own pet projects, the most powerful such grouping being the [[Office of Military Government|US Military Government]] in Berlin whose chief was General [[Lucius D. Clay]]. The use of these funds was illegal and their deployment, therefore, had to be negotiated between the local baron, or his agent, and the recipient in secret. Thus it was that Joseph Retinger persuaded Shepard Stone, then in the US Military Government, to back the Congress of The Hague in May 1948 which launched the European Movement.

The Congress received worldwide publicity without which the European Movement would probably have been stillborn. Seven hundred and fifty top people were brought to The Hague, lodged and entertained for a week at the expense of the organisers. Without the £40,000 that this cost-a huge amount for Europe still recovering from the war-the Congress could not have been held.

The launching of the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] by [[Melvin Laskey]] in Berlin in 1950 was financed in the same way. Disaster threatened the Cold Warriors in 1950-51 when Congress refused to renew Marshall Aid. As Thomas Braden has confirmed, they had either to shut up shop or turn to the CIA. They chose the latter. Thus continued 17 years of secret US funding.

When, in the early sixties, it seemed to the National Security Council (NSC) that the CIA's cover was about to be blown, funding was quietly shifted to the larger charitable fundations whose directors were well aware of what was going on. The Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations moved into international affairs in a big way in 1950. Ford's international director for the next 17 years was Sheperd Stone under the NSC members Mr [[George Bundy]], Presidential Adviser on Security, and [[Robert McNamara]], Defence Secretary. Carnegie president was [[Joseph E. Johnson]] who organised the American end of Bilderberg. [[Thomas Braden]] was a Carnegie trustee.

Rockefeller trustees included [[Barry Bingham]] - ECA Administrator France 1949-50, chairman [[International Press Institute]], director [[Asia Foundation]] - and [[Arthur Houghton]], whose [[Foundation for Youth and Student Affairs]] channelled millions of dollars of CIA money into the US and world students movements. For those who continue to protest the innocence of the US (and some European) foundations, massive documentary evidence can - and will - be produced to show that in their international affairs they acted as agents of the US State Department.

But to return to the [[European Movement]]. Thomas Braden had been in the US Military Government in Germany. From 1949 to 1951 he was executive director of the American Committee on United Europe-a body resulting from a visit by Retinger and Duncan Sandys to Allen Dulles and others in the United States in July 1948. Its aims were to fund the European Movement and to bring about the establishment of a European army rearming the Germans against the USSR. It also worked closely with Cord Meyer's United World Federalists.

In a letter to [[Duncan Sandys]], 20 January 1950, Thomas Braden wrote that the ACUE's purpose was ''not only to influence public opinion, but to sell the idea of the European Movement . . . and to justify the appeal for important sums of money."

According to [[Allan Hovey, Jnr.]], ACUE representative in Europe, the vast majority of US funds for Europe and nearly all for the European Youth Campaign (EYC) came from State Department covert funds. This was, of course. kept very secret. ACUE was a legal covering organisation.

Braden joined the CIA as Dulles' assistant in 1950 while continuing as ACUE executive director. Funds were sent to the European representative in Brussels, and those intended for the EYC were passed through a covering body in Paris - the Centre d'Action Europiènne - which submitted a monthly budget to Brussels.

Total secret US funding to the European Movement from 1947 to 1953 was £440,000. (Source: EM Archives, FIN/P/6 "European Movement: EYC Treasurer's Report 1949/53").

Thus, far from being a spontaneous expression of the desire for unity of the people of Europe, the European movement was launched by Retinger with secret money from the State Department and kept afloat with massive subventions through Thomas Braden, head of the CIA'S International Organisation Division.

Robert Murphy

2011-02-27T07:41:43Z

Crosbie Smith: redirect

#REDIRECT [[Robert D. Murphy]]

Lucius Clay

2011-02-27T07:35:19Z

Crosbie Smith: lead from Wikipedia

General '''Lucius Dubignon Clay''' (April 23, 1897 – April 16, 1978) was an [[United States|American]] officer and military governor of the United States Army known for his administration of [[Germany]] immediately after World War II. Clay was deputy to General [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], 1945; deputy military governor, Germany (U.S.) 1946; commander in chief, U.S. Forces in Europe and military governor of the U.S. Zone, Germany, 1947–49. He retired in 1949.

==Affiliations==
*[[American Committee for a United Europe]]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:US Propaganda|Clay, Lucius]]

Lucius D. Clay

2011-02-27T07:33:19Z

Crosbie Smith: redirect

#REDIRECT [[Lucius Clay]]

Joseph E. Slater

2011-02-26T17:03:56Z

Crosbie Smith: /* World War II */ direct link, Robert D. Murphy

''' Joseph E. Slater''' (1922 - 2002) was an economist, policy planning staff member at the U.S. Department of State, and longtime president of the [[Aspen Institute]].<ref>{{cite news
|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/27/us/j-e-slater-80-us-aide-in-postwar-germany.html
|title=J. E. Slater, 80, U.S. Aide in Postwar German
|date=November 27, 2002
|publisher=New York Times}}</ref>

Born in Salt Lake City, Slater was educated at University of California, Berkeley.

==World War II==
During World War II, Slater joined the U.S. Navy and was posted to London, where he worked on plans for post-war Europe. His next assignment was at Versailles, on the staff of [[Robert D. Murphy]] where he helped to design the structure for the Disarmament and Armed Forces Secretariat of the Allied Control Authority.<ref name=hyman>{{cite book
|title=The Aspen Idea
|author=Sidney Hyman
|isbn=0806113065
|publisher=University of Oklahoma Press
|pages=230
|date=1976}}</ref>

Following German surrender, Slater served as secretary of the [[Office of Military Government]]'s Economics Division, and assistant U.S. secretary with the Allied Control Council in Berlin.<ref>{{cite web
|title=Allied watch on the Rhine
|date=March 1950
|work=Information bulletin
|pages=9
|url=http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/History/History-idx?type=turn&entity=History.omg1950March.p0011&id=History.omg1950March&isize=text
|quote=The Secretariat consists of the three national secretaries
|author=Haynes Mahoney}}</ref> He participated in the sealing of the German ministries, and in the dismantling of the German navy.<ref name=hyman/>

==After Germany==

From 1953 to 1957 he was chief economist at Creole Petroleum company, the Venezuelan subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey. <ref>{{cite news
|url=http://articles.sfgate.com/2002-11-30/bay-area/17572229_1_aspen-institute-mr-slater-uc-berkeley
|title=Joseph E. Slater -- aided WWII rebuilding
|date=November 30, 2002
|publisher=San Francisco Chronicle}}</ref>

==Notes==
<references/>

Joseph E. Slater

2011-02-26T16:58:35Z

Crosbie Smith: OMGUS Economics Division

''' Joseph E. Slater''' (1922 - 2002) was an economist, policy planning staff member at the U.S. Department of State, and longtime president of the [[Aspen Institute]].<ref>{{cite news
|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/27/us/j-e-slater-80-us-aide-in-postwar-germany.html
|title=J. E. Slater, 80, U.S. Aide in Postwar German
|date=November 27, 2002
|publisher=New York Times}}</ref>

Born in Salt Lake City, Slater was educated at University of California, Berkeley.

==World War II==
During World War II, Slater joined the U.S. Navy and was posted to London, where he worked on plans for post-war Europe. His next assignment was at Versailles, on the staff of [[Robert Daniel Murphy]] where he helped to design the structure for the Disarmament and Armed Forces Secretariat of the Allied Control Authority.<ref name=hyman>{{cite book
|title=The Aspen Idea
|author=Sidney Hyman
|isbn=0806113065
|publisher=University of Oklahoma Press
|pages=230
|date=1976}}</ref>

Following German surrender, Slater served as secretary of the [[Office of Military Government]]'s Economics Division, and assistant U.S. secretary with the Allied Control Council in Berlin.<ref>{{cite web
|title=Allied watch on the Rhine
|date=March 1950
|work=Information bulletin
|pages=9
|url=http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/History/History-idx?type=turn&entity=History.omg1950March.p0011&id=History.omg1950March&isize=text
|quote=The Secretariat consists of the three national secretaries
|author=Haynes Mahoney}}</ref> He participated in the sealing of the German ministries, and in the dismantling of the German navy.<ref name=hyman/>

==After Germany==

From 1953 to 1957 he was chief economist at Creole Petroleum company, the Venezuelan subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey. <ref>{{cite news
|url=http://articles.sfgate.com/2002-11-30/bay-area/17572229_1_aspen-institute-mr-slater-uc-berkeley
|title=Joseph E. Slater -- aided WWII rebuilding
|date=November 30, 2002
|publisher=San Francisco Chronicle}}</ref>

==Notes==
<references/>

Robert D. Murphy

2011-02-26T15:56:53Z

Crosbie Smith: political adviser to the Office of Military Government

'''Robert Daniel Murphy''' (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.

Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern, Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the [[Vichy government]]. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.

In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the then-current British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.<ref>[[Gabriel Kolko]] (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

Prior to Operation Torch, November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General [[Mark Wayne Clark]], had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General [[Henri Giraud]] for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor [[François Darlan]] in order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.<ref>Kolko, G. (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

In 1944, Murphy was appointed General Eisenhower's chief political adviser on German affairs.<ref>{{cite news
|title=Robert Murphy, Diplomat, Dies
|publisher=New York Times
|date=Jan 10, 1978
|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0F17FE3B5A13728DDDA90994D9405B888BF1D3}}</ref>
He served as political adviser to the [[Office of Military Government]].
<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://www.oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt3n39q8td;style=oac4;view=dsc
|title=Register of the Robert D. Murphy Papers Incremental Materials
|quote=Robert Murphy's servicen as political adviser, Office of Military Government,Register of the Robert D. Murphy Papers Incremental Materials}}</ref>

'''Murphy's Post-WWII Diplomatic Record'''
*1949 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Belgium
*1952 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Japan
*1953 Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs
*1953 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs (Assistant Secretary)
*1955 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
*1956 Career Ambassador
*1958 Personal representative of [[Dwight Eisenhower|President Eisenhower]] during the [[Lebanon Crisis of 1958]]
*1959 Under Secretary for Political Affairs

After his resignation from the U.S. State Department in December 1959, Murphy went on to be an adviser to Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

==Notes==
<references/>

==Sources==
*[http://www.nndb.com/people/587/000121224/ NNDB]

==External links==
*[http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/second-term/index/..%5Cdocuments%5C1356.cfm The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XX]

Robert Daniel Murphy

2011-02-26T15:45:33Z

Crosbie Smith: moved Robert Daniel Murphy to Robert D. Murphy: Usually identified by initial

#REDIRECT [[Robert D. Murphy]]

Robert D. Murphy

2011-02-26T15:45:33Z

Crosbie Smith: moved Robert Daniel Murphy to Robert D. Murphy: Usually identified by initial

'''Robert Daniel Murphy''' (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.

Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern, Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the [[Vichy government]]. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.

In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the then-current British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.<ref>[[Gabriel Kolko]] (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

Prior to Operation Torch, November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General [[Mark Wayne Clark]], had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General [[Henri Giraud]] for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor [[François Darlan]] in order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.<ref>Kolko, G. (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

In 1944, Murphy was appointed General Eisenhower's chief political adviser on German affairs.<ref>{{cite news
|title=Robert Murphy, Diplomat, Dies
|publisher=New York Times
|date=Jan 10, 1978
|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0F17FE3B5A13728DDDA90994D9405B888BF1D3}}</ref> He was a member of the [[Office of Military Government]].<ref>{{cite web
|title= Robert Daniel Murphy Papers
|url=http://cdn.calisphere.org/data/13030/4w/tf3b69n64w/files/tf3b69n64w.pdf}}</ref>

'''Murphy's Post-WWII Diplomatic Record'''
*1949 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Belgium
*1952 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Japan
*1953 Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs
*1953 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs (Assistant Secretary)
*1955 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
*1956 Career Ambassador
*1958 Personal representative of [[Dwight Eisenhower|President Eisenhower]] during the [[Lebanon Crisis of 1958]]
*1959 Under Secretary for Political Affairs

After his resignation from the U.S. State Department in December 1959, Murphy went on to be an adviser to Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

==Notes==
<references/>

==Sources==
*[http://www.nndb.com/people/587/000121224/ NNDB]

==External links==
*[http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/second-term/index/..%5Cdocuments%5C1356.cfm The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XX]

Robert D. Murphy

2011-02-26T15:37:42Z

Crosbie Smith: linked Office of Military Government

'''Robert Daniel Murphy''' (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.

Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern, Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the [[Vichy government]]. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.

In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the then-current British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.<ref>[[Gabriel Kolko]] (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

Prior to Operation Torch, November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General [[Mark Wayne Clark]], had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General [[Henri Giraud]] for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor [[François Darlan]] in order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.<ref>Kolko, G. (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

In 1944, Murphy was appointed General Eisenhower's chief political adviser on German affairs.<ref>{{cite news
|title=Robert Murphy, Diplomat, Dies
|publisher=New York Times
|date=Jan 10, 1978
|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0F17FE3B5A13728DDDA90994D9405B888BF1D3}}</ref> He was a member of the [[Office of Military Government]].<ref>{{cite web
|title= Robert Daniel Murphy Papers
|url=http://cdn.calisphere.org/data/13030/4w/tf3b69n64w/files/tf3b69n64w.pdf}}</ref>

'''Murphy's Post-WWII Diplomatic Record'''
*1949 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Belgium
*1952 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Japan
*1953 Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs
*1953 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs (Assistant Secretary)
*1955 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
*1956 Career Ambassador
*1958 Personal representative of [[Dwight Eisenhower|President Eisenhower]] during the [[Lebanon Crisis of 1958]]
*1959 Under Secretary for Political Affairs

After his resignation from the U.S. State Department in December 1959, Murphy went on to be an adviser to Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

==Notes==
<references/>

==Sources==
*[http://www.nndb.com/people/587/000121224/ NNDB]

==External links==
*[http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/second-term/index/..%5Cdocuments%5C1356.cfm The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XX]

Neoconservatives in Europe

2011-02-26T15:36:23Z

Crosbie Smith: linked Office of Military Government

Although they form a distinctively American movement, Europe is key to the origins of the neoconservatives, and has been a central concern throughout their history.

==Origins==
===The New York Intellectuals===
The most important strand in the emergence of neoconservatism developed among Jewish immigrant communities in New York in the 1920s and 1930s. Jacob Heilbrunn has described the milieu:

::Though their parents hoped for careers in medicine, law and business for their sons, or as musical and intellectual prodigies, Marxist radicalism was the most common route of escape. As teenagers, they would stand on soapboxes in New York - known as the most interesting city in the Soviet Union - and demand a more just society. They didn't have to be told about the grinding, carking poverty created by capitalism; they saw people living in hovels all around them and foraged themselves for fruits and vegetables on the Lower East Side docks.<ref>They Knew They Were Right, by Jacob Heilbrunn, Doubleday 2008, p.27.</ref>

Representative figures included [[Jay Lovestone]], born in Lithuania in 1897<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.5.</ref>, [[Max Schachtman]], born in Warsaw in 1904<ref>They Knew They Were Right, by Jacob Heilbrunn, Doubleday 2008, p.29.</ref>, and [[Sidney Hook]], born in 1902 to parents from Moravia and Galicia, in the Hapsburg Empire.<ref>[http://www.nytimes.com/books/first/p/phelps-hook.html Young Sidney Hook], by Christopher Phelps, NYTimes.com, accessed 1 January 2009.</ref>

Shachtman and Lovestone were prominent members of the [[American Communist Party]] in the 1920s, which had extensive European links as a member party of the [[Comintern]]. Hook was close to the party but not a member. His biographer notes that "Party leaders frequently
advised sympathetic intellectuals to retain independence so as to preserve their credibility.'<ref>Young Sidney Hook, by Christopher Phelps, Cornell University Press, 1997, p.32.</ref>

The factional struggles surrounding the rise of Stalin would see all three break with Soviet orthodoxy. Shachtman was expelled from the Communist Party as a supporter of [[Leon Trotsky]] in 1928.<ref>They Knew They Were Right, by Jacob Heilbrunn, Doubleday 2008, p.29.</ref>. Lovestone, a supporter of [[Nikolai Bukharin]], was purged after escaping from Moscow in June 1929 following a personal confrontation with Stalin.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.103.
</ref>

In a move that would foreshadow later anticommunist networks, Lovestone visited Berlin in December 1930 to launch the [[International Communist Opposition]] with support from factions in a number of European countries. He nevertheless hoped for reinstatement by Stalin, publicly supporting the Moscow show trials as late as 1936.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, pp.106-107.</ref>

Another significant development was the formation of the anticommunist [[Committee for Cultural Freedom]] in 1939 by Sidney Hook. The venture was supported by [[Sol Levitas]]'s [[New Leader]], a magazine which nurtured key New York intellectuals such as [[Irving Kristol]], [[Daniel Bell]] and [[Melvin Lasky]].<ref>The CIA, the British Left, and the Cold War, by Hugh Wilford, Frank Cass, 2003, p.125.</ref>

===Leo Strauss===
A second key strand in the emergence of neoconservatism begins with the German-Jewish philosopher [[Leo Strauss]].

Strauss was heavily influenced by his German contemporaries, [[Martin Heidegger]] and [[Carl Schmitt]]. With Schmitt's help he secured a [[Rockefeller Foundation]] grant to study in Paris, which enabled him to escape Germany as the Nazis were coming to power.<ref>[http://balkin.blogspot.com/2006/07/letter_16.html The Letter], by Scott Horton, Balkanizition, 16 July 2006.</ref>He ultimately settled in the United States in 1938.<ref>[http://www.alternet.org/story/15935/ Leo Strauss's Philosophy of Deception], by Jim Lobe, Alternet, 19 May 2003.</ref>

While in Paris in 1933 he wrote a letter to his friend [[Karl Löwith]] which underlined the authoritarian nature of his political philosophy at this time:
::And, what concerns this matter: the fact that the new right-wing Germany does not tolerate us says nothing against the principles of the right. To the contrary: only from the principles of the right, that is from fascist, authoritarian and imperial principles, is it possible with seemliness, that is, without resort to the ludicrous and despicable appeal to the droits imprescriptibles de l’homme(5) to protest against the shabby abomination.(6) I am reading Caesar’s Commentaries with deep understanding, and I think of Virgil’s Tu regere imperio… parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.(7) There is no reason to crawl to the cross, neither to the cross of liberalism, as long as somewhere in the world there is a glimmer of the spark of the Roman thought. And even then: rather than any cross, I’ll take the ghetto.<ref>[http://balkin.blogspot.com/2006/07/letter_16.html The Letter], by Scott Horton, Balkanizition, 16 July 2006.</ref>

As Scott Horton has noted, Strauss was writing at a time when liberalism was a marginal force in Weimar Germany.<ref>[http://www.harpers.org/archive/2008/01/hbc-90002212 Will the Real Leo Strauss Please Stand Up?], by Scott Horton, Harper's Magazine, 21 January 2008.</ref>It can be said of neoconservative precursors on both left and right, that they emerged from a Europe dominated by authoritarian ideologies. If they were often victims of the dominant forms of those ideologies, they were also, in many cases, adherents of closely related strands.

==World War Two==
Among the New York intellectuals, the rise of Nazism did not begin to acquire the central significance it would have for later neoconservatives until the 1939 Hitler-Stalin pact. Jacob Heilbrunn notes that Sidney Hook was an exception in his early focus on German anti-semitism:
::In the late 1930s and early 1940s, however, many Jewish Trotskyists remained so consumed with their dual hatred of Stalin (the betrayer of Trotsky) and Roosevelt (the betrayer of the working class and saviour of capitalism) that Hitler almost seemed to be a sideshow.<ref>They Knew They Were Right, by Jacob Heilbrunn, Doubleday 2008, p44.</ref>

===US Labour and British intelligence===
To the right of the Trotskyites, Lovestone's movement, by now called the [[Independent Labour League]], was also pacifist at the outbreak of war.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.133.</ref>However, Lovestone himself was increasingly out of sympathy with this view and wound up the league in December 1940.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.136.</ref>. He was subsequently hired by [[David Dubinsky]] to run the Labour division of [[William Allen White]]'s [[Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies]].<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.136.</ref>The White Committee was closely linked to the network of fronts run by [[British Security Coordination]], the New York based body running British intelligence operations in the Americas.<ref>Desperate Deception, by Thomas E. Mahl, Brassey's 1999, p.24.</ref>Dubinsky also introduced Lovestone to [[George Meany]] of the [[American Federation of Labor]], for whom he would ultimately run the AFL's foreign operations.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, pp.137-138.</ref>The AFL was itself linked to the BSC network though another front organisation, the [[American Labor Committee to Aid British Labor]]. Thomas E. Mahl suggests that the Committee's chairman, AFL vice-president [[Matthew Woll]] was a British intelligence contact.<ref>Desperate Deception, by Thomas E. Mahl, Brassey's 1999, p.32.</ref> These interventionist efforts within the labour movement were strongly opposed by communists until the German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941.<ref>Desperate Deception, by Thomas E. Mahl, Brassey's 1999, p.31.</ref>

The BSC engaged in an intensive campaign of [[political warfare]] to promote American support for Britain and ultimately to bring the United States in the war. It directly inspired the creation of America's [[Office of Strategic Services]] (OSS) setting the pattern for the postwar development of its successor, the [[CIA]].<ref>How Churchill's Agents Secretly Manipulated the U.S. Before Pearl Harbor, by David Ignatius, Washington Post, 17 September 1989.</ref>Likewise, The involvement of American labour with BSC propaganda activity prefigured the role of the non-communist left in the Cold War, and of the neoconservatives in the Iraq War.

BSC American collaborators were largely drawn from the anglophile east coast elite<ref>Desperate Deception, by Thomas E. Mahl, Brassey's 1999, p.6.</ref>, and many of them would go on to join the OSS.<ref>Desperate Deception, by Thomas E. Mahl, Brassey's 1999, p.182.</ref>
Lovestone himself applied to join the OSS in 1942, claiming "Practical experience in underground as well as open work in nearly fifteen countries." He was refused because of his communist past in a move that perhaps presaged postwar class tension between the CIA and the non-communist left.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, pp.137-138.</ref>

===The Free Trade Union Committee===
Dominated by anti-communist figures, like Meany, Dubinsky and Woll, the AFL leadership was strongly out of sympathy with the popular front mentality of the latter years of the war. In 1944, Lovestone warned Meany that Communists would seek to take control of trade unions in order to destabilise Western Europe. That autumn, Lovestone drafted the resolution with which the AFL created the [[Free Trade Union Comittee]], of which he became Executive Secretary. From this position he was able to create his own international intelligence network, ensuring that Lovestoneites like [[Samuel Berger]], [[Joseph Godson]] and [[Herbert Weiner]] were appointed as Labour attachés at US embassies abroad.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.144.</ref>Another Lovestoneite at the [[House Unamerican Activities Commitee]], [[George Mandel]] monitored Government appointments for communist party sympathisers. As an outlet, Lovestone employed [[Walter Winchell]]<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, p.144.</ref>, an influential columnist who had also been a BSC contact in the early 1940s.<ref>Desperate Deception, by Thomas E. Mahl, Brassey's 1999, p.32.</ref>

Lovestone was also in contact with [[Raymond Murphy]] who ran [[Eur/X]], a small [[State Department]] office dealing with communist subversion. In 1945, according to Ted Morgan, Murphy spotted an article by French communist [[Jacques Duclos]] which he saw as evidence that the Soviet Union was set to relaunch subversive activity against the West.<ref>A Covert Life, by Ted Morgan, Random House 1999, pp.146-148.</ref>According to [[Roy Godson]], it was actually the Lovestoneite Mandel who spotted the [[Duclos]] article while working at [[Eur-X]], and brought it to the attention of Murphy. It was subsequently picked up by Lovestone and passed on to the AFL leadership.<ref>Dirty Tricks or Trump Cards, by Roy Godson, Transaction Books, 2001, p.205.</ref>Godson describes the episode as an example of the successful use of open source intelligence. In this respect, it could be seen as a forerunner of the activities of neoconservative institutions such as [[MEMRI]].

==The Cold War==
===Postwar left networks===
The Free Trade Union Committee was only one of a number of tentative moves by Left anti-communists to develop transatlantic networks in the immediate aftermath of the war.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.16.</ref> These moves were initially independent of state patronage, although some of those involved had been part of the British-sponsored Atlanticist networks of the early 1940s.

====Diplomacy====
In 1946, the American [[Union for Democratic Action]] sent [[David C. Williams]] to London as its representative. Williams developed a close relationship with the [[Labour Research Department]]. He was initially sympathetic to Labour's Keep Left group and its desire for Britain to act as an independent 'third force' in world politics, but would spend an increasing amount of time combatting the influence of [[Henry Wallace]]'s pro-Soviet presidential candidacy.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, pp.18-26.</ref>

====Intellectuals====
In 1945, [[George Orwell]] became vice-president of the [[Freedom Defence Committee]], an anti-communist rival to Britain's [[National Council for Civil Liberties]]. Along with his colleague [[Arthur Koestler]], he attempted to recruit [[Bertrand Russell]] into a new [[League for the Freedom and Dignity of Man]]. Although Orwell established links with the [[Union for Democratic Action]] and the [[International Rescue Committee]] the project fell through for lack of finance.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, pp.28-29.</ref>

The former [[Comintern]] agent Koestler would nevertheless write to Russell:
::The whole history of the last decades seems to me to show that organised collective action through groups, cliques, leagues, petitions, etc. is a form of propaganda that cannot be dispensed with. It is my conviction that the so-called intellectuals have to try to influence the politicians by concerted action, as a chorus and not as solo voices.<ref>Quoted in Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.30.</ref>
In America similar discussions about new forms of organisation initiated by New York intellectuals [[Dwight McDonald]] and [[Mary McCarthy]] also came to nothing initially, although they would lead to the creation of the short-lived [[Europe-America Groups]] in 1948.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.31.</ref>

====Labour====
A series of conferences in 1945 paved the way for the creation of the [[World Federation of Trade Unions]] which brought together the American [[Congress of Industrial Organisations]] (CIO), the British [[Trade Union Congress]] (TUC) and their Soviet counterparts into a single organisation for the first time.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.37.</ref> This course was bitterly opposed by the [[AFL]]'s Free Trade Union Committee. According to Ted Morgan, "In the first postwar years, when American foreign policy had not yet jelled into an adversarial position, when there was no intelligence agency, when the government was still halfheartedly attempting accommodation with the Russians, the AFL assigned itself the role of preventing the Soviets from taking over the European trade unions."<ref>Ted Morgan, Jay Lovestone, A Covert Life, Random House, 1999, p.152.</ref> The FTUC operation consisted of Lovestone, [[Irving Brown]] in Paris from October 1945 and [[Henry Rutz]] in Germany.<ref>Ted Morgan, Jay Lovestone, A Covert Life, Random House, 1999, p.152.</ref>

In each case, post-war idealism would give way to more hardline anti-communist mood. According to Hugh Wilford, this was not simply a matter of co-optation. "The left itself - British as well as American - played an important role in the process, with its more anti-communist "right-wing" elements gradually squashing the positive, constructive intentions of those who retained a greater sense of leftist possibility." Left initiatives in each of the three strands cited above "directly anticipated the organisational weapons with which the US government would wage its anti-Soviet campaign after the mid-century."<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.16.</ref>

===Liberal interventionists===
The establishment interventionists who had supported the BSC and staffed the OSS were also regrouping in the immediate postwar period, following the latter's abolition in September 1945.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.8.</ref> The former head of OSS operations in Europe, [[Allen Dulles]] became the centre of an informal grouping, the "[[Park Avenue cowboys]]" which campaigned for a permanent intelligence service.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders,Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.35.</ref> Also in this group was [[Frank Wisner]], whose Georgetown home became a salon where figures such as [[David Bruce]], [[Chip Bohlen]], [[Robert Lovett]], [[Dean Acheson]] and [[George Kennan]] debated how to prevent a Soviet takeover of Europe.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.8.</ref>

As head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, Kennan was the architect of a far-reaching "containment" policy towards the Soviet Union.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.84.</ref> In the course, of 1947, this was institutionalised in the Truman doctrine, the Marshall Plan and the formation of the [[CIA]].<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.23-24.</ref>

Support for the "Non-Communist Left" (NCL)came to play a key role in liberal interventionist thinking, recalling the wartime relationship between the BSC and the AFL.
::The thesis which animated all this [mobilisation of] the Non-Communist Left was one which Chip Bohlen, [[Isaiah Berlin]], [[Nicolas Nabokov]], [[Averell Harriman]] and George Kennan all ardently supported," [[Arthur Schlesinger]] later recalled. "We all felt that democratic socialism was the most effective bulwark against totalitarianism."<ref>quoted in Frances Stonor Saunders, ''Who Paid the Piper'', Granta Books, 2000, p63.</ref>

===Occupied Germany===
Occupied Europe was one area where elements of the wartime propaganda networks were preserved in the immediate postwar period. Among those employed by the [[Office of Military Government|Office of Military Government US]] (OMGUS), [[Michael Josselson]] and [[Nicolas Nabokov]] would go on to become key figures in the cultural cold war.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.35.</ref>

De-Nazification programmes soon overlapped with intelligence recruitment.<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6, Touchstone 2002, p.103.</ref><ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.86.</ref> Most notoriously, [[Frank Wisner]] acquired responsibility for SS General [[Reinhard Gehlen]] and his anti-communist network during a brief stint with US military intelligence.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders,Who Paid the Piper? Granta Books, 2000, p.40.</ref>

The advent of containment created new opportunities for the non-communist left in Germany as elsewhere. [[Melvin Lasky]], the German correspondent of the [[New Leader]] and the [[Partisan Review]] was a staunch advocate of an anti-communist propaganda in Europe. In October 1948, he founded a new monthly magazine [[Der Monat]] with the backing of the American military governor [[Lucius Clay]].<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders,Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.29-31.</ref>

===Postwar Italy===
The Italian elections of 1948 were one of the first tests of the [[CIA]]'s role in the new containment strategy. Rome station chief [[James Angleton]] distributed an estimated $10 million in the run-up to the election, in which the CIA's Christian Democrat allies defeated the communists.<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, pp.29-31.</ref> Lovestone and the FTUC delivered CIA money to friendly Christian Democrat-backed Labour groups<ref>Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, Penguin, 2007, p.40.</ref>, while Britain's new [[Information Research Department]] furnished propaganda.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.51.</ref>

===The Information Research Department===
Like the CIA, the Information Research Department effectively revived a wartime agency, in this case the [[Political Warfare Executive]] (PWE),<ref>Stephen Dorril, MI6, Touchstone 2002, p.103.</ref> and its path was smoothed by the fact that many Labour politicians had served in the PWE and its sister agency, the [[Special Operations Executive]].
<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.55.</ref> Founded in January 1948, the new agency was initially intended to present Britain as an independent social democratic 'third force' but this mission was quickly overtaken by its anti-communist role.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, pp.49-51.</ref>

IRD distributed literature by intellectuals from the Non-Communist Left such as [[Arthur Koestler]] and [[George Orwell]].<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.58.</ref> Orwell's role would spark controversy half a century later when it was revealed that he had supplied the IRD with a list of communist sympathisers.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.60.</ref>

===Office of Policy Coordination===
The creation of IRD in Britain was paralleled in the US by the establishment of the [[Office of Policy Coordination]] (OPC) in June 1948 as the covert action arm of Kennan's containment policy. Although officially part of the CIA, the OPC was largely autonomous, thanks to competing lines of accountability and financing from Marshall Plan 'counterpart funds'.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.85.</ref> Under the leadership of Frank Wisner, OPC expanded quickly. Within two years Wisner controlled a budget of $200 million and 2,000 staff in 47 stations around the world.<ref>Richard J. Aldrich, The Hidden Hand, Overlook Press, 2002, p.x.</ref>

OPC covertly sponsored the creation of the [[National Committee for a Free Europe]] (NCFE) to organise eastern European exiles. Headed by [[Allen Dulles]], NCFE established [[Radio Free Europe]] to broadcast to the Eastern bloc, while a sister organisation created [[Radio Liberty]], broadcasting directly to the Soviet Union.
<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.87.</ref>

Like the IRD, the OPC developed a relationship with key figures on the Non-Communist Left, notably [[James Burnham]]<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.89.</ref> and quickly linked up with the existing anticommunist left networks. The influence of ex-communists like Burnham, Sidney Hook and Arthur Koestler would ensure that the OPC's own operations bore a significant resemblance to those of the Soviets.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.92.</ref>

Wisner was formally introduced to Jay Lovestone by Matthew Woll in December 1948. Lovestone received the first payment from Wisner for his FTUC activities a month later.<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life, Random House, 1999, pp.197-198.</ref>

===Americans for Intellectual Freedom===
Dwight McDonald and Mary McCarthy's Europe-America Groups collapsed in early 1949, after an attempt by Sidney Hook and a faction around Partisan Review to turn it a straightforward anti-communist vehicle. All those involved, along with Nicholas Nabokov and [[Bertram Wolfe]], took part in the creation of a new organisation, the [[Friends of Russian Freedom]] in March 1949. This too however was rapidly overtaken by the creation of [[Americans for Intellectual Freedom]] in response to the [[Cominform]]-sponsored conference which opened at New York's Waldorf-Astoria Hotel.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, pp.32-34.</ref>

Among those who took part in the protest at the Waldorf were Hook, McCarthy, McDonald, Nabokov, Arthur Schlesinger, and [[David Dubinsky]].<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.46.</ref> [[Michael Josselson]] was also present on behalf of Wisner's OPC, which was secretly funding the protesters via Dubinsky.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.46-47.</ref>

The success of this event prompted Wisner and his assistant [[Carmel Offie]] to plan a counter-conference to coincide with the Cominform's World Congress of Peace that April. Through Irving Brown, the OPC arranged for French Socialist [[David Rousset]] and the journal [[Franc-Tireur]] to be billed as sponsor of the [[International Day of Resistance to Dictatorship and War]] on 30 April. The OPC paid for Sidney Hook, [[Ignazio Silone]], [[Carlo Levi]], [[James T. Farrell]], [[Franz Borkenau]] and [[Fenner Brockway]] to attend the event, which was, however, judged a failure.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.67-69.</ref>

===Congress for Cultural Freedom===
Nevertheless, pressure for a systematic response to the Cominform continued to grow. In August 1949, ex-[[Comintern]] intellectuals [[Ruth Fischer]] and [[Franz Borkenau]] proposed a permanent structure for this purpose at a meeting with [[Melvin Lasky]] in Frankfurt. [[Lawrence de Neufville]] and Michael Josselson passed on an outline proposal which reached Frank Wisner's desk in January 1950, and was approved in April.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.71-72.</ref>

The [[Berlin Congress for Cultural Freedom]] opened on 26 June 1950.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.76.</ref> According to Frances Stonor Saunders, its 'ruling apparat' consisted of Nabokov, Burnham, Josselson, Lasky, Koestler, Brown and Silone.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.75.</ref> Burnham and Hook were aware that the American delegation had been funded by the OPC.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.72.</ref> The British delegation, which included [[Hugh Trevor-Roper]], [[Julian Amery]] and [[A.J. Ayer]] was also funded by the IRD.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.76.</ref>

A divide soon emerged between hardline ant-communists, many of whom were themselves ex-communists, and more moderate figures. Trevor-Roper wrote:
::It wasn't really intellectual at all in my opinion. I realized that it was a reply in the same style to [the Soviet peace conferences] it spoke the same language. I had expected and hoped to hear the western point of view put forward and defended, on the grounds that it was a better and a more lasting alternative. But instead we had denunciations.<ref>Quoted in Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.78.</ref>

The event was judged a success by Frank Wisner who moved to arrange continuing OPC support for the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] as a permanent entity.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.85-86.</ref>

===NSC-68 and containment militarism===
By 1950, American's containment policy was taking a new shape, labelled containment militarism by Jerry W. Sanders. The definitive statement on the new doctrine came in the [[NSC-68]] memorandum of 7 April 1950, principally written by Kennan's successor as Director of Policy Planning, [[Paul Nitze]]. Nitze modified Kennan's original containment formulation by presenting the Soviet threat in military rather than political terms.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, pp.23-34.</ref>

NSC-68 claimed that the Soviet conventional forces were capable of over-running Western Europe, driving towards the Middle East and launching diversionary attacks elsewhere, simultaneously with a nuclear strike on the United States. In fact, the Soviet Union would not attain the latter capability until 1957-58.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.30.</ref>

Jerry Sanders argues that this exaggeration was deliberate:
::The reason for this hyperbole was fear that Western European nations would adopt an independent neutralist course which would greatly diminish American imperial power, both economic and political, first in that vital region and then in other parts of the world.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.34.</ref>

In support of this point, Sanders cites the following passage from NSC-68:
::Even if there were no Soviet Union we would face the great problem of the free society, accentuated many fold in this industrial age, of reconciling order, security, the need for participation, with the requirement of freedom. We would face the fact that in a shrinking world the absence of order among nations is becoming less and less tolerable.<ref>[http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-7.htm NSC-68 VII Present Risks], Federation of American Scientists, accessed 6 April 2009.</ref>

===The Committee on the Present Danger===
Implementing the NSC-68 program presented a major challenge, as Harvard President [[James Conant]] later noted:
::Troops for Europe, universal military service and foreign aid were all parts of one package, and all three proposals were highly distasteful to the new isolationism that emerged at the end of 1950.<ref>quoted in Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.59.</ref>

In August 1950, Conant and others close to the NSC-68 drafting process began discussions about a 'citizens lobby' along the lines of the [[Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies]].<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.61.</ref> The proposal took further shape at a 'private citizens conference' in late September attended by some 50 key figures from the worlds of business, academia and the media. <ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.65.</ref> Co-ordination with the Truman administration was a key element of the plan, which received Secretary of State [[George Marshall]]'s blessing at a meeting in November.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.67.</ref>

Conant, [[Vannevar Bush]] and [[Tracy Vorhees]], announced the formation of the [[Committee on the Present Danger]] (CPD) on 12 December 1950. The fact that all three men were republicans lent a powerful aura of bipartisan support to Truman, who met congressional leaders to seek additional defence funds the next day.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, pp.54-55.</ref>

The CPD's membership was clearly rooted in the Second World War interventionist coalition, with no less than 12 members of the CDAAA.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.87.</ref> Sanders identifies distinct corporate-capitalist and scientific-technocratic strata within the Committee each with origins going back to the Roosevelt administration in 1940.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.87.</ref> The labour element of the interventionist coalition was less prominent, although the AFL's [[David Dubinsky]] would join the CPD in the spring of 1951.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.77.</ref>

Sanders suggests that the CPD marks a point at which imperialism had clearly replaced Wilsonian liberal internationalism as the operating ideology of the foreign policy elite.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.79.</ref> However, his judgement on the CPD's strategy could equally be applied to earlier and later manifestations of the interventionist coalition:
::What happened next is a tribute to the unique insider/outsider status of such elite "citizens's lobbies" that afford them the opportunity to both make policy within the state and shape opinion in the larger society.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.67.</ref>

In early 1951 the CPD launched a major propaganda offensive, sponsoring pamphlets, films and radio addresses in the run-up to a 4 April Senate vote, which committed a 100,000 man army to Europe, and greatly expanded presidential power over foreign affairs.<ref>Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, pp.92-95.</ref> In one such radio address, [[William Donovan]] called for the "All-out employment of the nation's economic, political, and psychological weapons to regain initiative in the Cold War."<ref>Quoted in Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis, South End Press, 1983, p.94.</ref>

===The International Organizations Division===
In fact, a major re-organisation of the CIA's covert action programme was already beginning as the CPD came to prominence. In January 1951, the new CIA chief [[Walter Bedell Smith]] moved to reign in the OPC by appointing Allen Dulles Deputy Director of Plans. Jay Lovestone atttempted to exploit this to renegotiate the FTUC's relationship with the CIA, but was rebuffed in a March 1951 meeting with Dulles.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.98.</ref>

In April 1951, [[Thomas Braden]] was appointed head of the [[International Organizations Division]], taking control of the labour networks from Wisner.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.98.</ref> Lovestone was told by [[Carmel Offie]] that the CIA planned to bypass him and deal with his agents directly. On Offie's advice he and Dubinsky obtained a meeting with Bedell Smith on 9 April which led to the reorganisation of the FTUC's relationship with the CIA.<ref>Ted Morgan, A Covert Life, Random House, 1999, pp.2220-221.</ref>

Hugh Wilford describes the meeting, which degenerated into a "shouting match", as the beginning of a steady decline in CIA sponsorship of the FTUC.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, pp.98-100.</ref>
::Underying the organisational tension were simmering social and even ethnic tensions. The CIA, after all, recruited most of its entry-level staff from the Ivy League universities, while its higher echelons were dominated by military top-brass and corporate lawyers. It is clear that there were conservative elements in the Agency who never felt comfortable working alongside the ex-radical, immigrant-stock proletarians who staffed the FTUC; indeed there were some who positively opposed the relationship on security grounds.<ref>Hugh Wilford, Calling the Tune? The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, Frank Cass, 2003, p.80.</ref>

The re-organisation also affected the Congress for Cultural Freedom which had been established with a permanent steering committee in November 1950.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.88.</ref> Under Braden's direction, the aims of the Congress were clarified. In Stonor Saunders' description:
::It was to engage in a widespread and cohesive campaign of peer pressure to persuade intellectuals to dissociate themselves from Communist fronts or fellow travelling organisations. It was to encourage the intelligentsia to develop theories and arguments which were directed not at a mass audience, but at that small elite of pressure groups and statesmen who in turn developed government policy.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.98-99.</ref>

The tensions between the CIA and the Lovestoneites may have been reflected in the Congress. Lovestone's man [[Irving Brown]] had been among those appointed to the steering committee by Wisner.<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, p.88.</ref> Allen Dulles asked de Neufville to keep an eye on him but was told "this was almost impossible because he was running it like it was his own operation".<ref>Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper, Granta Books, 2000, pp.99-100.</ref>

===Gaitskellites and Bevanites===
The American military build-up was paralleled in Britain. Chancellor [[Hugh Gaitskell]] introduced a budget that would almost double Britain's defence budget to support the American war effort in Korea. It included plans to charge for NHS spectacles and teeth, prompting [[Aneurin Bevan]], [[Harold Wilson]] and [[John Freeman]] to resign from the Government in April 1951.<ref>Stephen Dorril & Robin Ramsay, Smear, Wilson and the Secret State, Fourth Estate Ltd, 1991, p10.</ref> This marked the beginning of a struggle that would divide the Labour party for a generation. The pro-American right of the party coalesced around Gaitskell, who had worked in the [[Special Operations Executive]] during the Second World War, in opposition to the Bevanites, who still believed in the possibility of a 'third way' between the United States and the Soviet Union.<ref>Stephen Dorril & Robin Ramsay, Smear, Wilson and the Secret State, Fourth Estate Ltd, 1991, pp.12-14.</ref>

==The 1960s==

==The 1970s==

==The 1980s==

==The 1990s==

==The 21st Century==

==References==
<references/>

Office of Military Government

2011-02-26T15:35:11Z

Crosbie Smith: content from Wikipedia

The '''Office of Military Government, United States''' (OMGUS) was the [[United States]] military-established [[government]] created shortly after the end of hostilities in [[Allied-occupied Germany|occupied Germany]] in [[World War II]]. Under General [[Lucius D. Clay]], it administered the area of [[Germany]] and sector of [[Berlin]] controlled by the [[United States Army]].

The [[Allied Control Council]] comprised military authorities from the United States, the [[United Kingdom]], the [[Soviet Union]] and [[France]]. OMGUS previously reported to the [[U.S. Group Control Council, Germany]] (USGCC), which existed from May 8, 1945 until October 1, 1945. OMGUS was eliminated on December 5, 1949, and the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany assumed control of its functions.

==References==
*[http://www.archives.gov/research/holocaust/finding-aid/military/rg-260.html#OMGUS Military Agency Records, Theaters of Operations, Records of U.S. Occupation Headquarters, World War II (RG 260), Records of the Office of the Military Governor, United States (OMGUS) ]
*[http://www.ushmm.org/uia-bin/uia_doc/art/x9-30 Records of the Office of the Military Governor, United States (OMGUS) (RG 338) {Theaters of Operations Records} – ]

Robert D. Murphy

2011-02-26T15:31:37Z

Crosbie Smith: member, Office of Military Government

'''Robert Daniel Murphy''' (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.

Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern, Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the [[Vichy government]]. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.

In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the then-current British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.<ref>[[Gabriel Kolko]] (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

Prior to Operation Torch, November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General [[Mark Wayne Clark]], had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General [[Henri Giraud]] for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor [[François Darlan]] in order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.<ref>Kolko, G. (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

In 1944, Murphy was appointed General Eisenhower's chief political adviser on German affairs.<ref>{{cite news
|title=Robert Murphy, Diplomat, Dies
|publisher=New York Times
|date=Jan 10, 1978
|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0F17FE3B5A13728DDDA90994D9405B888BF1D3}}</ref> He was a member of the Office of Military Government.<ref>{{cite web
|title= Robert Daniel Murphy Papers
|url=http://cdn.calisphere.org/data/13030/4w/tf3b69n64w/files/tf3b69n64w.pdf}}</ref>

'''Murphy's Post-WWII Diplomatic Record'''
*1949 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Belgium
*1952 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Japan
*1953 Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs
*1953 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs (Assistant Secretary)
*1955 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
*1956 Career Ambassador
*1958 Personal representative of [[Dwight Eisenhower|President Eisenhower]] during the [[Lebanon Crisis of 1958]]
*1959 Under Secretary for Political Affairs

After his resignation from the U.S. State Department in December 1959, Murphy went on to be an adviser to Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

==Notes==
<references/>

==Sources==
*[http://www.nndb.com/people/587/000121224/ NNDB]

==External links==
*[http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/second-term/index/..%5Cdocuments%5C1356.cfm The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XX]

Robert D. Murphy

2011-02-26T15:27:13Z

Crosbie Smith: Eisenhower adviser

'''Robert Daniel Murphy''' (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.

Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern, Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the [[Vichy government]]. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.

In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the then-current British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.<ref>[[Gabriel Kolko]] (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

Prior to Operation Torch, November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General [[Mark Wayne Clark]], had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General [[Henri Giraud]] for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor [[François Darlan]] in order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.<ref>Kolko, G. (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

In 1944, Murphy was appointed General Eisenhower's chief political adviser on German affairs.<ref>{{cite news
|title=Robert Murphy, Diplomat, Dies
|publisher=New York Times
|date=Jan 10, 1978
|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0F17FE3B5A13728DDDA90994D9405B888BF1D3}}</ref>

'''Murphy's Post-WWII Diplomatic Record'''
*1949 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Belgium
*1952 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Japan
*1953 Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs
*1953 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs (Assistant Secretary)
*1955 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
*1956 Career Ambassador
*1958 Personal representative of [[Dwight Eisenhower|President Eisenhower]] during the [[Lebanon Crisis of 1958]]
*1959 Under Secretary for Political Affairs

After his resignation from the U.S. State Department in December 1959, Murphy went on to be an adviser to Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

==Notes==
<references/>

==Sources==
*[http://www.nndb.com/people/587/000121224/ NNDB]

==External links==
*[http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/second-term/index/..%5Cdocuments%5C1356.cfm The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XX]

Robert D. Murphy

2011-02-26T15:11:29Z

Crosbie Smith: content from Wikipedia

'''Robert Daniel Murphy''' (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.

Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern, Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the [[Vichy government]]. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.

In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the then-current British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.<ref>[[Gabriel Kolko]] (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

Prior to Operation Torch, November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General [[Mark Wayne Clark]], had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General [[Henri Giraud]] for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor [[François Darlan]] in order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.<ref>Kolko, G. (1968; 1990 edition with new afterword), ''The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945'', ASIN B0007EOISO. Chapter 4.</ref>

'''Murphy's Post-WWII Diplomatic Record'''
*1949 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Belgium
*1952 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Japan
*1953 Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs
*1953 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs (Assistant Secretary)
*1955 Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
*1956 Career Ambassador
*1958 Personal representative of [[Dwight Eisenhower|President Eisenhower]] during the [[Lebanon Crisis of 1958]]
*1959 Under Secretary for Political Affairs

After his resignation from the U.S. State Department in December 1959, Murphy went on to be an adviser to Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.

==Notes==
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==Sources==
*[http://www.nndb.com/people/587/000121224/ NNDB]

==External links==
*[http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/second-term/index/..%5Cdocuments%5C1356.cfm The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower, Volume XX]