Powerbase - User contributions [en]

Simon Wellings (alias)

2026-02-16T12:54:33Z

Chris Brian: /* Connections to other undercovers */

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=HN118|Alias=Simon Wellings|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Simon_Wellings.2a.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2001-2007|Targets=Globalise Resistance, arms trade & anti-globalisation protestors, Socialist Workers Party, Dissent! network}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''Simon C. Wellings''' is the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated anti-globalisation group 'Globalise Resistance' and the Socialist Workers Party. He was exposed when he accidentally caused a debriefing session with his police handlers to be caught in a recording on a telephone answering machine in 2004, and left the group. However, he continued as an undercover until 2007, with a second deployment targeting the Dissent! network,<ref name="ucpi.covername"/>.

On 19 January 2017, the Undercover Policing Inquiry confirmed that 'Simon Wellings' was an undercover police officer who had served with the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]].<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Press Notice: Update on anonymity applications – N118 (“Simon Wellings”)], UCPI.org.uk, 19 January 2017 (accessed 19 January 2017).</ref> As such he is also referred to by the [[N officers|cipher]] ''HN118''.

Much of the material on his first deployment comes from Guy Taylor, an activist who knew Simon through Globalise Resistance.<ref name="gt.i.1-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Guy Taylor, January 2016.</ref> It later emerged that during infiltration of Dissent!, Wellings had been interviewed several times by a fellow campaigner, Patrick McCurdy, as part of the latter's PhD research. This provided considerable insight into his activities, both in how his story in relation to Globalise Resistance changed, but also his activities around Dissent!. We are grateful to Dr. McCurdy for sharing some of his material, which we present for the most part on a separate page, as it provides an account in words of the undercover himself.

* See [[Simon Wellings: McCurdy Interviews]]

''This page is a work in process and we welcome additions and corrections, particularly confirmation whether Wellings was present at various Globalise Resistance protests. [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net Contact us here].''

'''++++ Last updated in July 2020 ++++'''

==Background & Personality ==

Simon turned up out of nowhere in 2001 / 2002. His accent was southern English and he presented a story of having just been deported from Australia for overstaying his visa, but that he had a child there.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Speaking to the press, Guy Taylor said, 'he didn't have much of a back story. We never met any of his friends of his family.'<ref name="guardian-17.3.11"/> He was a practical dresser rather than going for stylish outfits. He was described by Guy Taylor as 'not the sort of bloke who would naturally stick in your mind'.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

He was keen, generally available and flexible, ready to help out. The fact that he also had a car which he was willing to use, also endeared him to those he was targeting. Guy Taylor described him as a 'caring, empathic bloke. He was gentle and someone you could confide in - and people did. You could turn to him to moan or let off steam.' He soon became friendly with activists, and was very interested in gossip, including that related to the Socialist Workers Party. After Globalise Resistance steering committee meetings, it was usual for members to go for a drink afterwards and Simon would always be there. However, he did not get particularly drunk.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

When he later moved to the Dissent! Network, he continued the same approach, being described as 'friendly and approachable, but not necessarily someone you would remember.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Patrick McCurdy, 2 November 2018.</ref>

He was generally quiet when it came to political discussions within his circles, shying away from debates around Palestine or the anti-capitalist movements. He would become more lively when it came to marches or direct action; seemingly the more provocative or confrontational an idea was, the better.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Like other undercover officers, Simon had a good phone and up-to-date gadgets, such as his Discman.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> He rapidly became the unofficial photographer for the group, though as was noted, he had many photos of other members, but they had few of him.<ref>Meirion Jones & Anna Adams, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12867187 Undercover police work revealed by phone blunder], ''BBC News Online'', 25 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> He was generally reluctant to be photographed.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, at the G8 summit, during his infiltration of the Dissent! Network he had a laptop with wireless internet, which at the time was unusual and expensive.<ref name="McCurdyTweets">Patrick McCurdy, [https://twitter.com/bristolnoborder/status/1054871678294130688 'Welling' Tweets], 22 October 2018 (accessed 24 October 2018).</ref>

===Occupation===

Simon said he worked installing security systems, particularly turnstiles and swipe card set-ups. As a result he would be away on contracts for set amounts of time.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, in Dissent!, this occupation would switch 'to the installation of fibre optic cables ‘across the world’.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/>

During his interview with McCurdy, he spoke of having a cubicle at work, where he would monitor Indymedia and Urban75, nominally as part of his interest in press coverage of the mobilisation against the 2005 G8 Summit.<ref name="Interview1"/>

===Suspicions===

'J' who also encountered Wellings at Globalise Resistance, met him a number of times recalled him as a chummy, friendly bloke who mainly came to meetings. He did not try to push the group into carrying out radical / illegal activities, but seemed in retrospect to be mainly about intelligence gathering. However, he did feel at the time there was something out of place about him. There was a bit of a joke that he was a plant of some kind and a little suspicion, mainly based on both his background story and politics being vague, but there was no evidence to back it up.<ref>Undercover Research Group: phone call with JS, 6 January 2016.</ref>

===Relationships===

Simon is not known to have been in any relationships while undercover, though he was constantly bemoaning the fact that he could not get a girlfriend. He did on occasion mention previous relationships.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Residencies===

He lived at various addresses in London, including Peckham and Colliers Wood. The place in Peckham was a room in a shared house.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, he appears in the Electoral Roll as Simon C. Wellings at Norfolk Road, Colliers Wood, SW19 2HE for the period 2003-2005.<ref>Undercover Research Group: search conducted April 2016.</ref> where he lived by himself. In 2004 he invited activists back to this flat after Aldermaston march (see below). It was recalled by Guy Taylor as being 'very sparse with activism related stuff everywhere, and nothing personal, such as photos; it looked like activism was the only thing in his life.'<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Email===
Wellings used the following three email accounts, the first being his primary contact for Globalise Resistance

* simon_wellings@hotmail.com
* simonwellings@gmail.com
* stealyourface@riseup.net

The latter email address appears to taken from the name of an album name by the 'The Grateful Dead'.<ref>[https://www.discogs.com/Grateful-Dead-Steal-Your-Face/master/18527 Grateful Dead* ‎– Steal Your Face], ''Discogs.com'' undated (accessed 3 November 2011).</ref><ref>Undercover officer [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] also used a band's album title for his e-mail address when deployed - Holy Face by The Oysterband.</ref>

==Target: Globalise Resistance (2001-2004)==

<youtube size="medium" align="right" caption="Video footage of Simon Wellings with Globalise Resistance during protests for the G8 in Geneva (June 2003) and the visit of George W Bush to London (November 2003). Footage courtesy of [http://reelnews.co.uk/ Reel News]">8n3qX6KbEbk</youtube>

Simon's first target was Globalise Resistance, a group involved in the then strong anti-globalisation movement. According to its website (Resist.org.uk) 'Globalise Resistance brings together groups and individuals opposed to the global growth of corporate power.' He also had some interest in the Socialist Workers Party.

September 2000 saw major demonstrations at the World Bank / International Monetary Fund Summit in Prague, with protestors coming from across Europe under the anti-globalisation banner. At this and other related events, links were built between socialists and other left wing / environmental groups with the idea of creating a single organisation to co-ordinate protests.<ref name="pearce">Timothy Pearce, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=odCKCwAAQBAJ European Social Movements and Muslim Activism: Another World but with Whom?], Springer, 2015.</ref>

Inspired by the Prague protests, a series of eight conferences were held across the UK in February 2001 to start the mobilisation for the July 2001 G8 Summit in Genoa. It was out of these conferences that Globalise Resistance emerged as a UK network, as it became clear that they had tapped into a growing political momentum and were capable of being a sizeable organisation in its own right. Guy Taylor, one of its organisers, believes that it was at this point the state started showing interest in its activities - though by then he himself had already been subject to police surveillance for previous involvement in protests.

Taylor noted that strange activities began to happen around the group that indicated that they had been placed under surveillance by the state.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Two initial attempts at having national conferences at Imperial<ref>Notification of the conference at Imperial University can be found here: Globalise Resistance, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/01/1228.html Globalise Resistance], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 January 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> and Goldsmith Universities in London fell through when the universities withdrew permission. However, with the support of leading green journalist George Monbiot in ''The Guardian''<ref>George Monbiot, [http://www.monbiot.com/2001/02/01/power-hides-from-the-people/ Power Hides from the People], ''The Guardian'', 1 February 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> (a speaker at various GR events; in 2001 he would also become a founding member of GR's steering group),<ref>[http://web.archive.org/web/20010408062949/http://www.resist.org.uk/r1p2.pdf Come Together], ''Resist'' (the newsletter for Globalise Resistance), Issue 1, 2001 (archived by the Wayback Machine).</ref> the group was able to hold its first activist conference on 13 May 2001. By this stage it already had local groups established in Scotland, Birmingham, Southampton, London and Leeds. At the May 2001 conference, a steering group of 16-20 people was created.

Early on an office was established in a tiny room in a business centre in Mile End. During this time, they became aware they were being watched when they were leaked a screenshot of an internal Shell website 'NGO Watch' which held details of the office. This was notable, as at that point only a handful of people knew where the office was.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16">Undercover Research Group: email from Guy Taylor, 29 April 2016.</ref>

[[Image:GR_orange_tank.jpg|200px|thumb|Replica orange tank built by Globalise Resistance activists, including Simon Wellings.]]

Early on, GR attracted controversy, with the anarchist wing of the anti-capitalist / alter-globalisation movement arguing that it was a front for the Socialist Worker Party which dominated its steering group.<ref>See for example the comments at mango, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/02/1518.html?c=on Globalise Resistance Tour], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 2 February 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref><ref>[http://www.schnews.org.uk/monopresist/monopoliseresistance/monopoliseresistancebuiltbookletonlinecopy.pdf Monopolise Resistance], schNEWS, September 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> Asked about this, Guy Taylor responded that while individuals overlapped, they tended to be considered to be among the more maverick members of the SWP and that, as it grew and developed, it broadened out with others coming in to join the steering group.<ref>This has been echoed in other accounts of Globalise Resistance, e.g. Timothy Pearce ''vide infra''.</ref>

From its start, Globalise Resistance maintained informal links with various prominent NGOs such as World Development Movement,<ref>Barry Coates of World Development Movement (now called Global Justice Now) was a strong early supporter of Globalise Resistance appearing on its platform during the February 2001 tour. See for example: [https://socialistworker.co.uk/art/35296/Globalise+Resistance Globalise Resistance], ''Socialist Worker'' </ref> War on Want, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Green Party and the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, sharing numerous platforms with them, promoting their various events or attending protests organised by or in conjunction with them. This would subsequently extend to the Campaign Against Climate Change, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the Stop the War Coalition. GR's website, and its newsletter, ''Resist'', would consistently list and encourage its members to attend their events and note that there would be GR contingents on their large marches. GR would also be strongly focused on international summit protests, Mayday marches in London and played a leading role in organising and mobilising for the European Social Forum and World Social Forums.

As part of the 2001 Genoa G8 Summit mobilisation, GR organised a French train to take British and other protestors to the Italian city. Though French authorities sought to force its cancellation, it did go ahead.<ref>zuky serper, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/07/7088.html The cancellation of Globalise Resistance train to Genoa], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 July 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20010724222737/http://www.resist.org.uk/genoafri.html Report from Genoa, Friday 20 July], Resist.org.uk, 2001 (Wayback Machine archive of website made on 7 October 2001).</ref> In Italy, GR linked up with other leading European anti-globalisation groups such as ATTAC for protests. Following the death of protestor Carlo Giuliani, who was shot by Italian police during protests in Genoa, a demonstration was also called by GR to take place at the Italian embassy in London.<ref>[http://web.archive.org/web/20010724222745/http://www.resist.org.uk/genoapress.html Globalise Resistance Shocked and Outraged at Police Killing, Calls Monday Protest], Resist.org.uk, 2001 (Wayback Machine archive of website made on 7 October 2001).</ref>

===Protest activities===

It is thought that Simon turned up on the scene soon after the Genoa protests.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> He therefore missed GR's first activist conference in May 2001. However, by 2002 he was active enough in the group to be accompanying them to various international mobilisations.

One individual who associated with Globalise Resistance and to whom Wellings appeared to be close (see below), was [[Martin Hogbin]].<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Hogbin would be exposed in 2003 as a corporate spy who was targeting the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, where he had been active since 1997 and appointed its 'National Campaigns and Events Co-ordinator' in 2000.<ref>Campaign Against the Arms Trade, [https://www.caat.org.uk/about/spying 2005 CAAT Steering Committee statement on spying], CAAT.org.uk, July 2005 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

* ''For protests Globalise Resistance was involved in or supported, but where it is not known if Wellings was active or participated, see [[Simon Wellings (alias): appendix|this appendix]]. If you are able to confirm his role in any of these [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in contact]. Likewise if anyone can shed light on his participation in the Dissent! network.''

====2002: World Economic Forum, New York====

[[Image:Simon Wellings at WEF protest, New York 2002.jpg|200px|thumb|Simon Wellings at World Economic Forum protest, New York City, 2002.<ref>Image source: [https://twitter.com/signsofrevolt/status/822093889150427136 Twitter feed of Noel Douglas], 19 January 2017 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>.]]

In February 2002, Simon was one of twelve GR campaigners to travel to Manhattan to take part in protests against the World Economic Forum there.<ref>Guy Taylor, [http://web.archive.org/web/20030625071113/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/misc/NYC2Feb.html Report from New York Protests against the World Economic Forum] Resist.org.uk, February 2002 (accessed via the Wayback Machine archives).</ref> They stayed in a flat in the Upper West Side with activists from Syracuse University.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

====2002: Seville EU Summit====

From 21-23 June, the Spanish city of Seville hosted the European Union Summit, as part of the 2002 Spanish Presidency. The presence of the Summit was marked with large scale protests, including a General Strike on Thursday 20th. Further large protests took place on 21st and 22nd.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/european-union/seville-2002/sevilla-libera/ Sevilla Libera!], Resist.org.uk, 19 March 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

According to Guy Taylor, Wellings travelled to Spain with other activists from Globalise Resistance, staying with them on the camp-site provided for international protestors. However, he camped by himself, away from other GR activists.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Simon also delivered quotes for Issue 6 of Globalise Resistance's magazine 'Resist':<ref>Chris Blake, [https://web.archive.org/web/20040515224748/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r6p1.pdf Worldwide protest on war and poverty], Resist, Issue 6, 2002 (archived by Wayback Machine).</ref>
:: Simon Wellings from Globalise Resistance said: "The situation in Seville was incredible. People jammed every street and filled several parks. Despite the heavy police presence there was a carnival atmosphere, stilt walkers mingled with the crowds. The majority of the demonstration was Spanish, mainly striking trades unionists, but people from other countries were a very significant minority."
:: ...but Wellings insisted most protesters did not object to the EU per se. "We're objecting to specific policies," he said. "We're protesting against the neo-liberal agenda, the swing to the right and the erosion of asylum rights. You can support all of these causes without being anti-Europe."
:: Wellings added: "Each one of these huge demonstrations helps to swell our ranks."

Guy Taylor recalled, that while they group was passing through Madrid someone attempted to pick their pockets by first causing a distraction; it was noticed that Simon immediately responded by grabbing his pockets, which stood out as an unusual on-the-ball action.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

It is thought Wellings may well have been at the earlier Barcelona protests on 14-16 March 2002,<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> called in response to Spain taking up the Presidency of the European Union.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/european-union/barcelona-2002/barcelona-anti-eu-protests-2002/ Barcelona Anti-EU protests 2002], Resist.org.uk, 19 March 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

====2002: Ariel Sharon protest, London====

On 12 June 2002 the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign held a protest against Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon who was passing through the UK while returning from a visit to George Bush. A last-minute demonstration was called at Downing Street, which saw several hundred people take part. Simon Wellings wrote a report of the protest for Issue 6 of Resist in which he said:<ref>Simon Wellings, [https://web.archive.org/web/20051103112439/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r6p23.pdf Ariel Sharon gets furious welcome], Resist, Issue 6, 2002 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref>
:: It seems that the number of demonstrators took the police by surprise. As ever the entirely peaceful crowd was forced into an area behind a number of metal barricades; but the police had to call for extra barricades to be brought up twice. This was cheered by the noisy and energetic crowd.

====2002: Palestine demonstration at Selfridges====

Wellings attended a protest at Selfridge's flagship store on Oxford Street in London on 3rd August. The protest was called by Direct Action Against War Now, and supported by GR along with other groups such as Campaign for Palestinian Rights, Rhythms of Resistance. Jews Against Zionism, the WOMBLES, CND and various anarchist groups.<ref>Anna Hoyles, [https://web.archive.org/web/20051103112650/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r7p23.pdf Selfridges under siege as protesters block doorways], Resist, Issue 7, 2002 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref><ref name="imc.3-9-2002">A couple of participants, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/08/37506.html Chaos in Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 3 August 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

Around 200 people took part, with various small affinity groups causing disruption in the store itself. Wellings was part of one of the groups that sought entry and he was among those ejected by security.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

There was a large police presence at the demonstration and two people were arrested. It was also reported that two of Selfridges' security guards had been present, undercover, at an open planning meeting a few days before (1 August at the London Action Resource Centre<ref>DAAWN, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/08/37271.html Hundreds occupy Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 August 2000 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>), where they had posed as potential participants. DAAWN itself, was a group formed in March 2002, and which actively campaigned against Selfridges due to the department store's selling of goods from illegally occupied Palestinian territories. It worked closely with the Campaign for Palestinian Rights and Rhythms of Resistance in carrying out previous actions at the Oxford Street store.<ref name="imc.3-9-2002"/><ref>DAAWN, [http://mob.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/07/36194.html August 3rd: Occupy Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 July 2002 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>

====2003: 15 February Stop the War global protest====

[[Image:GR_orange_banner.jpg|200px|thumb|Globalise Resistance's 'People not profit, peace not war' orange banner, taken at a 2007 anti-war protest. See Z Pavlov, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/02/363601.html People not profit, peace not war], ''UK Indymedia'', 26 February 2007 (accessed 18 January 2017).]]

15th February 2003: Simon Wellings was on the large anti-war march as part of a Globalise Resistance contingent.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> GR's profile on the day was prominent as they had a 10 meter orange banner reading 'People not profit, peace not war'. Wellings was one of the many carrying it.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

Wellings had previously put his name to a call out to the European left to mobilise against the forthcoming Iraq war. This call-out was presented at a preparatory meeting for the European Social Forum, that had taken place in Brussels on 7th-8th September 2002. It is not clear if Wellings was at this particular meeting, though GR helped coordinate the call-out, being a point of contact for it. <ref>[http://la-paix.org/mobilisationcontrelaguerreenIraq.htm Mobilisation contre la guerre Iraq], ''La-Paix.org'', 2002 (accessed 28 July 2017). Most of those from Globalise Resistance who supported this call-out did so in the name of that organisation, though Wellings did not.</ref>

====2003: DSEi====
[[Image:Globalise_Resistance_orange_tank_DSEi2003.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Globalise Resistance orange tank being used at the 2003 DSEi protests<ref name="imc.picdesk2003">'Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>]]

7 - 12 September 2003 saw a wide range of protests against the DSEi arms fair in London Docklands area, mainly led by the Disarm DSEi group (to which GR formally affiliated<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2003/06/273334.html?c=on [DSEi] Globalise Resistance Communique], ''Indymedia London'', 28 June 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>) which encouraged autonomous actions, and the Campaign Against the Arms Trade.<ref>Hugo Jones, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031203073854/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/dsei03/index.html Stop the Arms Fair!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref> A convergence centre was opened and saw numerous workshops around the arms trade issue, as well as advice for activists. A number of actions were planned, not just at the ExCeL exhibition centre, but at arms industry related offices around London, and included train blockades.<ref>'researcher', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/276066.html?c=on Full list of anti- DSEi arms fair events - september 5-12th], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 25 August 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref><ref>Campaign Against the Arms Trade, [https://www.caat.org.uk/events/dsei/2003 DSEI 2003 Protests], CAAT.org.uk, undated (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> The convergence centre itself, in nearby Bromley-in-Bow, was placed under heavy overt surveillance by police [[Forward Intelligence Teams]].<ref>'PiGWATCH', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276680.html?c=on Cops @ Disarm DSEi Convergence Centre], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

The protests were met by a large police operation, led by Deputy Assistant Commissioner [[Andy Trotter]], which cost £1 million and saw a total of 144 arrests. Civil rights group Liberty responded with a court case against Home Secretary [[David Blunkett]] and Police Commissioner [[John Stevens]], challenging the use of draconian powers banning protests granted under the Terrorism Act and the use of stop and search powers under the same act.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/3101886.stm Police questioned over terror act use], ''BBC News Online'', 10 September, 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref><ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/sep/09/military.armstrade £1m police operation guards London arms fair], ''The Guardian'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

[[Image:Globalise Resistance protest DSEi2003.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Globalise Resistance and Campaign Against the Arms Trade protests assembling in Cundy Road Recreational Ground during the 2003 DSEi protests<ref name="imc.picdesk2003">'Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>]]

Globalise Resistance focused primarily on a public protest for the opening of the arms fair on 9th September,<ref>resista, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/275597.html Globalise Resistance DSEi Protest + Prop Making Weekend], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 12 August 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> for which they built a 15ft replica tank made of cardboard, painted orange.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/3143062.stm Thousands stage Iraq demo], ''BBC News Online'', 27 September 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> Around 500 people from GR and CAAT marched from the Cundy Road Recreational Ground to Victoria Dock on that day.<ref>Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> The ''Daily Telegraph'' characterised the GR protest, again including their orange tank, as peaceful.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/1440961/Arms-show-protests-muted.html Arms show protests muted], ''The Telegraph'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

It is known that Simon Wellings was involved in preparations in the run up to the events of the week, including the building of the tank<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/> and that he took part in reconnaissance for other actions.<ref name="david.e"/> It is also of note that Martin Hogbin was a spokesperson for CAAT in relation to the week of protests, appearing in the ''Guardian'' when he called the police response an over-reaction.<ref>Rebecca Allison, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/sep/06/antiwar.londonLondon police braced for violent protests at Europe's biggest arms fair], ''The Guardian'', 6 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

Later, he would tell Patrick McCurdy that he had been involved in a couple of actions at DSEi, including at the DLR trains, but 'kind of in the end we got bungled off the trains by the cops ... not arrested but detained for a while and then escorted off the train service'.<ref name="Interview1"/>

Press reports from the time note that an action was held on 11 September at the Docklands Light Railway, in which two men were arrested for climbing on a train at East India Quay station and locking themselves on to the roof.<ref>James Tapsfield, Arms fair protests 'bigger than we'd hoped' - activists, ''Press Association'', 12 September 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Curiously, press carried a story on 10 September that the DLR was a 'possible target' for the protests, though police refused to discuss tactics, but did confirm they were sending more officers to police the arms fair.<ref>'DLR 'possible target' for arms fair protestors, ''UK Newsquest Regional Press / This Is Local London'', 10 September 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

====2003: Evian G8====

The annual G8 Summit took place at Evian in France from 1st-3rd June. As with previous years, it was met with large scale international protests and a massive police presence. A sizable contingent from Globalise Resistance attended,<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031011163606/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/evian/evian.html G8 Illegitime!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030720233330/http://www.resist.org.uk/ You are 8... We are 6 Billion!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref> with activists, including Simon Wellings, making their own way there. Wellings is known to have camped with others from GR at the Geneva camp, which was based at a local sports stadium. On the first night the sprinkler system went off, damaging tents and causing people to switch places. As a result Wellings and Martin Hogbin camped close together.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Video footage shows him participating in a march and chanting through Geneva with others from Globalise Resistance. He also is known to have taken to a megaphone during this protest.

====2003: George Bush protests====

[[Image:Simon Wellings.3.png|thumb|200px|Wellings as he appeared at the George Bush protests, November 2003]]

From 19-21 November, George Bush was on a state visit to the UK, which prompted calls for protest by the Campaign Opposing Climate Change and Stop the War Coalition (StWC). Globalise Resistance was involved in promoting and providing materials for various protests. News reports from the time noted that the protests, along with the general terrorist threat level, were causing the police concern so that heightened security measures were put in place.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3282465.stm Bush sets out 'mission for freedom'], ''BBC News Online'', 19 November 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> Thousands of extra police were drafted in for an operation headed by DAC [[Andy Trotter]] and which cost £5million.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/november/18/newsid_4141000/4141126.stm 2003: High security as Bush visits UK], ''BBC Home / On This Day'', undated (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3279179.stm Bush arrives for state visit], ''BBC News Online'', 18 November 2003 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>

Globalise Resistance activists were present at a demonstration at Buckingham Palace on 19 November, where George Bush was being formally welcomed, and at the main StWC demonstration on 20 November, which involved a march from Malet Street to Trafalgar Square.<ref>Guy Taylor, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031207130326/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/bush/index.html Bush Not Welcome] & Stephane Popovic, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031229213645/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/bush/steph.html Who can honestly say protesting is a useless form of civil participation???], both articles Resist.org.uk, 2003 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref>

After the main StWC protest, a tip-off was received that Bush's cavalcade would be heading from Buckingham Palace to the US Ambassador's residence in Hyde Park. Protestors who had gone to local pubs in the west end as the main demonstration of the day was over, swarmed out and gathered at Hyde Park Corner, Wellings among them. Police subsequently kettled them. Wellings avoided being caught in this, but was seen urging those trapped to fight their way out through police lines.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

In his interview with McCurdy, Wellings stated:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::But when Bush came here in November, I was involved with the organising of the-the Resist Bush Tea party. I was actually involved with the plot-planning of that action. It was a very you know, it was a very fluffy you know sort of action and it was just completely demonised [in the media].

For one of the public meetings ahead of the protests, Wellings told an ancedote of a mainstream media journalist turning up at it, pretending to be a trade union employed, and later .<ref name="Interview1"/> This would appear to have been Laura Peek, of ''The Times'' who wrote an article, ''How I infiltrated hard core of the protest movement'' on 19 November 2003 in which she describes having been to a meeting at the anarchist London Action Resource Centre discussing plans to protest the President's visit.<ref>Laura Peek, How I infiltrated hard core of the protest movement, ''The Times'', 19 November 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Welling was critical of her article for sensationalising the threat demonstrators posed.<ref name="Interview1"/>

====2004: Aldermaston====

In the following April, 400 protestors set off on a four day march from London to Aldermaston, the headquarters of the UK's nuclear weapon research, in commemoration of two historic peace marches. The march was organised jointly by CND, the Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp and Slough4Peace. Simon Wellings used his car to drive three other Globalise Resistance activists to join the final section of the march.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Thames Valley Police were quoted as having 'praised the conduct of the demonstrators and said there had been no arrests', though earlier they had complained that protestors had been irresponsible for not applying for expensive road closures.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/3618123.stm Marchers protest at nuclear base], ''BBC News Online'', 12 April 2004 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

It is of note that the Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp had been infiltrated by undercover officer [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] until just before March 2004, when she moved to Leeds.

====2005: G8 Summit organisation====

July 2005 saw the G8 Summit return to Britain, taking place in early July at Gleneagles, Scotland. It saw a series of large protests by three separate counter-mobilisations: Make Poverty History, G8 Alternatives and Dissent! Make Poverty History was mainly NGO / civil society led, while the Dissent! network was at the other end of the spectrum, drawing from Earth First! and anarchist groups (see below).

G8 Alternatives was the main banner for groups situated in the traditional left, and was the one Globalise Resistance associated itself with. The Scottish Socialist Party played a significant leading role in it, though the list of supporters include a wide range of left wing and trade union organisations, anti-war groups and other campaigns, many of which were based in Scotland.<ref name="g8alternatives-whoweare">A full list of G8 Alternative's supporters was given on their website as: Centre for Human Ecology, Dundee Trades Union Council, Edinburgh CND, Edinburgh Stop the War Coalition, Freequal (conscious clubbers), Ethical Company Organisation, Friends of the Earth Scotland, Glasgow Campaign to Welcome Refugees, Globalise Resistance Scotland, GOOSHING, Iraq Occupation Focus, Justice Not Vengeance, Muslim Association of Britain, NUJ Glasgow, Scotland Against Criminalising Communities, Scottish CND, Scottish Human Rights Centre, Scottish Socialist Party, Scottish Socialist Youth, Spinwatch, Stirling University Anti-War Group, TGWU 7/151 Branch, TGWU Glasgow District, WDM Scotland, YWCA Scotland, Stop the War Coalition, Glasgow City UNISON, Campaign for press and broadcasting freedom, CND. See, G8 Alternatives, [https://web.archive.org/web/20050314141619/http://www.g8alternatives.org.uk/admin/test/g8Mambo/content/view/14/47/ Who are we?], G8Alterantives.org.uk, 2005 (archived on 14 March 2005 by Archive.org).</ref>

Mobilisation under the G8 Alternatives banner began in summer 2004,<ref>Gil Hubbard, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/g8-g20/gleneagles-2005/message-from-the-organisers-of-g8-alternatives/ Message from the organisers of G8 Alternatives], 'Resist.org.uk, 11 July 2005 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> with the participation of Globalise Resistance. In particular, Simon Wellings travelled to Scotland to organising meetings there where he acted as GR's representative, using the pretext of visiting his ex-girlfriend living there.<ref name="david.e">Undercover Research Group: email from 'David', a Globalise Resistance activist, August 2016.</ref> Though he would only have a chance to attend a few early meetings before being exposed.<ref>Undercover Research Group: several leading organisers with G8 Alternatives were contacted in late 2016 but they did not recall if Welling had been at meeting with them. The first mention of G8 Alternatives meeting publicly is in late September 2004 - [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/3704490.stm Modern thistle picked as G8 logo], ''BBC News Online'', 30 September 2004 (accessed 25 October 2016).</ref>

During the Summit itself, Globalise Resistance would take part in various protests. Events included the march through Auchterarder, a protest at Dungavel detention centre, and the G8 Alternatives Conference in Edinburgh.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/category/global/g8-g20/gleneagles-2005/ Gleneagles 2005], Resist.org.uk, 2005 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> As he had been exposed prior to it, Wellings did not travel there with GR, though he is likely to have been involved behind the scenes with the policing of the protests.

===Globalise Resistance Steering Committee===

Archives of the Globalise Resistance website list the members of the group's Steering Committee from May 2001 onwards. Simon Wellings makes his first appearance on the committee in May 2003,<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030822045454/http://www.resist.org.uk/about/steering.html Globalise Resistance Steering Group], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archive of page made on 22 August 2003 by Wayback Machine).</ref> having been elected at that year's annual conference (however, Guy Taylor recalls him as being close to the Steering Committee from 2002<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>). He was re-elected at the April 2004 conference, though he is removed by October 2004. His affiliation is given as that of the Socialist Workers Party.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20040814203808/http://www.resist.org.uk/about/steering.php Globalise Resistance Steering Group], Resist.org.uk, 2004 (archive of webpage made on 14 August 2004 by Wayback Machine).</ref>

The steering committee is of wider concern because, although Socialist Worker Party members made up the largest constituent, it consisted of a wide variety of individuals who connected into other campaigns and groups. Wellings would have been in a position to learn more about them, particularly in post steering committee meeting drinks.

Groups represented by individuals on the committee include: ''Workers Power, Green Party, ATTAC<ref>ATTAC: Association for the Taxation of financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens.</ref> (LSE branch), International Solidarity Movement, Communications Workers Union, Progressive Muslim Network, Workers Power, Iranian activists, Unison (Lambeth Branch), Stop the War Coalition, Respect Party''.

==Exposure within Globalise Resistance==

[[Image:Simon Wellings.1.png|thumb|200px|Image of Simon Wellings as he appeared on ''Newsnight''.]]

''Unless otherwise cited, all material in this section comes from the account of Guy Taylor.''<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===The voice-mail recording===

In late January 2004, Guy Taylor received a call from a fellow activist, M, who told him there was a strange message on her answer-phone, which had been left at 1.48pm on Friday, 16th January 2004.<ref>Undercover Research Group: the recording of the answer-machine message clearly identifies the day, date and time it was left at.</ref> As she has only just heard it, it was about to be timed out and deleted. Taylor in turn contacted another friend who made a recording of it.

It seemed that whoever it was had accidentally caused their phone to ring M, who by chance was out so the call ended up being recorded. From the background noise, it is apparent it captured a debriefing in a police station. On it, a man is being asked to identify people on demonstrations from photographs supplied by CO11, the Metropolitan Police's public order unit. At one point he identifies a woman as a girlfriend of a campaigner, and discusses her sexuality and hair colour.

It became immediately apparent to Taylor and others there was a police spy in their circles, but initially they struggled to identify the voice on the recording. Taylor played the recording to quite a few different people, including Simon Wellings, but nobody recognised the voice.

===The confrontation===

In August 2004, Guy Taylor was working in the GR office and listening to music when Simon Wellings rang to ask about an upcoming meeting for a protest working group. Guy muted the music and spoke to Wellings. After the phone call, he put the music back on, but it had progressed to playing the recording of the voice-mail message, which Guy had put on the same device. It was at that point the realisation dawned - the person on the recording was Wellings. He re-played the message others in the group, and they agreed this time: it was Simon's voice in the recording.

The meeting that Wellings had rang about went ahead. It was a Friday evening in August, at 7pm on the 5th Floor of the Royal Festival Hall. Wellings turned up to find six people from Globalise Resistance waiting for him. He was the last to arrive and was greeted with the statement: 'Simon, you've been rumbled, fuck off.'

According to Taylor, Wellings started sweating and became panicky. He told them it was a mistake. They said he could hear the recording, but as his Discman was out of batteries, he asked if he could go and buy new ones. To their surprise he came back; he then cried and 'laid it on some more'. However, he was told the phrases used by the speaker in the recording were all ones he used and that he could no longer be trusted.

Afterwards people were shaken and emotional. Others refused to believe that he had been spying on them. As there were fears they had been mistaken, the group did not pursue it other than to tell people in other campaigns that might have been affected, such as Palestine Solidarity Committee and the Campaign Against Climate Change. They would continue to keep an eye out for him in case he turned up elsewhere, but at the time were wary of inflaming paranoia or be accused of being irresponsible.

On Sunday 22nd August 2004, not long after, Wellings sent an email to various people saying they had got it all wrong, and mentioned the importance of Globalise Resistance organisation around the upcoming European Social Forum and the following year's G8 Summit. A copy of the email is below, edited to protect people's identities. Other than the email, Wellings vanished after the confrontation, though one member of the GR steering committee did subsequently bump into him.

===Email on being exposed===

(Some details redacted)

Date: Sunday, August 22, 2004 9:57 pm From: Simon Wellings <simon_wellings@hotmail.com>
<table style="background-color: #eeeeee">
<tr>
<td>
:: I haven't really slept since Friday night trying to figure this out and I am completely freaked by this so I'm just going to write it as it comes up to the surface - all that I ask is that you read this message - I think that you all owe me that.

:: Firstly, like I said to you at the meeting Guy, this is the recording that you discovered late last year, or early this year (whenever...) I remember that you 'phoned me about it at the time, more than once I think. We also spoke about it when I was in the office one day, helping out. I just never got to hear it - I think because it was in an mp3 format that wouldn't play or something - I remember you telling me a few bits about it - the point I'm trying to make is that if I had spoken to the police, if that was me on the recording, you would have been warning me that I had been discovered. Do you not think that I would have taken the opportunity to get away?

:: Also, you must have listened to it then, again and again and presumably didn' think it was me. Why are you so willing to believe it's me now? (Like I said on Friday I concede that one of the voices on the recording does sound, in places, like me, or someone trying to sound like me, or something that has been fabricated to sound like me...)

:: Guy, I can remember you telling me, that [M.] had told you, that she was seeing someone at the time that she got the message, who had told her that he was M.I.5. Surely there is a connection here! That recording just happening to turn up on her 'phone at the same time! Have you actually spoken face to face with [M.] and got to the bottom of this?

:: The other thing is that you know that I know [X], that I know her boyfriend - (just about the only clear bit I could make out in the two times that I listened to that recording was her name and her being described as an 'out and out lesbian') Why on earth, if it was me , or it was genuine, and for some reason I was chatting away to the pigs, would I describe her like that?

:: I want you all to know that I have wracked and wracked my brains over this and I firmly believe that this is the state fucking with our heads.

:: Think about it please, we've got ESF about to happen, rolling in to G8, think of the impact and damage we can make over the next year. The state is upping the ante - the oldest trick in the book, divide and conquer. This recording is someone impersonating me - or a complete fabrication. Are you seriously telling me that you don't think the state is technically capable of such a deception or vicious enough to carry it out? (The only thing I can't work out is why get it into the open that way - on her phone - all I can think is that if they just dropped it, all crisp and shiny, on a disc in the post to the office - that you would have been a bit less quick to believe it.)

:: You said to me on Friday Guy that the trust was gone and that whatever I said it could never be brought back. Well I say this to you, to all of you, that that trust should have worked both ways. I have trusted you, trusted you all and if you think that I could have been wandering around for months looking you straight in the eye - after I had sold people out - then you must be off your heads. I cannot believe that you are all so willing to believe it. I am your friend and I absolutely swear to you that I have never ever talked to the pigs. I mean, why would I? Why? It doesn't make sense - it's just totally freaking me out.

:: This has absolutely broken my heart - Its not me and I am going to do everything that I can to prove it.

:: Simon.
</td>
</tr>
</table>

===Continued targeting of Globalise Resistance?===

In 2012, Guy Taylor obtained his police file following a Data Protection Act request. This included material from the National Domestic Extremism Database, and he discovered the police had recorded him at 27 separate protests, which included anti-racism, anti-war and climate change. They even noted he had done a stall with Globalise Resistance at the Glastonbury Festival in 2009, saying 'this stall was selling political publications and merchandise of a XLW [extreme left-wing] anti-capitalist nature' - it was selling t-shirts, badges, books and DVDs; the file also recorded the name and telephone number of the person who had booked the stall. This has led to speculation that a second officer had been sent into infiltrate GR after Wellings had been exposed.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/music/2012/jul/15/glastonbury-festival-police-spy-operation Glastonbury festival: how police spied on political campaigners], ''The Guardian'', 15 July 2012 (accessed 26 April 2016).</ref><ref>Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2012/jul/18/police-surveillance-glastonbury-festival How did police spy on campaigners at Glastonbury Festival?], ''The Guardian'', 18 July 2012 (accessed 26 April 2016).</ref> Though Guy Taylor noted that it would have been strange to log the person who booked the stall rather than the people who actually did the stall at the festival. This would seemingly indicate that the information is more likely to have come from an intercepted email or someone directly involved in Glastonbury Festival.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

==Target: Dissent! Network (2004-2007)==

[[Image:WellingsG8McCurdy.jpg|200px|thumb|Simon Wellings in 'black bloc' dress for G8.]]

The Dissent! Network was a mobilisation among the anti-authoritarian / anarchist wing of the anti-globalisation movement in the mid-2000s. It emerged in 2003 from anarchist groups based around Earth First! and the WOMBLES, with the aim of creating a mobilisation against the 2005 G8 Summit of world leaders, to take place at Gleneagles, Scotland. It was the subject of a huge policing operation of which part was the considerable targeting of protest groups by undercover police, including [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]], [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]], [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] and [[Mark Kennedy]].

Throughout 2004 and 2005 it held a series of national meetings held in various cities around the UK. A key organising event was the ''Festival of Dissent'', held in Lanarkshire in April 2005.<ref name="FestDiss">'T', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306295.html Festival of Dissent], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 March 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> During the Summit, with tens of thousands of protests arriving, it organised a series of convergence points in Glasgow and Edinburgh and a large campsite in Stirling (the 'Eco-Village' / 'Hori-zone'). Large scale protests were also organised, including the 'Carnival For Full Enjoyment' in Edinburgh and 'black bloc' marches during the summit itself.<ref>Undercover Research Group: personal knowledge and miscellaneous conversations with those involved.</ref><ref name="reinventing.dissent">Alex Trocchi, Giles Redwolf, and Petrus Alamire, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/324061.html Reinventing Dissent: The Unabridged Story of Resistance against the G8 Summit in Scotland, 2005], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 24 September 2005.</ref>

Though the peak of its activity focused on the 2005 event, it continued to be active over the following few years as UK based campaigners attended mobilisations taking place in other countries where the Summit was being hosted.

The 2005 mobilisation was also a key focus of Globalise Resistance, which had aligned itself with the G8 Alternatives network,<ref name="g8alternatives-whoweare"/> and Wellings had been active in that group's preparations prior to his being found out there in August 2004<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> (see above).

Wellings did not take on a prominent role within Dissent, staying in the background, and is not well recalled by those involved. He was at 'The Festival of Dissent', and attending several workshops; he also stayed on the Stirling Eco-Village (or 'Hori-zone') during the G8 itself. One focus was the Dissent! media team (known as the 'Counter Spin Collective'), which appeared to use as cover. Wellings said he joined one of the 'black bloc' groups and almost certainly knew of plans for direct actions that were not stopped.<ref name="McCurdyTweets"/><ref name="PhD">Patrick McCurdy, [http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/5/1/McCurdy_I_predict_a_riot.pdf ‘I Predict a Riot’ – Mediation and Political Contention: Dissent!’s media practices at the 2005 Gleneagles G8 Summit], March 2009(accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="pmc.29Apr2020">Undercover Research Group: email from Dr Patrick McCurdy, 29 April 2020.</ref>

[[File:Dissent Banner at Derby M17 protest.jpg |thumb|300px|Dissent! banner at the Derby M17 protest]]

Wellings places himself at the G8 Environment and Development Ministerial Meeting (see below). He also alluded to attending of the TRAPESE Roadshow, held in London on 23 April 2005.<ref>TRAPESE, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/04/308649.html TRAPESE G8 Roadshow, London date], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 8 April 2005 (accessed 18 November 2018.</ref> T.R.A.P.E.S.E was a educational collective which had formed to raise awareness of issues around the G8 and toured giving workshops focused on a popular audience. [[Mark Kennedy]] was the driver on the Ireland part of this tour.

Curiously, in his interview with McCurdy, he defends press coverage of Dissent!, saying that the organisation was not dangerous and press were overhyping the actual situation.<ref name="Interview1"/>

In a follow up interview with McCurdy, Wellings states he had gone to Scotland 10 days before the Summit opened to take part in preparations for the mobilisation. He notes that he was a part of the Counter Spin media collective.<ref name="Interview2"> Patrick McCurdy, 2nd Interview with 'Scott' / Simon Wellings, ''unpublished'', 2 September 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

He gives an account of having been on the Make Poverty History march, where he implies he was with anti-authoritarians:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::And the cops were immediately chasing us down the road, lining up and shields out. It was all pretty silly. And as soon as that happened, it was amazing – the power of the image. There were a couple of tiny scuffles with the cops and I remember seeing an image that was used in loads of papers - that guy with a little stick with a placard - about 1 inch by half an inch of balsa wood. And he was trying to sort of stop the cop hitting him with his bat. Perhaps he was trying to hit the cop, I don't know. But it was just - that was it- bang! Anarchists run amok - we told you it was going to happen. That was the sort of news agenda after that, really.

Wellings also indicated he had been on the camp at Stirling, including discussing the gazebo that had been set up outside the camp to conduct media work (mainstream media not being permitted on site) and his involvement in some of the decision making meetings that took place there.

At the start of the Summit proper, activists left the Stirling Eco- Village (or 'Horizone') during the night to make their way towards Glenaegles Resort where the G8 was being held. Several blockades of the road were successfully mounted, delaying delegates for several hours.<ref name="G8M8Blockade">'imcista', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317077.html G8: Day 1], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 6 July 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> Wellings states that he was among the people leaving the camp and going across country to avoid police:<ref name="Interview2"/>
:: I was out [...] - it was fucking a struggle to get out there – to get to the motorway. There were dozens of other groups who had gone out, slept in the woods, slept in ditches and they did take the motorway and they did blockade it. And it was blockaded time and time and time again. You know, for long periods of time. And we were in a good position to see that, from where we were, tramplin' cross-country and wading through streams and muddy fields and getting chased by the cops trying to get there. You know, pursued by helicopters and all that malarkey, and crossing railway lines. And we eventually, you know, pretty much hooked up and it was, you know, I think it was a successful day. I think we showed despite all the limitations and the efforts they go to, to stop us – we can be successful. And there's no doubt people were, you know, radically delayed getting to the conference. Delegates, and perhaps ironically considering what we are discussing, specifically, a lot of the media. It took them 5 hours to make what should have been a 20-minute journey.

However, there is nothing to corroborate Wellings' account. McCurdy states that other than him, Wellings did not seem have any close friends at any of the meeting leading up to the G8, or the mobilisation itself. Wellings' spent the evenings in his tent with the laptop on.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/>

===European Social Forum (2004)===

Welling was encountered at the European Social Forum / Beyond ESF events, held in October 2004. The European Social Forum (ESF) was a recurring conference held by members of the alter-globalization movement. In October 2004, it was held at Alexandra Palace in London. For those on the libertarian left, the London ESF became controversial due to the involvement of Ken Livingstone, then Mayor of London<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/10/299642.html European Social Forum Closes with Demonstration and Actions], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 20 October 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref name="ESF">Hilary Wainwright and Oscar Reys, [https://www.redpepper.org.uk/european-social-forum-debating-the/ European Social Forum: debating the challenges for its future], ''Red Pepper'', 1 December 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref> This lead to the non-hierarchical, particularly those in the milieu around the WOMBLES, setting up the Beyond ESF conference which happened concurrently at the Tottenham Campus of Middlesex University. Among the themes discussed was the G8 mobilisation and the Dissent! network.<ref>WOMBLES, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/10/298783.html?style=screen Beyond ESF - Programme & Timetable], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 8 October 2004 (accessed 4 April 2020).</ref> [[Mark Kennedy]] was active around Beyond ESF and also present at the ESF itself.

Given that his former colleagues in Globalise Resistance were also active in putting on the ESF, and it was not even four months after his exposure within that group, it is remarkable he attended.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Derby G8 Enviornmental Ministers protest (2005)===
[[Image:M17 Flyer for G8 environmental ministers protest 2005.jpg|thumb|300px|Flyer for G8 Environmental Ministers meeting protest, Derby, 17 March 2005]]

As part of holding the G8 Summit, the UK held a number of related ministerial level meeting through-out 2005. One of these was the G8 Environment and Development Ministerial Meeting, which took place on 17-18 March at Bearsall Priory, just outside Derby.<ref>SDG Knowledge Hub, [http://sdg.iisd.org/news/g8-environment-and-development-ministers-meeting/ G8 Environment and Development Ministers Meeting], ''International Insitute for Sustainable Development'', 9 February 2005 (accessed 30 October 2018).</ref><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/derbyshire/4241389.stm G8 Summit on environment future], ''BBC News Online'', 7 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref>

The climate action working group within Dissent! called for protests to take place at it, albeit at quite short notice: Though the details of the meeting were publicised by Dissent from early 2005 and protests gainst other G8 related meetings were taking place<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/media/2005/02/305036.pdf Dissent Calendar of Events], ''Dissent! Newsletter'', issue 3, Winter 2005.</ref> the call-out for a protest was only made three weeks beforehand, on 27 February.<ref>'DissOne', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306019.html Derby M17: G8 Environment Ministers meeting 17th-18th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 27 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> The demonstration received considerable hype in the media, with tales of anarchists planning to descend on the city to cause mayhem.<ref>Protesters in city chaos pledge, ''Derby Evening Telegraph'', 4 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

[[Image:M17 Flyer for G8 environmental ministers protest 2005 (back).jpg|thumb|300px|Reverse of flyer for G8 Environmental Ministers meeting protest, Derby, 17 March 2005]]

Derbyshire Police posted notices on Indymedia, appealing for organisers of protest to get in touch,<ref>Derbyshire Constabulary, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306014.html?c=on#comments Appeal from Derbyshire police] - comment to 'DissOne', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306019.html?c=on#commenBritain bans protests ahead of international environment summitts Derby M17: G8 Environment Ministers meeting 17th-18th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 27 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> and Home Secretary [[Charles Clarke]] imposed bans on marches in the city on 15 March.<ref>'M hor', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306681.html?c=on#comments Scotsman Reports Bans Requested For G8 Protest in Derby on 17th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 16 March 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref><ref>Britain bans protests ahead of international environment summit, ''Agence-France Presse, 15 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

In the end, the protest was not widely taken up with only 150 people turning up and as contemporary reports noted being vastly out numbered by police - Derbyshire Constabulary saying it was its biggest operation since the Miners Strike in 1984/5.<ref>Protestors arrested at G8 environment meeting, Xinhua General News Service, 17 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Police spent £1 million on the operation, with over 1000 officers from 23 different police forces, having expected up to 5,000 demonstrators.<ref>Andrew Barrow, G8 Demo: more police than protestors, ''Press Association'', 17 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> In charge of policing was Assistant Chief Constable [[Mick Creedon]], who said:<ref>'Ring of Steel round G8 Enviornment Summit, ''Press Association'', 17 March 2005.</ref>
:: If there are unlawful protests we are ready for them, but there is nothing at the moment that suggests there is going to be disorder in the city.

It saw a number of arrests taking place, mainly on the critical mass bicycle protest.<ref>'On-the-scene-special', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306776.html?c=on#comments Breaking news from Derby G8 protest today], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 March 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> The protest was not considered a success, and it was thought by protestors that the over-the-topic police operation was being treated as a trial run for the G8 Summit itself.<ref>Undercover Research Group: private communication from people active in Dissent!</ref>

Welling notes to McCurdy that he was present for the day of protest, and in this context mentions the extremely heavy policing.<ref name="Interview1">Patrick McCurdy, [https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sEN89PmC4eY1htOF95N0s2dzJmMUNndXFaVmVSSEVvUUM4/view 1st Interview with 'Scott'(Simon Wellings)], 20 March 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

===Counter-Spin Collective (2005)===

The Counter Spin Collective was an autonomous off-shoot of the Dissent! network which did media work around the G8 protests. Given the decentralised nature of the network, it did not speak on behalf of it, but it did liaise with the media and assist those who did wanted to, while acknowledging that there were many that didn't wish to have such engagement.<ref name="reinventing.dissent">Alex Trocchi, Giles Redwolf, and Petrus Alamire, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/324061.html Reinventing Dissent: The Unabridged Story of Resistance against the G8 Summit in Scotland, 2005], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 24 September 2005.</ref><ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref name="pmc.2011">Patrick McCurdy, [https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/39085555.pdf The Fragility of Dissent": Mediated Resistance at the Gleneagles G8 Summit and the Impact of the 7/7 London Bombings], Culture, Language and Representation'', Vol. IX, 2011, pp. 99-116.</ref><ref>Kate Coyer, Tony Dowmunt & Alan Fountain, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wcCsAgAAQBAJ The Alternative Media Handbook], ''Routledge'', 2007.</ref><ref>Christian Scholl, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wtPjR_YWbtIC Two Sides of a Barricade: (Dis)order and Summit Protest in Europe], ''SUNY Press'', 2012.</ref><ref name="pmc.2010"/>

The group initially emerged in February 2005 at the Glasgow meeting of the network to look at ways the protestors could engage with the media while remaining true to their principles. In March 2005, at at Leeds it set up temporarily to deal with media interest around April's Festival of Dissent in April 2005. It became more organised at the May gathering in Nottingham when cogent media strategy was formed, and it acquired it name.<ref name="csc.2005">CounterSpin Collective, Media, Movement(s) and Public Image(s): counterspinning in Scotland, published in David Harvie, Keir Milburn, Ben Trott & David Watts (eds), [https://www.academia.edu/7894782/Notes_on_Movement_and_Uncertainty_in_Shut_them_Down_Autonomedia_2004_pp_263-271 Shut Them Down: The G8, Gleneagles 2005 and the Movement of Movements], ''Dissent! / Autonomedia'', 2005.</ref><ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref>'revolting', [https://libcom.org/forums/nottingham-gathering-minutes-may-2005 Nottingham Gathering Minutes (Nottingham Dissent Gathering)], ''LibCom.org'', 1 June 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020)</ref> Among its activity was working with interested journalists and in some cases filing complaints regarding malicious and false news stories. As such it tended to act as a coordinating group rather than with any particular authority.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1">[https://gipfelsoli.org/Home/Gleneagles_2005/859.html Counter Spin Collective- beginnings of some form of analysis], ''Gipfelsoli.org'', 20 November 2020 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref>

By the time of the week before the Summit, the originally small core group had expanded to around 20 people. Often people involved had multiple roles within the network as a whole. One role the group found itself in was passing on tips from journalists.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/>

As well as Edinburgh, where it had its own space (visited by Mark Kennedy<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with Jason Kirkpatrick, 24 May 2018. See also Eveline Lubbers, [https://www.pilc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Political-Undercover-Policing-in-Scotland.pdf Political Undercover Policing in Scotland], ''Public Interest Law Centre'', 2018.</ref>) it was also particularly active at the Hori-Zone in Stirling. There it set up a media welcome space just outside the camp gates, and produced press-packs for the media descending on the site.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref name="pmc.2011"/><ref name="pmc.2010">Patrick McCurdy, [https://interfacejournal.net/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/Interface-2-2-pp.42-67-McCurdy1.pdf Breaking the spiral of silence: unpacking the "media debate" within global justice movements; A case study of Dissent! and the 2005 Gleneagles G8 summit], ''Interface (journal)'', November 2010, Vol. 2(2), pp. 42-67.</ref><ref name="csc.2005"/>

Simon Wellings was active around the group and present with it in Scotland in the run up to the summit protests both at its spaces in Edinburgh and Stirling. It appears he attended a number of national meetings for it, though it is unclear precisely which ones.<ref name="McCurdyTweets"/><ref name="Interview2"/>

Patrick McCurdy described Wellings' role in the Counter-Spin Collective as not significant, amounting to a few emails on the internal list and generally showing interest. He made it clear he had other interests as well which included going off to check out protests and actions - having knowledge of things planned.<ref name="pmc.29Apr2020"/>

==Exposure by ''Newsnight''==

In 2011, with the Mark Kennedy story breaking and initiating a wave of media interest, Globalise Resistance spoke to a lawyer and were told the best thing to do would be to get the story out into the public. They approached ''Newsnight'' through personal contacts; as a result, the BBC posted a page on the ''Newsnight'' website with an image of Wellings saying that they would like to speak to him as a former member of Globalise Resistance, though not saying any more.<ref name="guardian-17.3.11">Newsnight, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/9391005.stm Do you know this man?], ''BBC News Online'', 17 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016). It was also posted on facebook: BBC Newsnight [https://www.facebook.com/bbcnewsnight/posts/202132399804587 Newsnight needs your help identifying a man known as Simon Wellings], facebook.com, 17 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> The Metropolitan Police promptly phoned ''Newsnight'' to say they should take it down (a clear breach of their [[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]] policy). This was good enough for the BBC and they exposed Wellings as an undercover officer several days later on 25 March 2011.<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00zw1g1 Newsnight (25 March 2011)], BBC iPlayer (currently unavailable).</ref>

In the immediate aftermath, the Metropolitan Police merely stated:<ref>Simon Hattenstone, Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/mar/26/sixth-police-spy-unmasked Sixth police spy in protest movement unmasked], ''The Guardian'', 26 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref>
:: The use of undercover officers is a valuable tactic in the fight against crime and disorder to keep people and communities safe. Their use is highly regulated and governed in law through the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) and must be necessary, proportionate and lawful. The deployment of undercover officers is also overseen by the Surveillance Commissioner who must be satisfied by their use.

Guy Taylor has since been accepted as a core participant for the Undercover Policing Inquiry due to his role as the sole paid employee of Globalise Resistance during the time it was spied upon by Simon Wellings.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/151021-UCPI-list-of-core-participants.pdf List of Core Participants], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 October 2015 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

On 19 January 2017, the Undercover Policing Inquiry issued a press release confirming Simon Wellings had been an undercover police officer.<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17"/> It was also revealed that he was not a core participant; as with other undercovers and related officers, he had been given a n-series cypher number as N118.<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17"/>

==Special Demonstration Squad==

As an undercover officer based in London, Simon Wellings was deployed by the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) rather than the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]]. It is as yet unknown who his immediate handlers were, but the SDS was part of the [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch]]. The chain of command of senior officers during his deployment is given below.<ref>Police and Constabulary Almanacs, various years, R Hazell & Co.</ref>

===Police chain of command===

{|
! Position
! Person
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''
| [[John Stevens]] (2000 - 2004) [[Ian Blair]] (2001-2008)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Assistant Commissioner Specialist Operations'''
| [[David Veness]] (April 1994 - Feb 2005) [[Andy Hayman]] (Feb 2005- Dec 2007)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Deputy Assistant Commissioner (Security)'''
| [[Barbara Wilding]] (-2002-2003) [[Susanna Becks]] (2004-2007).
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Head of Special Branch / SO12'''
| [[Roger Pearce]] (1999-2003) - also Director of Intelligence Colin Black was temporary Commander of Special Branch at start of 2004 [[Janet Williams]] (2003-2006)[[Phil Gormley]] (2006-2007)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Controller of Operations (Special Branch)'''
| Det. Ch. Supt. [[Robert Milton]] / [[Colin Black]] 
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Head of SDS'''
|
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''SDS Controller of Operations'''
|
|}

===Connections to other undercovers===

Wellings deployment closely overlapped with other known Special Demonstration Squad undercovers, [[Carlo Neri (alias)|Carlo Neri]] who targeted the Socialist Party and anti-fascists 2001 to 2005 and [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] who was deployed into anti-capitalits and anti-arms trade groups 1998 to . They are likely to have been at a number of the same large protests in London, and in particular, he and Bishop are both known to have been present at the 2003 Disarm DSEi protests.

Other undercovers from the SDS he would have known in his early deployment were [[Dave Evans (alias)|Dave Evans]] who targeted the Socialist Party and animal rights (1998-2005), [[Jackie Anderson (alias)|Jackie Anderson]] who was in north London anti-capitalists / anarchists (2000-2005) and [[James Straven (alias)|James Straven]] in south London animal rights groups until 2002. Likwise [[Ross McInnes (alias)|Ross McInnes]] in the United British Alliance and [[Darren Prowse (alias)|Darren Prowse]] who was set up to infiltrate the British National Party but never deployed.

[[File:Last-years-of-sds-chart-1.png|thumb|500px|Structure of SDS in its last years]]

Later in his deployment he would have seen new undecovers being deployed, including [[Dave Jones (alias)|Dave Jones]] who infiltrated environmentalists, particularly London Rising Tide (2005-2007) and in particular [[Rob Harrison (alias)|Rob Harrison]], who infiltrated anti-capitialists but who appers to have started off targeting Globalise Resistance on his initial deployment in 2004.<ref>Email to core participants, '20181211-UCPI_to_all_CPs-publishing _HN18', ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 December 2018, referencing update of the webpage ucpi.org.uk/cover-names.</ref> As such, he was probably Welling's replacement there, though he had nowhere near the same prominence in the group.

Bishop and Evans were also active around Dissent! in Scotland during the G8 summit itself. However, through Dissent! Wellings would have been around other undercovers from the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]], particularly [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] (2002-2008), [[Mark Kennedy]] (2003-2010) and [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] (2004-2009). Of these, he would have been present with Mark at the Stirling Eco-village in Scotland.

It is notable that Wellings was active with SDS into 2007, however, by this time he would have done longer than the average deployment of four to five years, so his withdrawal from the field is not unexpected. It is as yet unknown if he was still with the SDS for the closure of that unit in late 2007 (see under [[HN30]] for details).

===The CO11 / Public Order Branch link===

A key piece of data from the recorded phone call is that one of the officers involved makes a reference to photographs having come from [[CO11]], who were pressing for intelligence on individuals in the images. CO11 was the Metropolitan Police's Public Order Branch; it ran the [[Forward Intelligence Teams]] (FIT) whose main job was to photograph and identify individuals at demonstrations.<ref name="guardian-17.3.11"/> It shows one method by which intelligence was passed from Special Branch undercover officers to other parts of the police; it also mirrors an account from another SDS officer, whistle-blower [[Peter Francis]], who talks of identifying demonstrators from photographs in the aftermath of the anti-BNP protests at Welling in 1993.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police, Faber & Faber, 2013.</ref>

At the time CO11 / Public Order Branch was under Commander [[Michael Messinger]] and Superintendent [[Roger Gomm]], as part of the Territorial Policing division<ref>Messenger in turn answered to Deputy Assistant Commissioner [[Stephen House]] and Assistant Commissioner [[Tim Godwin]]. Previously to Messinger, CO11 / Public Order had been headed by Ch. Supt. [[Stephen French]] & Ch. Supt. [[Robert Mackie]] during Wellings' deployment.</ref> who had overseen the policing of many of the protests Globalise Resistance had been involved in. While it has long been suspected that there was an intelligence flow between Special Branch and the FIT.<ref>Alan Lodge, [http://digitaljournalist.eu/OnTheRoad/on-being-watched/ On Being Watched], 1999 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> (CO11 ran its own intelligence database) this phone call is among the first clear evidence of the exchange in practice.

Public Order Branch was based at New Scotland Yard and under the authority of the Assistant Commissioner for Territorial Policing, who at the time was [[Tim Godwin]].

==Undercover Policing Inquiry==

That Wellings was an undercover police officer was confirmed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] on 19 January 2017, when the Inquiry issued a press release to the effect. It stated that no restriction would be sought for the cover name 'Simon Wellings' on behalf of the police officer known given the [[N_officers|nominal 'N118']] (for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]]). It also noted that N118 was not a core participant in the Inquiry.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Update on anonymity applications – N118 ("Simon Wellings")], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'' (UCPI.org.uk), 19 January 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>

An apparent reference to Wellings occurred in the ''Mosaic report'', produced by the Metropolitan Police, which stated (p.3/4):<ref>'Jaipur', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Mosaic-report-open-version.pdf Mosaic Report (open version)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 8 December 2015 (accessed 11 November 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: In another example following an unfortunate compromise (where the officer was overheard discussing his operation during a mistakenly dialled phone-call) an officer was re-directed to groups in a different target area.

20 February 2018, the Inquiry issued directions that any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 26 & 28 February 2018 for Metropolitan Police legal team and Designated Lawyers Team respectively, which included a reference to Wellings as HN118.<ref name="ucpi.dir.20Feb18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180220-Headed-direction-for-February-SDS-tranche-applications..pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad - Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 1 March 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> On 27 February 2018, the Metropolitan Police filed an application to restrict his real name only.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180227-MPS-HN118-Open_Application.pdf Open application for restriction order (anonymity) re: HN118], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 27 February 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>

On 27 March 2018, Inquiry Chair, John Mitting indicated he would restrict HN118's real name, stating:<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling6.22Mar2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180322_SDS_anonymity_Minded_to_6.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad 'Minded To' Note 6 and Ruling 5], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 22 March 2018 (accessed 28 March 2018).</ref>
:: HN118 is in his 50s, married and with children. He is economically active. He was deployed successively against three groups in the last years of existence of the Special Duties Squad.... There is no reason currently known to me which would require or justify publication of his real name. He is concerned that it would attract unwelcome media attention and give rise to a risk of harassment of his family and of interference in his work. I am satisfied that these concerns are genuine and not irrational. What has already been published will permit those with whom he interacted during his deployment to provide information and to give evidence about it, if they choose to do so. Publication of his real name is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.
In those circumstances, the interference which it would cause with his right to respect for private and family life would not be proportionate or justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention.

Inquiry website lists Wellings time in the SDS as 2001 to 2007, and his targets as Globalise Resistance, the Socialist Worker Party and the Dissent! network.<ref name="ucpi.covername">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2018 (accessed 4 March 2018).</ref>

On 15 May 2018: the Inquiry ruled that the officer's real name shall be restricted.<ref name="mitting.ruling.15May18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180515_ruling_SDS_anonymity.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Ruling], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 15 May 2018.</ref>

==Notes==

<references />

Simon Wellings (alias)

2026-02-16T12:51:51Z

Chris Brian: /* Target: Dissent! Network (2004-2007) */

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=HN118|Alias=Simon Wellings|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Simon_Wellings.2a.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2001-2007|Targets=Globalise Resistance, arms trade & anti-globalisation protestors, Socialist Workers Party, Dissent! network}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''Simon C. Wellings''' is the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated anti-globalisation group 'Globalise Resistance' and the Socialist Workers Party. He was exposed when he accidentally caused a debriefing session with his police handlers to be caught in a recording on a telephone answering machine in 2004, and left the group. However, he continued as an undercover until 2007, with a second deployment targeting the Dissent! network,<ref name="ucpi.covername"/>.

On 19 January 2017, the Undercover Policing Inquiry confirmed that 'Simon Wellings' was an undercover police officer who had served with the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]].<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Press Notice: Update on anonymity applications – N118 (“Simon Wellings”)], UCPI.org.uk, 19 January 2017 (accessed 19 January 2017).</ref> As such he is also referred to by the [[N officers|cipher]] ''HN118''.

Much of the material on his first deployment comes from Guy Taylor, an activist who knew Simon through Globalise Resistance.<ref name="gt.i.1-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Guy Taylor, January 2016.</ref> It later emerged that during infiltration of Dissent!, Wellings had been interviewed several times by a fellow campaigner, Patrick McCurdy, as part of the latter's PhD research. This provided considerable insight into his activities, both in how his story in relation to Globalise Resistance changed, but also his activities around Dissent!. We are grateful to Dr. McCurdy for sharing some of his material, which we present for the most part on a separate page, as it provides an account in words of the undercover himself.

* See [[Simon Wellings: McCurdy Interviews]]

''This page is a work in process and we welcome additions and corrections, particularly confirmation whether Wellings was present at various Globalise Resistance protests. [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net Contact us here].''

'''++++ Last updated in July 2020 ++++'''

==Background & Personality ==

Simon turned up out of nowhere in 2001 / 2002. His accent was southern English and he presented a story of having just been deported from Australia for overstaying his visa, but that he had a child there.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Speaking to the press, Guy Taylor said, 'he didn't have much of a back story. We never met any of his friends of his family.'<ref name="guardian-17.3.11"/> He was a practical dresser rather than going for stylish outfits. He was described by Guy Taylor as 'not the sort of bloke who would naturally stick in your mind'.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

He was keen, generally available and flexible, ready to help out. The fact that he also had a car which he was willing to use, also endeared him to those he was targeting. Guy Taylor described him as a 'caring, empathic bloke. He was gentle and someone you could confide in - and people did. You could turn to him to moan or let off steam.' He soon became friendly with activists, and was very interested in gossip, including that related to the Socialist Workers Party. After Globalise Resistance steering committee meetings, it was usual for members to go for a drink afterwards and Simon would always be there. However, he did not get particularly drunk.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

When he later moved to the Dissent! Network, he continued the same approach, being described as 'friendly and approachable, but not necessarily someone you would remember.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Patrick McCurdy, 2 November 2018.</ref>

He was generally quiet when it came to political discussions within his circles, shying away from debates around Palestine or the anti-capitalist movements. He would become more lively when it came to marches or direct action; seemingly the more provocative or confrontational an idea was, the better.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Like other undercover officers, Simon had a good phone and up-to-date gadgets, such as his Discman.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> He rapidly became the unofficial photographer for the group, though as was noted, he had many photos of other members, but they had few of him.<ref>Meirion Jones & Anna Adams, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12867187 Undercover police work revealed by phone blunder], ''BBC News Online'', 25 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> He was generally reluctant to be photographed.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, at the G8 summit, during his infiltration of the Dissent! Network he had a laptop with wireless internet, which at the time was unusual and expensive.<ref name="McCurdyTweets">Patrick McCurdy, [https://twitter.com/bristolnoborder/status/1054871678294130688 'Welling' Tweets], 22 October 2018 (accessed 24 October 2018).</ref>

===Occupation===

Simon said he worked installing security systems, particularly turnstiles and swipe card set-ups. As a result he would be away on contracts for set amounts of time.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, in Dissent!, this occupation would switch 'to the installation of fibre optic cables ‘across the world’.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/>

During his interview with McCurdy, he spoke of having a cubicle at work, where he would monitor Indymedia and Urban75, nominally as part of his interest in press coverage of the mobilisation against the 2005 G8 Summit.<ref name="Interview1"/>

===Suspicions===

'J' who also encountered Wellings at Globalise Resistance, met him a number of times recalled him as a chummy, friendly bloke who mainly came to meetings. He did not try to push the group into carrying out radical / illegal activities, but seemed in retrospect to be mainly about intelligence gathering. However, he did feel at the time there was something out of place about him. There was a bit of a joke that he was a plant of some kind and a little suspicion, mainly based on both his background story and politics being vague, but there was no evidence to back it up.<ref>Undercover Research Group: phone call with JS, 6 January 2016.</ref>

===Relationships===

Simon is not known to have been in any relationships while undercover, though he was constantly bemoaning the fact that he could not get a girlfriend. He did on occasion mention previous relationships.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Residencies===

He lived at various addresses in London, including Peckham and Colliers Wood. The place in Peckham was a room in a shared house.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, he appears in the Electoral Roll as Simon C. Wellings at Norfolk Road, Colliers Wood, SW19 2HE for the period 2003-2005.<ref>Undercover Research Group: search conducted April 2016.</ref> where he lived by himself. In 2004 he invited activists back to this flat after Aldermaston march (see below). It was recalled by Guy Taylor as being 'very sparse with activism related stuff everywhere, and nothing personal, such as photos; it looked like activism was the only thing in his life.'<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Email===
Wellings used the following three email accounts, the first being his primary contact for Globalise Resistance

* simon_wellings@hotmail.com
* simonwellings@gmail.com
* stealyourface@riseup.net

The latter email address appears to taken from the name of an album name by the 'The Grateful Dead'.<ref>[https://www.discogs.com/Grateful-Dead-Steal-Your-Face/master/18527 Grateful Dead* ‎– Steal Your Face], ''Discogs.com'' undated (accessed 3 November 2011).</ref><ref>Undercover officer [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] also used a band's album title for his e-mail address when deployed - Holy Face by The Oysterband.</ref>

==Target: Globalise Resistance (2001-2004)==

<youtube size="medium" align="right" caption="Video footage of Simon Wellings with Globalise Resistance during protests for the G8 in Geneva (June 2003) and the visit of George W Bush to London (November 2003). Footage courtesy of [http://reelnews.co.uk/ Reel News]">8n3qX6KbEbk</youtube>

Simon's first target was Globalise Resistance, a group involved in the then strong anti-globalisation movement. According to its website (Resist.org.uk) 'Globalise Resistance brings together groups and individuals opposed to the global growth of corporate power.' He also had some interest in the Socialist Workers Party.

September 2000 saw major demonstrations at the World Bank / International Monetary Fund Summit in Prague, with protestors coming from across Europe under the anti-globalisation banner. At this and other related events, links were built between socialists and other left wing / environmental groups with the idea of creating a single organisation to co-ordinate protests.<ref name="pearce">Timothy Pearce, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=odCKCwAAQBAJ European Social Movements and Muslim Activism: Another World but with Whom?], Springer, 2015.</ref>

Inspired by the Prague protests, a series of eight conferences were held across the UK in February 2001 to start the mobilisation for the July 2001 G8 Summit in Genoa. It was out of these conferences that Globalise Resistance emerged as a UK network, as it became clear that they had tapped into a growing political momentum and were capable of being a sizeable organisation in its own right. Guy Taylor, one of its organisers, believes that it was at this point the state started showing interest in its activities - though by then he himself had already been subject to police surveillance for previous involvement in protests.

Taylor noted that strange activities began to happen around the group that indicated that they had been placed under surveillance by the state.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Two initial attempts at having national conferences at Imperial<ref>Notification of the conference at Imperial University can be found here: Globalise Resistance, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/01/1228.html Globalise Resistance], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 January 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> and Goldsmith Universities in London fell through when the universities withdrew permission. However, with the support of leading green journalist George Monbiot in ''The Guardian''<ref>George Monbiot, [http://www.monbiot.com/2001/02/01/power-hides-from-the-people/ Power Hides from the People], ''The Guardian'', 1 February 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> (a speaker at various GR events; in 2001 he would also become a founding member of GR's steering group),<ref>[http://web.archive.org/web/20010408062949/http://www.resist.org.uk/r1p2.pdf Come Together], ''Resist'' (the newsletter for Globalise Resistance), Issue 1, 2001 (archived by the Wayback Machine).</ref> the group was able to hold its first activist conference on 13 May 2001. By this stage it already had local groups established in Scotland, Birmingham, Southampton, London and Leeds. At the May 2001 conference, a steering group of 16-20 people was created.

Early on an office was established in a tiny room in a business centre in Mile End. During this time, they became aware they were being watched when they were leaked a screenshot of an internal Shell website 'NGO Watch' which held details of the office. This was notable, as at that point only a handful of people knew where the office was.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16">Undercover Research Group: email from Guy Taylor, 29 April 2016.</ref>

[[Image:GR_orange_tank.jpg|200px|thumb|Replica orange tank built by Globalise Resistance activists, including Simon Wellings.]]

Early on, GR attracted controversy, with the anarchist wing of the anti-capitalist / alter-globalisation movement arguing that it was a front for the Socialist Worker Party which dominated its steering group.<ref>See for example the comments at mango, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/02/1518.html?c=on Globalise Resistance Tour], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 2 February 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref><ref>[http://www.schnews.org.uk/monopresist/monopoliseresistance/monopoliseresistancebuiltbookletonlinecopy.pdf Monopolise Resistance], schNEWS, September 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> Asked about this, Guy Taylor responded that while individuals overlapped, they tended to be considered to be among the more maverick members of the SWP and that, as it grew and developed, it broadened out with others coming in to join the steering group.<ref>This has been echoed in other accounts of Globalise Resistance, e.g. Timothy Pearce ''vide infra''.</ref>

From its start, Globalise Resistance maintained informal links with various prominent NGOs such as World Development Movement,<ref>Barry Coates of World Development Movement (now called Global Justice Now) was a strong early supporter of Globalise Resistance appearing on its platform during the February 2001 tour. See for example: [https://socialistworker.co.uk/art/35296/Globalise+Resistance Globalise Resistance], ''Socialist Worker'' </ref> War on Want, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Green Party and the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, sharing numerous platforms with them, promoting their various events or attending protests organised by or in conjunction with them. This would subsequently extend to the Campaign Against Climate Change, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the Stop the War Coalition. GR's website, and its newsletter, ''Resist'', would consistently list and encourage its members to attend their events and note that there would be GR contingents on their large marches. GR would also be strongly focused on international summit protests, Mayday marches in London and played a leading role in organising and mobilising for the European Social Forum and World Social Forums.

As part of the 2001 Genoa G8 Summit mobilisation, GR organised a French train to take British and other protestors to the Italian city. Though French authorities sought to force its cancellation, it did go ahead.<ref>zuky serper, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/07/7088.html The cancellation of Globalise Resistance train to Genoa], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 July 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20010724222737/http://www.resist.org.uk/genoafri.html Report from Genoa, Friday 20 July], Resist.org.uk, 2001 (Wayback Machine archive of website made on 7 October 2001).</ref> In Italy, GR linked up with other leading European anti-globalisation groups such as ATTAC for protests. Following the death of protestor Carlo Giuliani, who was shot by Italian police during protests in Genoa, a demonstration was also called by GR to take place at the Italian embassy in London.<ref>[http://web.archive.org/web/20010724222745/http://www.resist.org.uk/genoapress.html Globalise Resistance Shocked and Outraged at Police Killing, Calls Monday Protest], Resist.org.uk, 2001 (Wayback Machine archive of website made on 7 October 2001).</ref>

===Protest activities===

It is thought that Simon turned up on the scene soon after the Genoa protests.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> He therefore missed GR's first activist conference in May 2001. However, by 2002 he was active enough in the group to be accompanying them to various international mobilisations.

One individual who associated with Globalise Resistance and to whom Wellings appeared to be close (see below), was [[Martin Hogbin]].<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Hogbin would be exposed in 2003 as a corporate spy who was targeting the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, where he had been active since 1997 and appointed its 'National Campaigns and Events Co-ordinator' in 2000.<ref>Campaign Against the Arms Trade, [https://www.caat.org.uk/about/spying 2005 CAAT Steering Committee statement on spying], CAAT.org.uk, July 2005 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

* ''For protests Globalise Resistance was involved in or supported, but where it is not known if Wellings was active or participated, see [[Simon Wellings (alias): appendix|this appendix]]. If you are able to confirm his role in any of these [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in contact]. Likewise if anyone can shed light on his participation in the Dissent! network.''

====2002: World Economic Forum, New York====

[[Image:Simon Wellings at WEF protest, New York 2002.jpg|200px|thumb|Simon Wellings at World Economic Forum protest, New York City, 2002.<ref>Image source: [https://twitter.com/signsofrevolt/status/822093889150427136 Twitter feed of Noel Douglas], 19 January 2017 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>.]]

In February 2002, Simon was one of twelve GR campaigners to travel to Manhattan to take part in protests against the World Economic Forum there.<ref>Guy Taylor, [http://web.archive.org/web/20030625071113/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/misc/NYC2Feb.html Report from New York Protests against the World Economic Forum] Resist.org.uk, February 2002 (accessed via the Wayback Machine archives).</ref> They stayed in a flat in the Upper West Side with activists from Syracuse University.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

====2002: Seville EU Summit====

From 21-23 June, the Spanish city of Seville hosted the European Union Summit, as part of the 2002 Spanish Presidency. The presence of the Summit was marked with large scale protests, including a General Strike on Thursday 20th. Further large protests took place on 21st and 22nd.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/european-union/seville-2002/sevilla-libera/ Sevilla Libera!], Resist.org.uk, 19 March 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

According to Guy Taylor, Wellings travelled to Spain with other activists from Globalise Resistance, staying with them on the camp-site provided for international protestors. However, he camped by himself, away from other GR activists.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Simon also delivered quotes for Issue 6 of Globalise Resistance's magazine 'Resist':<ref>Chris Blake, [https://web.archive.org/web/20040515224748/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r6p1.pdf Worldwide protest on war and poverty], Resist, Issue 6, 2002 (archived by Wayback Machine).</ref>
:: Simon Wellings from Globalise Resistance said: "The situation in Seville was incredible. People jammed every street and filled several parks. Despite the heavy police presence there was a carnival atmosphere, stilt walkers mingled with the crowds. The majority of the demonstration was Spanish, mainly striking trades unionists, but people from other countries were a very significant minority."
:: ...but Wellings insisted most protesters did not object to the EU per se. "We're objecting to specific policies," he said. "We're protesting against the neo-liberal agenda, the swing to the right and the erosion of asylum rights. You can support all of these causes without being anti-Europe."
:: Wellings added: "Each one of these huge demonstrations helps to swell our ranks."

Guy Taylor recalled, that while they group was passing through Madrid someone attempted to pick their pockets by first causing a distraction; it was noticed that Simon immediately responded by grabbing his pockets, which stood out as an unusual on-the-ball action.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

It is thought Wellings may well have been at the earlier Barcelona protests on 14-16 March 2002,<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> called in response to Spain taking up the Presidency of the European Union.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/european-union/barcelona-2002/barcelona-anti-eu-protests-2002/ Barcelona Anti-EU protests 2002], Resist.org.uk, 19 March 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

====2002: Ariel Sharon protest, London====

On 12 June 2002 the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign held a protest against Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon who was passing through the UK while returning from a visit to George Bush. A last-minute demonstration was called at Downing Street, which saw several hundred people take part. Simon Wellings wrote a report of the protest for Issue 6 of Resist in which he said:<ref>Simon Wellings, [https://web.archive.org/web/20051103112439/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r6p23.pdf Ariel Sharon gets furious welcome], Resist, Issue 6, 2002 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref>
:: It seems that the number of demonstrators took the police by surprise. As ever the entirely peaceful crowd was forced into an area behind a number of metal barricades; but the police had to call for extra barricades to be brought up twice. This was cheered by the noisy and energetic crowd.

====2002: Palestine demonstration at Selfridges====

Wellings attended a protest at Selfridge's flagship store on Oxford Street in London on 3rd August. The protest was called by Direct Action Against War Now, and supported by GR along with other groups such as Campaign for Palestinian Rights, Rhythms of Resistance. Jews Against Zionism, the WOMBLES, CND and various anarchist groups.<ref>Anna Hoyles, [https://web.archive.org/web/20051103112650/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r7p23.pdf Selfridges under siege as protesters block doorways], Resist, Issue 7, 2002 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref><ref name="imc.3-9-2002">A couple of participants, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/08/37506.html Chaos in Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 3 August 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

Around 200 people took part, with various small affinity groups causing disruption in the store itself. Wellings was part of one of the groups that sought entry and he was among those ejected by security.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

There was a large police presence at the demonstration and two people were arrested. It was also reported that two of Selfridges' security guards had been present, undercover, at an open planning meeting a few days before (1 August at the London Action Resource Centre<ref>DAAWN, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/08/37271.html Hundreds occupy Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 August 2000 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>), where they had posed as potential participants. DAAWN itself, was a group formed in March 2002, and which actively campaigned against Selfridges due to the department store's selling of goods from illegally occupied Palestinian territories. It worked closely with the Campaign for Palestinian Rights and Rhythms of Resistance in carrying out previous actions at the Oxford Street store.<ref name="imc.3-9-2002"/><ref>DAAWN, [http://mob.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/07/36194.html August 3rd: Occupy Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 July 2002 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>

====2003: 15 February Stop the War global protest====

[[Image:GR_orange_banner.jpg|200px|thumb|Globalise Resistance's 'People not profit, peace not war' orange banner, taken at a 2007 anti-war protest. See Z Pavlov, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/02/363601.html People not profit, peace not war], ''UK Indymedia'', 26 February 2007 (accessed 18 January 2017).]]

15th February 2003: Simon Wellings was on the large anti-war march as part of a Globalise Resistance contingent.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> GR's profile on the day was prominent as they had a 10 meter orange banner reading 'People not profit, peace not war'. Wellings was one of the many carrying it.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

Wellings had previously put his name to a call out to the European left to mobilise against the forthcoming Iraq war. This call-out was presented at a preparatory meeting for the European Social Forum, that had taken place in Brussels on 7th-8th September 2002. It is not clear if Wellings was at this particular meeting, though GR helped coordinate the call-out, being a point of contact for it. <ref>[http://la-paix.org/mobilisationcontrelaguerreenIraq.htm Mobilisation contre la guerre Iraq], ''La-Paix.org'', 2002 (accessed 28 July 2017). Most of those from Globalise Resistance who supported this call-out did so in the name of that organisation, though Wellings did not.</ref>

====2003: DSEi====
[[Image:Globalise_Resistance_orange_tank_DSEi2003.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Globalise Resistance orange tank being used at the 2003 DSEi protests<ref name="imc.picdesk2003">'Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>]]

7 - 12 September 2003 saw a wide range of protests against the DSEi arms fair in London Docklands area, mainly led by the Disarm DSEi group (to which GR formally affiliated<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2003/06/273334.html?c=on [DSEi] Globalise Resistance Communique], ''Indymedia London'', 28 June 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>) which encouraged autonomous actions, and the Campaign Against the Arms Trade.<ref>Hugo Jones, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031203073854/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/dsei03/index.html Stop the Arms Fair!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref> A convergence centre was opened and saw numerous workshops around the arms trade issue, as well as advice for activists. A number of actions were planned, not just at the ExCeL exhibition centre, but at arms industry related offices around London, and included train blockades.<ref>'researcher', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/276066.html?c=on Full list of anti- DSEi arms fair events - september 5-12th], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 25 August 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref><ref>Campaign Against the Arms Trade, [https://www.caat.org.uk/events/dsei/2003 DSEI 2003 Protests], CAAT.org.uk, undated (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> The convergence centre itself, in nearby Bromley-in-Bow, was placed under heavy overt surveillance by police [[Forward Intelligence Teams]].<ref>'PiGWATCH', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276680.html?c=on Cops @ Disarm DSEi Convergence Centre], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

The protests were met by a large police operation, led by Deputy Assistant Commissioner [[Andy Trotter]], which cost £1 million and saw a total of 144 arrests. Civil rights group Liberty responded with a court case against Home Secretary [[David Blunkett]] and Police Commissioner [[John Stevens]], challenging the use of draconian powers banning protests granted under the Terrorism Act and the use of stop and search powers under the same act.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/3101886.stm Police questioned over terror act use], ''BBC News Online'', 10 September, 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref><ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/sep/09/military.armstrade £1m police operation guards London arms fair], ''The Guardian'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

[[Image:Globalise Resistance protest DSEi2003.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Globalise Resistance and Campaign Against the Arms Trade protests assembling in Cundy Road Recreational Ground during the 2003 DSEi protests<ref name="imc.picdesk2003">'Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>]]

Globalise Resistance focused primarily on a public protest for the opening of the arms fair on 9th September,<ref>resista, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/275597.html Globalise Resistance DSEi Protest + Prop Making Weekend], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 12 August 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> for which they built a 15ft replica tank made of cardboard, painted orange.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/3143062.stm Thousands stage Iraq demo], ''BBC News Online'', 27 September 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> Around 500 people from GR and CAAT marched from the Cundy Road Recreational Ground to Victoria Dock on that day.<ref>Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> The ''Daily Telegraph'' characterised the GR protest, again including their orange tank, as peaceful.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/1440961/Arms-show-protests-muted.html Arms show protests muted], ''The Telegraph'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

It is known that Simon Wellings was involved in preparations in the run up to the events of the week, including the building of the tank<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/> and that he took part in reconnaissance for other actions.<ref name="david.e"/> It is also of note that Martin Hogbin was a spokesperson for CAAT in relation to the week of protests, appearing in the ''Guardian'' when he called the police response an over-reaction.<ref>Rebecca Allison, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/sep/06/antiwar.londonLondon police braced for violent protests at Europe's biggest arms fair], ''The Guardian'', 6 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

Later, he would tell Patrick McCurdy that he had been involved in a couple of actions at DSEi, including at the DLR trains, but 'kind of in the end we got bungled off the trains by the cops ... not arrested but detained for a while and then escorted off the train service'.<ref name="Interview1"/>

Press reports from the time note that an action was held on 11 September at the Docklands Light Railway, in which two men were arrested for climbing on a train at East India Quay station and locking themselves on to the roof.<ref>James Tapsfield, Arms fair protests 'bigger than we'd hoped' - activists, ''Press Association'', 12 September 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Curiously, press carried a story on 10 September that the DLR was a 'possible target' for the protests, though police refused to discuss tactics, but did confirm they were sending more officers to police the arms fair.<ref>'DLR 'possible target' for arms fair protestors, ''UK Newsquest Regional Press / This Is Local London'', 10 September 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

====2003: Evian G8====

The annual G8 Summit took place at Evian in France from 1st-3rd June. As with previous years, it was met with large scale international protests and a massive police presence. A sizable contingent from Globalise Resistance attended,<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031011163606/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/evian/evian.html G8 Illegitime!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030720233330/http://www.resist.org.uk/ You are 8... We are 6 Billion!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref> with activists, including Simon Wellings, making their own way there. Wellings is known to have camped with others from GR at the Geneva camp, which was based at a local sports stadium. On the first night the sprinkler system went off, damaging tents and causing people to switch places. As a result Wellings and Martin Hogbin camped close together.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Video footage shows him participating in a march and chanting through Geneva with others from Globalise Resistance. He also is known to have taken to a megaphone during this protest.

====2003: George Bush protests====

[[Image:Simon Wellings.3.png|thumb|200px|Wellings as he appeared at the George Bush protests, November 2003]]

From 19-21 November, George Bush was on a state visit to the UK, which prompted calls for protest by the Campaign Opposing Climate Change and Stop the War Coalition (StWC). Globalise Resistance was involved in promoting and providing materials for various protests. News reports from the time noted that the protests, along with the general terrorist threat level, were causing the police concern so that heightened security measures were put in place.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3282465.stm Bush sets out 'mission for freedom'], ''BBC News Online'', 19 November 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> Thousands of extra police were drafted in for an operation headed by DAC [[Andy Trotter]] and which cost £5million.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/november/18/newsid_4141000/4141126.stm 2003: High security as Bush visits UK], ''BBC Home / On This Day'', undated (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3279179.stm Bush arrives for state visit], ''BBC News Online'', 18 November 2003 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>

Globalise Resistance activists were present at a demonstration at Buckingham Palace on 19 November, where George Bush was being formally welcomed, and at the main StWC demonstration on 20 November, which involved a march from Malet Street to Trafalgar Square.<ref>Guy Taylor, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031207130326/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/bush/index.html Bush Not Welcome] & Stephane Popovic, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031229213645/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/bush/steph.html Who can honestly say protesting is a useless form of civil participation???], both articles Resist.org.uk, 2003 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref>

After the main StWC protest, a tip-off was received that Bush's cavalcade would be heading from Buckingham Palace to the US Ambassador's residence in Hyde Park. Protestors who had gone to local pubs in the west end as the main demonstration of the day was over, swarmed out and gathered at Hyde Park Corner, Wellings among them. Police subsequently kettled them. Wellings avoided being caught in this, but was seen urging those trapped to fight their way out through police lines.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

In his interview with McCurdy, Wellings stated:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::But when Bush came here in November, I was involved with the organising of the-the Resist Bush Tea party. I was actually involved with the plot-planning of that action. It was a very you know, it was a very fluffy you know sort of action and it was just completely demonised [in the media].

For one of the public meetings ahead of the protests, Wellings told an ancedote of a mainstream media journalist turning up at it, pretending to be a trade union employed, and later .<ref name="Interview1"/> This would appear to have been Laura Peek, of ''The Times'' who wrote an article, ''How I infiltrated hard core of the protest movement'' on 19 November 2003 in which she describes having been to a meeting at the anarchist London Action Resource Centre discussing plans to protest the President's visit.<ref>Laura Peek, How I infiltrated hard core of the protest movement, ''The Times'', 19 November 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Welling was critical of her article for sensationalising the threat demonstrators posed.<ref name="Interview1"/>

====2004: Aldermaston====

In the following April, 400 protestors set off on a four day march from London to Aldermaston, the headquarters of the UK's nuclear weapon research, in commemoration of two historic peace marches. The march was organised jointly by CND, the Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp and Slough4Peace. Simon Wellings used his car to drive three other Globalise Resistance activists to join the final section of the march.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Thames Valley Police were quoted as having 'praised the conduct of the demonstrators and said there had been no arrests', though earlier they had complained that protestors had been irresponsible for not applying for expensive road closures.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/3618123.stm Marchers protest at nuclear base], ''BBC News Online'', 12 April 2004 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

It is of note that the Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp had been infiltrated by undercover officer [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] until just before March 2004, when she moved to Leeds.

====2005: G8 Summit organisation====

July 2005 saw the G8 Summit return to Britain, taking place in early July at Gleneagles, Scotland. It saw a series of large protests by three separate counter-mobilisations: Make Poverty History, G8 Alternatives and Dissent! Make Poverty History was mainly NGO / civil society led, while the Dissent! network was at the other end of the spectrum, drawing from Earth First! and anarchist groups (see below).

G8 Alternatives was the main banner for groups situated in the traditional left, and was the one Globalise Resistance associated itself with. The Scottish Socialist Party played a significant leading role in it, though the list of supporters include a wide range of left wing and trade union organisations, anti-war groups and other campaigns, many of which were based in Scotland.<ref name="g8alternatives-whoweare">A full list of G8 Alternative's supporters was given on their website as: Centre for Human Ecology, Dundee Trades Union Council, Edinburgh CND, Edinburgh Stop the War Coalition, Freequal (conscious clubbers), Ethical Company Organisation, Friends of the Earth Scotland, Glasgow Campaign to Welcome Refugees, Globalise Resistance Scotland, GOOSHING, Iraq Occupation Focus, Justice Not Vengeance, Muslim Association of Britain, NUJ Glasgow, Scotland Against Criminalising Communities, Scottish CND, Scottish Human Rights Centre, Scottish Socialist Party, Scottish Socialist Youth, Spinwatch, Stirling University Anti-War Group, TGWU 7/151 Branch, TGWU Glasgow District, WDM Scotland, YWCA Scotland, Stop the War Coalition, Glasgow City UNISON, Campaign for press and broadcasting freedom, CND. See, G8 Alternatives, [https://web.archive.org/web/20050314141619/http://www.g8alternatives.org.uk/admin/test/g8Mambo/content/view/14/47/ Who are we?], G8Alterantives.org.uk, 2005 (archived on 14 March 2005 by Archive.org).</ref>

Mobilisation under the G8 Alternatives banner began in summer 2004,<ref>Gil Hubbard, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/g8-g20/gleneagles-2005/message-from-the-organisers-of-g8-alternatives/ Message from the organisers of G8 Alternatives], 'Resist.org.uk, 11 July 2005 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> with the participation of Globalise Resistance. In particular, Simon Wellings travelled to Scotland to organising meetings there where he acted as GR's representative, using the pretext of visiting his ex-girlfriend living there.<ref name="david.e">Undercover Research Group: email from 'David', a Globalise Resistance activist, August 2016.</ref> Though he would only have a chance to attend a few early meetings before being exposed.<ref>Undercover Research Group: several leading organisers with G8 Alternatives were contacted in late 2016 but they did not recall if Welling had been at meeting with them. The first mention of G8 Alternatives meeting publicly is in late September 2004 - [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/3704490.stm Modern thistle picked as G8 logo], ''BBC News Online'', 30 September 2004 (accessed 25 October 2016).</ref>

During the Summit itself, Globalise Resistance would take part in various protests. Events included the march through Auchterarder, a protest at Dungavel detention centre, and the G8 Alternatives Conference in Edinburgh.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/category/global/g8-g20/gleneagles-2005/ Gleneagles 2005], Resist.org.uk, 2005 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> As he had been exposed prior to it, Wellings did not travel there with GR, though he is likely to have been involved behind the scenes with the policing of the protests.

===Globalise Resistance Steering Committee===

Archives of the Globalise Resistance website list the members of the group's Steering Committee from May 2001 onwards. Simon Wellings makes his first appearance on the committee in May 2003,<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030822045454/http://www.resist.org.uk/about/steering.html Globalise Resistance Steering Group], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archive of page made on 22 August 2003 by Wayback Machine).</ref> having been elected at that year's annual conference (however, Guy Taylor recalls him as being close to the Steering Committee from 2002<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>). He was re-elected at the April 2004 conference, though he is removed by October 2004. His affiliation is given as that of the Socialist Workers Party.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20040814203808/http://www.resist.org.uk/about/steering.php Globalise Resistance Steering Group], Resist.org.uk, 2004 (archive of webpage made on 14 August 2004 by Wayback Machine).</ref>

The steering committee is of wider concern because, although Socialist Worker Party members made up the largest constituent, it consisted of a wide variety of individuals who connected into other campaigns and groups. Wellings would have been in a position to learn more about them, particularly in post steering committee meeting drinks.

Groups represented by individuals on the committee include: ''Workers Power, Green Party, ATTAC<ref>ATTAC: Association for the Taxation of financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens.</ref> (LSE branch), International Solidarity Movement, Communications Workers Union, Progressive Muslim Network, Workers Power, Iranian activists, Unison (Lambeth Branch), Stop the War Coalition, Respect Party''.

==Exposure within Globalise Resistance==

[[Image:Simon Wellings.1.png|thumb|200px|Image of Simon Wellings as he appeared on ''Newsnight''.]]

''Unless otherwise cited, all material in this section comes from the account of Guy Taylor.''<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===The voice-mail recording===

In late January 2004, Guy Taylor received a call from a fellow activist, M, who told him there was a strange message on her answer-phone, which had been left at 1.48pm on Friday, 16th January 2004.<ref>Undercover Research Group: the recording of the answer-machine message clearly identifies the day, date and time it was left at.</ref> As she has only just heard it, it was about to be timed out and deleted. Taylor in turn contacted another friend who made a recording of it.

It seemed that whoever it was had accidentally caused their phone to ring M, who by chance was out so the call ended up being recorded. From the background noise, it is apparent it captured a debriefing in a police station. On it, a man is being asked to identify people on demonstrations from photographs supplied by CO11, the Metropolitan Police's public order unit. At one point he identifies a woman as a girlfriend of a campaigner, and discusses her sexuality and hair colour.

It became immediately apparent to Taylor and others there was a police spy in their circles, but initially they struggled to identify the voice on the recording. Taylor played the recording to quite a few different people, including Simon Wellings, but nobody recognised the voice.

===The confrontation===

In August 2004, Guy Taylor was working in the GR office and listening to music when Simon Wellings rang to ask about an upcoming meeting for a protest working group. Guy muted the music and spoke to Wellings. After the phone call, he put the music back on, but it had progressed to playing the recording of the voice-mail message, which Guy had put on the same device. It was at that point the realisation dawned - the person on the recording was Wellings. He re-played the message others in the group, and they agreed this time: it was Simon's voice in the recording.

The meeting that Wellings had rang about went ahead. It was a Friday evening in August, at 7pm on the 5th Floor of the Royal Festival Hall. Wellings turned up to find six people from Globalise Resistance waiting for him. He was the last to arrive and was greeted with the statement: 'Simon, you've been rumbled, fuck off.'

According to Taylor, Wellings started sweating and became panicky. He told them it was a mistake. They said he could hear the recording, but as his Discman was out of batteries, he asked if he could go and buy new ones. To their surprise he came back; he then cried and 'laid it on some more'. However, he was told the phrases used by the speaker in the recording were all ones he used and that he could no longer be trusted.

Afterwards people were shaken and emotional. Others refused to believe that he had been spying on them. As there were fears they had been mistaken, the group did not pursue it other than to tell people in other campaigns that might have been affected, such as Palestine Solidarity Committee and the Campaign Against Climate Change. They would continue to keep an eye out for him in case he turned up elsewhere, but at the time were wary of inflaming paranoia or be accused of being irresponsible.

On Sunday 22nd August 2004, not long after, Wellings sent an email to various people saying they had got it all wrong, and mentioned the importance of Globalise Resistance organisation around the upcoming European Social Forum and the following year's G8 Summit. A copy of the email is below, edited to protect people's identities. Other than the email, Wellings vanished after the confrontation, though one member of the GR steering committee did subsequently bump into him.

===Email on being exposed===

(Some details redacted)

Date: Sunday, August 22, 2004 9:57 pm From: Simon Wellings <simon_wellings@hotmail.com>
<table style="background-color: #eeeeee">
<tr>
<td>
:: I haven't really slept since Friday night trying to figure this out and I am completely freaked by this so I'm just going to write it as it comes up to the surface - all that I ask is that you read this message - I think that you all owe me that.

:: Firstly, like I said to you at the meeting Guy, this is the recording that you discovered late last year, or early this year (whenever...) I remember that you 'phoned me about it at the time, more than once I think. We also spoke about it when I was in the office one day, helping out. I just never got to hear it - I think because it was in an mp3 format that wouldn't play or something - I remember you telling me a few bits about it - the point I'm trying to make is that if I had spoken to the police, if that was me on the recording, you would have been warning me that I had been discovered. Do you not think that I would have taken the opportunity to get away?

:: Also, you must have listened to it then, again and again and presumably didn' think it was me. Why are you so willing to believe it's me now? (Like I said on Friday I concede that one of the voices on the recording does sound, in places, like me, or someone trying to sound like me, or something that has been fabricated to sound like me...)

:: Guy, I can remember you telling me, that [M.] had told you, that she was seeing someone at the time that she got the message, who had told her that he was M.I.5. Surely there is a connection here! That recording just happening to turn up on her 'phone at the same time! Have you actually spoken face to face with [M.] and got to the bottom of this?

:: The other thing is that you know that I know [X], that I know her boyfriend - (just about the only clear bit I could make out in the two times that I listened to that recording was her name and her being described as an 'out and out lesbian') Why on earth, if it was me , or it was genuine, and for some reason I was chatting away to the pigs, would I describe her like that?

:: I want you all to know that I have wracked and wracked my brains over this and I firmly believe that this is the state fucking with our heads.

:: Think about it please, we've got ESF about to happen, rolling in to G8, think of the impact and damage we can make over the next year. The state is upping the ante - the oldest trick in the book, divide and conquer. This recording is someone impersonating me - or a complete fabrication. Are you seriously telling me that you don't think the state is technically capable of such a deception or vicious enough to carry it out? (The only thing I can't work out is why get it into the open that way - on her phone - all I can think is that if they just dropped it, all crisp and shiny, on a disc in the post to the office - that you would have been a bit less quick to believe it.)

:: You said to me on Friday Guy that the trust was gone and that whatever I said it could never be brought back. Well I say this to you, to all of you, that that trust should have worked both ways. I have trusted you, trusted you all and if you think that I could have been wandering around for months looking you straight in the eye - after I had sold people out - then you must be off your heads. I cannot believe that you are all so willing to believe it. I am your friend and I absolutely swear to you that I have never ever talked to the pigs. I mean, why would I? Why? It doesn't make sense - it's just totally freaking me out.

:: This has absolutely broken my heart - Its not me and I am going to do everything that I can to prove it.

:: Simon.
</td>
</tr>
</table>

===Continued targeting of Globalise Resistance?===

In 2012, Guy Taylor obtained his police file following a Data Protection Act request. This included material from the National Domestic Extremism Database, and he discovered the police had recorded him at 27 separate protests, which included anti-racism, anti-war and climate change. They even noted he had done a stall with Globalise Resistance at the Glastonbury Festival in 2009, saying 'this stall was selling political publications and merchandise of a XLW [extreme left-wing] anti-capitalist nature' - it was selling t-shirts, badges, books and DVDs; the file also recorded the name and telephone number of the person who had booked the stall. This has led to speculation that a second officer had been sent into infiltrate GR after Wellings had been exposed.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/music/2012/jul/15/glastonbury-festival-police-spy-operation Glastonbury festival: how police spied on political campaigners], ''The Guardian'', 15 July 2012 (accessed 26 April 2016).</ref><ref>Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2012/jul/18/police-surveillance-glastonbury-festival How did police spy on campaigners at Glastonbury Festival?], ''The Guardian'', 18 July 2012 (accessed 26 April 2016).</ref> Though Guy Taylor noted that it would have been strange to log the person who booked the stall rather than the people who actually did the stall at the festival. This would seemingly indicate that the information is more likely to have come from an intercepted email or someone directly involved in Glastonbury Festival.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

==Target: Dissent! Network (2004-2007)==

[[Image:WellingsG8McCurdy.jpg|200px|thumb|Simon Wellings in 'black bloc' dress for G8.]]

The Dissent! Network was a mobilisation among the anti-authoritarian / anarchist wing of the anti-globalisation movement in the mid-2000s. It emerged in 2003 from anarchist groups based around Earth First! and the WOMBLES, with the aim of creating a mobilisation against the 2005 G8 Summit of world leaders, to take place at Gleneagles, Scotland. It was the subject of a huge policing operation of which part was the considerable targeting of protest groups by undercover police, including [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]], [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]], [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] and [[Mark Kennedy]].

Throughout 2004 and 2005 it held a series of national meetings held in various cities around the UK. A key organising event was the ''Festival of Dissent'', held in Lanarkshire in April 2005.<ref name="FestDiss">'T', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306295.html Festival of Dissent], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 March 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> During the Summit, with tens of thousands of protests arriving, it organised a series of convergence points in Glasgow and Edinburgh and a large campsite in Stirling (the 'Eco-Village' / 'Hori-zone'). Large scale protests were also organised, including the 'Carnival For Full Enjoyment' in Edinburgh and 'black bloc' marches during the summit itself.<ref>Undercover Research Group: personal knowledge and miscellaneous conversations with those involved.</ref><ref name="reinventing.dissent">Alex Trocchi, Giles Redwolf, and Petrus Alamire, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/324061.html Reinventing Dissent: The Unabridged Story of Resistance against the G8 Summit in Scotland, 2005], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 24 September 2005.</ref>

Though the peak of its activity focused on the 2005 event, it continued to be active over the following few years as UK based campaigners attended mobilisations taking place in other countries where the Summit was being hosted.

The 2005 mobilisation was also a key focus of Globalise Resistance, which had aligned itself with the G8 Alternatives network,<ref name="g8alternatives-whoweare"/> and Wellings had been active in that group's preparations prior to his being found out there in August 2004<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> (see above).

Wellings did not take on a prominent role within Dissent, staying in the background, and is not well recalled by those involved. He was at 'The Festival of Dissent', and attending several workshops; he also stayed on the Stirling Eco-Village (or 'Hori-zone') during the G8 itself. One focus was the Dissent! media team (known as the 'Counter Spin Collective'), which appeared to use as cover. Wellings said he joined one of the 'black bloc' groups and almost certainly knew of plans for direct actions that were not stopped.<ref name="McCurdyTweets"/><ref name="PhD">Patrick McCurdy, [http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/5/1/McCurdy_I_predict_a_riot.pdf ‘I Predict a Riot’ – Mediation and Political Contention: Dissent!’s media practices at the 2005 Gleneagles G8 Summit], March 2009(accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="pmc.29Apr2020">Undercover Research Group: email from Dr Patrick McCurdy, 29 April 2020.</ref>

[[File:Dissent Banner at Derby M17 protest.jpg |thumb|300px|Dissent! banner at the Derby M17 protest]]

Wellings places himself at the G8 Environment and Development Ministerial Meeting (see below). He also alluded to attending of the TRAPESE Roadshow, held in London on 23 April 2005.<ref>TRAPESE, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/04/308649.html TRAPESE G8 Roadshow, London date], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 8 April 2005 (accessed 18 November 2018.</ref> T.R.A.P.E.S.E was a educational collective which had formed to raise awareness of issues around the G8 and toured giving workshops focused on a popular audience. [[Mark Kennedy]] was the driver on the Ireland part of this tour.

Curiously, in his interview with McCurdy, he defends press coverage of Dissent!, saying that the organisation was not dangerous and press were overhyping the actual situation.<ref name="Interview1"/>

In a follow up interview with McCurdy, Wellings states he had gone to Scotland 10 days before the Summit opened to take part in preparations for the mobilisation. He notes that he was a part of the Counter Spin media collective.<ref name="Interview2"> Patrick McCurdy, 2nd Interview with 'Scott' / Simon Wellings, ''unpublished'', 2 September 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

He gives an account of having been on the Make Poverty History march, where he implies he was with anti-authoritarians:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::And the cops were immediately chasing us down the road, lining up and shields out. It was all pretty silly. And as soon as that happened, it was amazing – the power of the image. There were a couple of tiny scuffles with the cops and I remember seeing an image that was used in loads of papers - that guy with a little stick with a placard - about 1 inch by half an inch of balsa wood. And he was trying to sort of stop the cop hitting him with his bat. Perhaps he was trying to hit the cop, I don't know. But it was just - that was it- bang! Anarchists run amok - we told you it was going to happen. That was the sort of news agenda after that, really.

Wellings also indicated he had been on the camp at Stirling, including discussing the gazebo that had been set up outside the camp to conduct media work (mainstream media not being permitted on site) and his involvement in some of the decision making meetings that took place there.

At the start of the Summit proper, activists left the Stirling Eco- Village (or 'Horizone') during the night to make their way towards Glenaegles Resort where the G8 was being held. Several blockades of the road were successfully mounted, delaying delegates for several hours.<ref name="G8M8Blockade">'imcista', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317077.html G8: Day 1], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 6 July 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> Wellings states that he was among the people leaving the camp and going across country to avoid police:<ref name="Interview2"/>
:: I was out [...] - it was fucking a struggle to get out there – to get to the motorway. There were dozens of other groups who had gone out, slept in the woods, slept in ditches and they did take the motorway and they did blockade it. And it was blockaded time and time and time again. You know, for long periods of time. And we were in a good position to see that, from where we were, tramplin' cross-country and wading through streams and muddy fields and getting chased by the cops trying to get there. You know, pursued by helicopters and all that malarkey, and crossing railway lines. And we eventually, you know, pretty much hooked up and it was, you know, I think it was a successful day. I think we showed despite all the limitations and the efforts they go to, to stop us – we can be successful. And there's no doubt people were, you know, radically delayed getting to the conference. Delegates, and perhaps ironically considering what we are discussing, specifically, a lot of the media. It took them 5 hours to make what should have been a 20-minute journey.

However, there is nothing to corroborate Wellings' account. McCurdy states that other than him, Wellings did not seem have any close friends at any of the meeting leading up to the G8, or the mobilisation itself. Wellings' spent the evenings in his tent with the laptop on.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/>

===European Social Forum (2004)===

Welling was encountered at the European Social Forum / Beyond ESF events, held in October 2004. The European Social Forum (ESF) was a recurring conference held by members of the alter-globalization movement. In October 2004, it was held at Alexandra Palace in London. For those on the libertarian left, the London ESF became controversial due to the involvement of Ken Livingstone, then Mayor of London<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/10/299642.html European Social Forum Closes with Demonstration and Actions], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 20 October 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref name="ESF">Hilary Wainwright and Oscar Reys, [https://www.redpepper.org.uk/european-social-forum-debating-the/ European Social Forum: debating the challenges for its future], ''Red Pepper'', 1 December 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref> This lead to the non-hierarchical, particularly those in the milieu around the WOMBLES, setting up the Beyond ESF conference which happened concurrently at the Tottenham Campus of Middlesex University. Among the themes discussed was the G8 mobilisation and the Dissent! network.<ref>WOMBLES, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/10/298783.html?style=screen Beyond ESF - Programme & Timetable], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 8 October 2004 (accessed 4 April 2020).</ref> [[Mark Kennedy]] was active around Beyond ESF and also present at the ESF itself.

Given that his former colleagues in Globalise Resistance were also active in putting on the ESF, and it was not even four months after his exposure within that group, it is remarkable he attended.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Derby G8 Enviornmental Ministers protest (2005)===
[[Image:M17 Flyer for G8 environmental ministers protest 2005.jpg|thumb|300px|Flyer for G8 Environmental Ministers meeting protest, Derby, 17 March 2005]]

As part of holding the G8 Summit, the UK held a number of related ministerial level meeting through-out 2005. One of these was the G8 Environment and Development Ministerial Meeting, which took place on 17-18 March at Bearsall Priory, just outside Derby.<ref>SDG Knowledge Hub, [http://sdg.iisd.org/news/g8-environment-and-development-ministers-meeting/ G8 Environment and Development Ministers Meeting], ''International Insitute for Sustainable Development'', 9 February 2005 (accessed 30 October 2018).</ref><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/derbyshire/4241389.stm G8 Summit on environment future], ''BBC News Online'', 7 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref>

The climate action working group within Dissent! called for protests to take place at it, albeit at quite short notice: Though the details of the meeting were publicised by Dissent from early 2005 and protests gainst other G8 related meetings were taking place<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/media/2005/02/305036.pdf Dissent Calendar of Events], ''Dissent! Newsletter'', issue 3, Winter 2005.</ref> the call-out for a protest was only made three weeks beforehand, on 27 February.<ref>'DissOne', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306019.html Derby M17: G8 Environment Ministers meeting 17th-18th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 27 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> The demonstration received considerable hype in the media, with tales of anarchists planning to descend on the city to cause mayhem.<ref>Protesters in city chaos pledge, ''Derby Evening Telegraph'', 4 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

[[Image:M17 Flyer for G8 environmental ministers protest 2005 (back).jpg|thumb|300px|Reverse of flyer for G8 Environmental Ministers meeting protest, Derby, 17 March 2005]]

Derbyshire Police posted notices on Indymedia, appealing for organisers of protest to get in touch,<ref>Derbyshire Constabulary, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306014.html?c=on#comments Appeal from Derbyshire police] - comment to 'DissOne', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306019.html?c=on#commenBritain bans protests ahead of international environment summitts Derby M17: G8 Environment Ministers meeting 17th-18th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 27 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> and Home Secretary [[Charles Clarke]] imposed bans on marches in the city on 15 March.<ref>'M hor', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306681.html?c=on#comments Scotsman Reports Bans Requested For G8 Protest in Derby on 17th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 16 March 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref><ref>Britain bans protests ahead of international environment summit, ''Agence-France Presse, 15 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

In the end, the protest was not widely taken up with only 150 people turning up and as contemporary reports noted being vastly out numbered by police - Derbyshire Constabulary saying it was its biggest operation since the Miners Strike in 1984/5.<ref>Protestors arrested at G8 environment meeting, Xinhua General News Service, 17 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Police spent £1 million on the operation, with over 1000 officers from 23 different police forces, having expected up to 5,000 demonstrators.<ref>Andrew Barrow, G8 Demo: more police than protestors, ''Press Association'', 17 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> In charge of policing was Assistant Chief Constable [[Mick Creedon]], who said:<ref>'Ring of Steel round G8 Enviornment Summit, ''Press Association'', 17 March 2005.</ref>
:: If there are unlawful protests we are ready for them, but there is nothing at the moment that suggests there is going to be disorder in the city.

It saw a number of arrests taking place, mainly on the critical mass bicycle protest.<ref>'On-the-scene-special', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306776.html?c=on#comments Breaking news from Derby G8 protest today], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 March 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> The protest was not considered a success, and it was thought by protestors that the over-the-topic police operation was being treated as a trial run for the G8 Summit itself.<ref>Undercover Research Group: private communication from people active in Dissent!</ref>

Welling notes to McCurdy that he was present for the day of protest, and in this context mentions the extremely heavy policing.<ref name="Interview1">Patrick McCurdy, [https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sEN89PmC4eY1htOF95N0s2dzJmMUNndXFaVmVSSEVvUUM4/view 1st Interview with 'Scott'(Simon Wellings)], 20 March 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

===Counter-Spin Collective (2005)===

The Counter Spin Collective was an autonomous off-shoot of the Dissent! network which did media work around the G8 protests. Given the decentralised nature of the network, it did not speak on behalf of it, but it did liaise with the media and assist those who did wanted to, while acknowledging that there were many that didn't wish to have such engagement.<ref name="reinventing.dissent">Alex Trocchi, Giles Redwolf, and Petrus Alamire, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/324061.html Reinventing Dissent: The Unabridged Story of Resistance against the G8 Summit in Scotland, 2005], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 24 September 2005.</ref><ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref name="pmc.2011">Patrick McCurdy, [https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/39085555.pdf The Fragility of Dissent": Mediated Resistance at the Gleneagles G8 Summit and the Impact of the 7/7 London Bombings], Culture, Language and Representation'', Vol. IX, 2011, pp. 99-116.</ref><ref>Kate Coyer, Tony Dowmunt & Alan Fountain, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wcCsAgAAQBAJ The Alternative Media Handbook], ''Routledge'', 2007.</ref><ref>Christian Scholl, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wtPjR_YWbtIC Two Sides of a Barricade: (Dis)order and Summit Protest in Europe], ''SUNY Press'', 2012.</ref><ref name="pmc.2010"/>

The group initially emerged in February 2005 at the Glasgow meeting of the network to look at ways the protestors could engage with the media while remaining true to their principles. In March 2005, at at Leeds it set up temporarily to deal with media interest around April's Festival of Dissent in April 2005. It became more organised at the May gathering in Nottingham when cogent media strategy was formed, and it acquired it name.<ref name="csc.2005">CounterSpin Collective, Media, Movement(s) and Public Image(s): counterspinning in Scotland, published in David Harvie, Keir Milburn, Ben Trott & David Watts (eds), [https://www.academia.edu/7894782/Notes_on_Movement_and_Uncertainty_in_Shut_them_Down_Autonomedia_2004_pp_263-271 Shut Them Down: The G8, Gleneagles 2005 and the Movement of Movements], ''Dissent! / Autonomedia'', 2005.</ref><ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref>'revolting', [https://libcom.org/forums/nottingham-gathering-minutes-may-2005 Nottingham Gathering Minutes (Nottingham Dissent Gathering)], ''LibCom.org'', 1 June 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020)</ref> Among its activity was working with interested journalists and in some cases filing complaints regarding malicious and false news stories. As such it tended to act as a coordinating group rather than with any particular authority.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1">[https://gipfelsoli.org/Home/Gleneagles_2005/859.html Counter Spin Collective- beginnings of some form of analysis], ''Gipfelsoli.org'', 20 November 2020 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref>

By the time of the week before the Summit, the originally small core group had expanded to around 20 people. Often people involved had multiple roles within the network as a whole. One role the group found itself in was passing on tips from journalists.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/>

As well as Edinburgh, where it had its own space (visited by Mark Kennedy<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with Jason Kirkpatrick, 24 May 2018. See also Eveline Lubbers, [https://www.pilc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Political-Undercover-Policing-in-Scotland.pdf Political Undercover Policing in Scotland], ''Public Interest Law Centre'', 2018.</ref>) it was also particularly active at the Hori-Zone in Stirling. There it set up a media welcome space just outside the camp gates, and produced press-packs for the media descending on the site.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref name="pmc.2011"/><ref name="pmc.2010">Patrick McCurdy, [https://interfacejournal.net/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/Interface-2-2-pp.42-67-McCurdy1.pdf Breaking the spiral of silence: unpacking the "media debate" within global justice movements; A case study of Dissent! and the 2005 Gleneagles G8 summit], ''Interface (journal)'', November 2010, Vol. 2(2), pp. 42-67.</ref><ref name="csc.2005"/>

Simon Wellings was active around the group and present with it in Scotland in the run up to the summit protests both at its spaces in Edinburgh and Stirling. It appears he attended a number of national meetings for it, though it is unclear precisely which ones.<ref name="McCurdyTweets"/><ref name="Interview2"/>

Patrick McCurdy described Wellings' role in the Counter-Spin Collective as not significant, amounting to a few emails on the internal list and generally showing interest. He made it clear he had other interests as well which included going off to check out protests and actions - having knowledge of things planned.<ref name="pmc.29Apr2020"/>

==Exposure by ''Newsnight''==

In 2011, with the Mark Kennedy story breaking and initiating a wave of media interest, Globalise Resistance spoke to a lawyer and were told the best thing to do would be to get the story out into the public. They approached ''Newsnight'' through personal contacts; as a result, the BBC posted a page on the ''Newsnight'' website with an image of Wellings saying that they would like to speak to him as a former member of Globalise Resistance, though not saying any more.<ref name="guardian-17.3.11">Newsnight, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/9391005.stm Do you know this man?], ''BBC News Online'', 17 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016). It was also posted on facebook: BBC Newsnight [https://www.facebook.com/bbcnewsnight/posts/202132399804587 Newsnight needs your help identifying a man known as Simon Wellings], facebook.com, 17 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> The Metropolitan Police promptly phoned ''Newsnight'' to say they should take it down (a clear breach of their [[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]] policy). This was good enough for the BBC and they exposed Wellings as an undercover officer several days later on 25 March 2011.<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00zw1g1 Newsnight (25 March 2011)], BBC iPlayer (currently unavailable).</ref>

In the immediate aftermath, the Metropolitan Police merely stated:<ref>Simon Hattenstone, Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/mar/26/sixth-police-spy-unmasked Sixth police spy in protest movement unmasked], ''The Guardian'', 26 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref>
:: The use of undercover officers is a valuable tactic in the fight against crime and disorder to keep people and communities safe. Their use is highly regulated and governed in law through the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) and must be necessary, proportionate and lawful. The deployment of undercover officers is also overseen by the Surveillance Commissioner who must be satisfied by their use.

Guy Taylor has since been accepted as a core participant for the Undercover Policing Inquiry due to his role as the sole paid employee of Globalise Resistance during the time it was spied upon by Simon Wellings.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/151021-UCPI-list-of-core-participants.pdf List of Core Participants], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 October 2015 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

On 19 January 2017, the Undercover Policing Inquiry issued a press release confirming Simon Wellings had been an undercover police officer.<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17"/> It was also revealed that he was not a core participant; as with other undercovers and related officers, he had been given a n-series cypher number as N118.<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17"/>

==Special Demonstration Squad==

As an undercover officer based in London, Simon Wellings was deployed by the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) rather than the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]]. It is as yet unknown who his immediate handlers were, but the SDS was part of the [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch]]. The chain of command of senior officers during his deployment is given below.<ref>Police and Constabulary Almanacs, various years, R Hazell & Co.</ref>

===Police chain of command===

{|
! Position
! Person
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''
| [[John Stevens]] (2000 - 2004) [[Ian Blair]] (2001-2008)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Assistant Commissioner Specialist Operations'''
| [[David Veness]] (April 1994 - Feb 2005) [[Andy Hayman]] (Feb 2005- Dec 2007)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Deputy Assistant Commissioner (Security)'''
| [[Barbara Wilding]] (-2002-2003) [[Susanna Becks]] (2004-2007).
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Head of Special Branch / SO12'''
| [[Roger Pearce]] (1999-2003) - also Director of Intelligence Colin Black was temporary Commander of Special Branch at start of 2004 [[Janet Williams]] (2003-2006)[[Phil Gormley]] (2006-2007)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Controller of Operations (Special Branch)'''
| Det. Ch. Supt. [[Robert Milton]] / [[Colin Black]] 
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Head of SDS'''
|
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''SDS Controller of Operations'''
|
|}

===Connections to other undercovers===

Wellings deployment closely overlapped with other known Special Demonstration Squad undercovers, [[Carlo Neri (alias)|Carlo Neri]] who targeted the Socialist Party and anti-fascists 2001 to 2005 and [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] who was deployed into anti-capitalits and anti-arms trade groups 1998 to . They are likely to have been at a number of the same large protests in London, and in particular, he and Bishop are both known to have been present at the 2003 Disarm DSEi protests.

Other undercovers from the SDS he would have known in his early deployment were [[Dave Evans (alias)|Dave Evans]] who targeted the Socialist Party and animal rights (1998-2005), [[Jackie Anderson (alias)|Jackie Anderson]] who was in north London anti-capitalists / anarchists (2000-2005) and [[James Straven (alias)|James Straven]] in south London animal rights groups until 2002. Likwise [[Ross McInnes (alias)|Ross McInnes]] in the United British Alliance and [[Darren Prowse (alias)|Darren Prowse]] who was set up to infiltrate the British National Party but never deployed.

[[File:Last-years-of-sds-chart-1.png|thumb|500px|Structure of SDS in its last years]]

Later in his deployment he would have seen new undecovers being deployed, including [[Dave Jones (alias)|Dave Jones]] who infiltrated environmentalists, particularly London Rising Tide (2005-2007) and in particular [[Rob Harrison (alias)|Rob Harrison]], who infiltrated anti-capitialists but who appers to have started off targeting Globalise Resistance on his initial deployment in 2004.<ref>Email to core participants, '20181211-UCPI_to_all_CPs-publishing _HN18', ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 December 2018, referencing update of the webpage ucpi.org.uk/cover-names.</ref> As such, he was probably Welling's replacement there, though he had nowhere near the same prominence in the group.

Bishop and Evans were also active around Dissent! in Scotland during the G8 summit itself. However, through Dissent! Wellings would have been around other undercovers from the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]], particularly [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] (2002-2008), [[Mark Kennedy]] (2003-2010) and [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] (2004-2009). Of these, he would have been present with Mark at the Stirling Eco-village in Scotland.

It is notable that Wellings was active with SDS into 2007, however, by this time he would have done longer than the average deployment of four to five years, so his withdrawal from the field is not unexpected. It is as yet unknown if he was still with the SDS for the closeure of that unit in late 2007 (see under [[HN30]] for details).

===The CO11 / Public Order Branch link===

A key piece of data from the recorded phone call is that one of the officers involved makes a reference to photographs having come from [[CO11]], who were pressing for intelligence on individuals in the images. CO11 was the Metropolitan Police's Public Order Branch; it ran the [[Forward Intelligence Teams]] (FIT) whose main job was to photograph and identify individuals at demonstrations.<ref name="guardian-17.3.11"/> It shows one method by which intelligence was passed from Special Branch undercover officers to other parts of the police; it also mirrors an account from another SDS officer, whistle-blower [[Peter Francis]], who talks of identifying demonstrators from photographs in the aftermath of the anti-BNP protests at Welling in 1993.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police, Faber & Faber, 2013.</ref>

At the time CO11 / Public Order Branch was under Commander [[Michael Messinger]] and Superintendent [[Roger Gomm]], as part of the Territorial Policing division<ref>Messenger in turn answered to Deputy Assistant Commissioner [[Stephen House]] and Assistant Commissioner [[Tim Godwin]]. Previously to Messinger, CO11 / Public Order had been headed by Ch. Supt. [[Stephen French]] & Ch. Supt. [[Robert Mackie]] during Wellings' deployment.</ref> who had overseen the policing of many of the protests Globalise Resistance had been involved in. While it has long been suspected that there was an intelligence flow between Special Branch and the FIT.<ref>Alan Lodge, [http://digitaljournalist.eu/OnTheRoad/on-being-watched/ On Being Watched], 1999 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> (CO11 ran its own intelligence database) this phone call is among the first clear evidence of the exchange in practice.

Public Order Branch was based at New Scotland Yard and under the authority of the Assistant Commissioner for Territorial Policing, who at the time was [[Tim Godwin]].

==Undercover Policing Inquiry==

That Wellings was an undercover police officer was confirmed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] on 19 January 2017, when the Inquiry issued a press release to the effect. It stated that no restriction would be sought for the cover name 'Simon Wellings' on behalf of the police officer known given the [[N_officers|nominal 'N118']] (for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]]). It also noted that N118 was not a core participant in the Inquiry.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Update on anonymity applications – N118 ("Simon Wellings")], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'' (UCPI.org.uk), 19 January 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>

An apparent reference to Wellings occurred in the ''Mosaic report'', produced by the Metropolitan Police, which stated (p.3/4):<ref>'Jaipur', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Mosaic-report-open-version.pdf Mosaic Report (open version)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 8 December 2015 (accessed 11 November 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: In another example following an unfortunate compromise (where the officer was overheard discussing his operation during a mistakenly dialled phone-call) an officer was re-directed to groups in a different target area.

20 February 2018, the Inquiry issued directions that any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 26 & 28 February 2018 for Metropolitan Police legal team and Designated Lawyers Team respectively, which included a reference to Wellings as HN118.<ref name="ucpi.dir.20Feb18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180220-Headed-direction-for-February-SDS-tranche-applications..pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad - Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 1 March 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> On 27 February 2018, the Metropolitan Police filed an application to restrict his real name only.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180227-MPS-HN118-Open_Application.pdf Open application for restriction order (anonymity) re: HN118], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 27 February 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>

On 27 March 2018, Inquiry Chair, John Mitting indicated he would restrict HN118's real name, stating:<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling6.22Mar2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180322_SDS_anonymity_Minded_to_6.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad 'Minded To' Note 6 and Ruling 5], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 22 March 2018 (accessed 28 March 2018).</ref>
:: HN118 is in his 50s, married and with children. He is economically active. He was deployed successively against three groups in the last years of existence of the Special Duties Squad.... There is no reason currently known to me which would require or justify publication of his real name. He is concerned that it would attract unwelcome media attention and give rise to a risk of harassment of his family and of interference in his work. I am satisfied that these concerns are genuine and not irrational. What has already been published will permit those with whom he interacted during his deployment to provide information and to give evidence about it, if they choose to do so. Publication of his real name is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.
In those circumstances, the interference which it would cause with his right to respect for private and family life would not be proportionate or justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention.

Inquiry website lists Wellings time in the SDS as 2001 to 2007, and his targets as Globalise Resistance, the Socialist Worker Party and the Dissent! network.<ref name="ucpi.covername">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2018 (accessed 4 March 2018).</ref>

On 15 May 2018: the Inquiry ruled that the officer's real name shall be restricted.<ref name="mitting.ruling.15May18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180515_ruling_SDS_anonymity.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Ruling], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 15 May 2018.</ref>

==Notes==

<references />

Simon Wellings: McCurdy Interviews

2026-02-16T07:49:10Z

Chris Brian: /* EU Summit (Seville, 2002) */

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Simon Wellings|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Simon_Wellings.2a.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2001-2004 (2007)|Targets=Globalise Resistance, arms trade & anti-globalisation protestors, Socialist Workers Party, Dissent! network}}

'''Simon C. Wellings''' is the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated anti-globalisation group 'Globalise Resistance' and the Socialist Workers Party. He was exposed when he accidentally caused a debriefing session with his police handlers to be caught in a recording on a telephone answering machine in 2004, and left the group.

Despite this, he was redeployed in 2005 into the Dissent! network, a predominantly anarchist mobilisation against the G8 Summits, which in 2005 was taking place at Gleneagles, Scotland. According to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, he continued as an undercover until 2007 and that Dissent! had been among his targets.<ref name="ucpi.covername">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2018 (accessed 4 March 2018).</ref><ref name="ucpi.19-1-17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Press Notice: Update on anonymity applications – N118 (“Simon Wellings”)], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 19 January 2017 (accessed 19 January 2017).</ref>

When Newsnight released the photo of Wellings in March 2011, researcher Patrick McCurdy, active with the Dissent! media team (the 'Counter-Spin Collective') for the 2005 G8 mobilisation, realised he had known the undercover, corresponding with him into 2006.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/><ref name="pmc.29Apr2020">Undercover Research Group: email from Dr Patrick McCurdy, 29 April 2020.</ref>

Further, Wellings participated in McCurdy's PhD research project in which he was twice interviewed, principally on his assumed activist persona's attitude to the media, but also about his past activities while he was with Globalise Resistance.<ref name="PhD">Patrick McCurdy, [http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/5/1/McCurdy_I_predict_a_riot.pdf ‘I Predict a Riot’ – Mediation and Political Contention: Dissent!’s media practices at the 2005 Gleneagles G8 Summit (PhD thesis)], ''London School of Economics'', March 2009 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="Interview1">Patrick McCurdy, [https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sEN89PmC4eY1htOF95N0s2dzJmMUNndXFaVmVSSEVvUUM4/view 1st Interview with 'Scott' (Simon Wellings)], 20 March 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="Interview2"> Patrick McCurdy, 2nd Interview with 'Scott' / Simon Wellings, ''unpublished'', 2 September 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

This page outlines the information that Wellings' gave to McCurdy in his interview, as well as information McCurdy could personally corroborate not covered in the main profile. It is notable that Wellings retold his time with Globalise Resistance, to create a different back-story more in keeping with the Dissent! political milleu.

Given the topic of the interview, the ongoing debate within the Dissent! network about interaction with mainstream media, much of the material focuses on media and policing around the 2005 G8 Summit. Part of this involves discussing some of the politics of the Dissent! network as opposed to the other networks also mobilising. As such, he provides relatively simplistic analysis, which mirrors the composite picture of ongoing debates at the time. It is clear he had embedded enough to be able to pick up the various strands of the discussion and present them back, though at times slips into a more reformist politic.

The value in the interviews from our perspective is three-fold: firstly, how his background story changed to facilitate his infiltration of Dissent!. Secondly, how he became involved in the Dissent! network and his accounts of taking part in the mobilisation against the G8. Thirdly, his view on the policing of protests in relation to the intentions of the protests, and also how this intersects with mainstream media. We do not add weight to his political analysis or judgments.

==McCurdy and Wellings contact 2004-2006==

McCurdy was in contact with Wellings between 2004 and 2006, though latterly only through e-mail correspondence. It is in the two interviews for McCurdy's PhD, in March and September 2005 that they have the most extensive contact.

He first encountered the undercover at the European Social Forum (ESF) in London, which took place between the 15 and 17 of November 2004. McCurdy was studying for his PhD at the London School of Economics (LSE) and had previously been involved in the 2002 counter G8 mobilisation in Canada.<ref name="ESF">Hilary Wainwright and Oscar Reys, [https://www.redpepper.org.uk/european-social-forum-debating-the/ European Social Forum: debating the challenges for its future], ''Red Pepper'', 1 December 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/28th_G8_summit 28th G8 summit], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Patrick McCurdy, 2 November 2018.</ref>

===Timeline===

* '''November 2004''': first meet at the European Social Forum, London.

* '''March 2005''': first interview March 2005

* '''April 2005''': meet at The Festival of Dissent, Scotland.

* '''July 2005''': both attend G8 counter-mobilisation in Scotland, camping at the Eco-village (or Hori-zone) at Stirling, Scotland.

* '''September 2005''': second Interview.

* '''November 2006''': last (e-mail) contact.

==Wellings account of his time in Globalise Resistance==

According to McCurdy, Wellings told him his job was to 'install fibre optic cables', work which took him across the world.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/><ref name="Interview1"/>

At the time of the interviews in 2005, he claimed:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::I’ve been involved in political activism on and off now for about 10 years. Current wave of involvement started just after Genoa in 2001. Genoa was an amazing seminal moment in the movement and I missed it. I spent the whole weekend glues to my mate’s laptop on Indymedia with a really slow shaky dial-up connection that kept dropping out and watching it on some of the mainstream news reports. I kept thinking 'I should have gone', but that kind of peaked my interest again. I started going to some stuff, meetings and bits and bobs.

Genoa is a reference to the anti-G8 Summit protests in Italy in 2001 which saw wide-scale police violence and brutality. His known deployment timetable has him arriving at Globalise Resistance just after Genoa, but it is likely he studied the protests as part of his preparation for his deployment.

Having become active again, he claimed to have been part of an affinity group:<ref name="Interview1"/>
We are kind of a relatively tight little- I suppose you would call us an affinity group. We do sort of fairly direct action type stuff mixed with you know, just building and helping out where we can on other big mobilisations and stuff.

Among the big mobilisations he says he went to in the McCurdy interviews, were the World Economic Forum (New York City, 2002), EU Summit (Seville,2002) and the 2003 G8 Summit (Evian). He attended these demonstrations as part of contingents from Globalise Resistance and his presence at them have been confirmed.<ref name="gt.i.1-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Guy Taylor, January 2016.</ref> His accounts of them have changed a bit, giving him a stronger back-story more suitable for the milieu around Dissent!

===World Economic Forum (New York, 2002)===

Welling said of this:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I think it was only about – gee whiz, it was in January, so it was only about 4 months after 9/11 and that was an extraordinary experience to be honest. There was only two or three of us on it – some friends I know in New York and Syracuse and some people from Cornell as well and sort of joined in on what they had planned, because they were like a tight little affinity group and they had a nice little squatted space on the upper West-side of New York near Columbia where we could stay. And the was just an amazing experience because New York – there was such a feral atmosphere in the city.

This varies from the account from Guy Taylor who noted that Wellings went to Manhattan as one twelve Globalise Resistance campaigners for the express purpose of protesting at the WEF, and the flat becomes a 'squat'.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

The World Economic Forum, normally took place in Davos, but had switched to New York to show solidarity with the city after 9/11. The protests received considerable criticism in the mainstream press as being somehow disrespectful. On this, Wellings added:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: The mainstream media completely demonized the whole process and, you know were hysterical really. And the thing about that it is, it whips up a momentum doesn’t it? Well I think it whips up an expectation for everybody and it starts feeding off both sides. You get this attitude by the mainstream media that there is no story unless there is violence or rioting or whatever and it’s just, they aren’t interested in anything else – or they weren’t then.

===EU Summit (Seville, 2002)===

According to Guy Taylor, Wellings travelled to Spain with other activists from Globalise Resistance, staying with them on the camp-site provided for international protestors. However, he camped by himself, away from other GR activists.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Contradicting this account, Wellings gave a fictionalised version to McCurdy in the interview:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I went with a very small group of people. We were planning to do a bridge blockade at one of the major bridges in Seville between the main conference centre and the old historic city centre where a lot of the top hotels were. And we knew or we believed, from being there in the morning the day before that a lot of the cars, the big limousines had used this bridge. We had a plan to do bridge hangs off the infrastructure off the bridge and have people obviously ahead of both sides saying 'look, you can’t come through, there’s people hanging on ropes' very much you know like what happened in Geneva...you know, 'If you drive through here you are going to cause people to fall to their peril'.

This is a clear and somewhat offensive lie on Wellings' part. The bridge action in Geneva took place the following year, on 1 June 2003, when two climbers used ropes to stop traffic on the Aubonne bridge between Geneva and Lausanne in an effort to blockade those attending the G8 Summit. Police cut the ropes holding the climbers causing one to receive life-threatening injuries and lead to an international inquiry and campaign.<ref>Ronya, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/06/70225.html Activists in life-threatening condition at bridge between Geneva and Lausanne], ''Indymedia UK'', 1 June 2003 (accessed 24 October 2018).</ref><ref>[http://www.statewatch.org/news/2003/jul/12mshaw.htm G8 injured activist released from hospital after one month - new video evidence demonstrates police negligence], press releases, 3 July 2003 (accessed via Statewatch.org).</ref><ref>Stuart Millar & Alison Langley, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/jun/09/g8.world G8 protester to prosecute Swiss police], ''The Guardian'', 9 June 2003 (accessed 3 April 2020).</ref>

Wellings also added to his account of Seville:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: We were staying in a public park; they just opened a public park for people to sleep in. We had no tents, it didn’t matter because it was 40 degrees centigrade hot, it was still 35oC at two o’clock in the morning it was absolutely and even people from Seville you know, Spanish people were going “it’s not normally this hot” but it was mad hot. But you know, we were dirty, we were filthy, we hadn’t washed...

He then goes on to discuss British mainstream media come to speak to them there at the park and his groups decision to engage with them in what is clearly presented as a first-hand account. Having talked to a journalist them for a hour, explaining why they were protesting, Wellings noted:<ref name="Interview1"/>

:: We were saying 'Ahh great, do you think you are going to get some of that on the paper, on the news?' They would just go 'Ahh no mate, no it’s nothing we can use, nothing we can run with'. And we would say 'What do you mean?' you know, and he’d say 'No mate, unless you said you were going to fucking attack the hotel or tear the fence down you know, our editor is just never going to run with that. It’s just not going to happen'. And you think, ahhh gee whiz you know, it’s an hour there we spent, three of us there chatting to you in the blistering heat when we could have been doing something a lot more productive. And I’m not saying our hours are particularly valuable, but you know it’s so frustrating and it must also be frustrating for him as well. To actually to say, 'look there’s no violence, there’s no story.' That’s what he was saying.

This is notable in that we have a undercover police officer abroad talking to British media, but also saying that violence was not anticipated. Which, if the case, begs the question as to what his tasking to be in Spain actually was.

===G8 Summit (Evian, 2003)===

Wellings also spoke of the 2003 G8 Summit protests which took place at Evian in France, which he had attended with a sizeable contingent from Globalise Resistance.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031011163606/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/evian/evian.html G8 Illegitime!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030720233330/http://www.resist.org.uk/ You are 8... We are 6 Billion!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> While he discusses some of the more notable events and actions that took place, they are not things he appears to have take part in. Rather he notes:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: There was a lot of networking done, I think a lot - you know. I certainly made new contacts there. Ya, it was a good experience.

===Involvment with media for Globalise Resistance===

As well as the above incident in Seville, Wellings claimed to McCurdy to have done media work on other occasions for Globalise Resistance events. In one ancedote, he talks about meeting a BBC freelance journalist following a meeting he had organied at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square ahead of the Seville summit, and her knowing someone he knew from the independent production company Altwire which often did stuff focused on Palestine. From this there was follow up media stuff with the BBC which Wellings seemed to have input on.<ref name="Interview1"/>

==Taking part in Dissent!==

On being asked on how he got involved in the Dissent! network, Wellings said:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: Everybody kind of knew the G8 was coming here and stuff and I kind of really completely cut my ties and links with the other groups. Having been involved on this – I don’t know how you would call it – this sort of side of the movement before, I was just very keen to get back involved. I really didn’t do anything much more sophisticated than speak to a couple of people and have a look around. It was obvious that Dissent! was very energetic, and it was quite – it seemed quite sorted and started quite early so I was quite keen to get involved in that so that’s how really. ... [B]ut I signed up to a few of the elists and spoke to some people and you know, the guys and girls in our group are happy with the politics and the way it’s organised. We are certainly not interested in ... sort of hierarchal leadership. I haven’t got a particular beef with that you know, it’s just not for us. And that’s how really. I’ve been along to some of the meetings, some of the London meetings, Beyond ESF, TRAPESE … You just start going to some of the gatherings and you get a little bit more involved. I’ve [also] been able to help move stuff about…

On being asked why he is planning to go to Scotland for the 2005 G8 protests: protests:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::Just because-and that’s a really valid question as well – why actually, who do you have to go there? I think simply because if it comes – I just think it’s a showpiece Summit for them, for the members of the G8. For Chirac, for Putin for Bush, for Blair… I think it’s just completely wrong, and I’m not saying this should be the be all and end all the mobilisation for the G8, you know, it’s not something to be undertaken lightly but it is just as valid to go and doing something on your high street or whatever you know at the end of your row. But I just think it’s completely, for me, it is completely unacceptable for it to go on unopposed. What will happen is, because there is a history of demonstration, protest, opposition to this Summit, I think all of the sudden if we had one and nobody turned up they would just spin that around instantly. I mean, Blair’s little; it’s not little is it? It’s a great big, fucking huge spin team, would just say 'Look, you know, we are so right on, we’re so connected with the people, our policies are so right, no one even opposes what we are doing'.
:: And I think it’s really important to get up there and highlight the whole sort of shallowness, the sort of corruption almost of the whole process because they don’t really do anything. ... I just think it’s an obscenity where they spend this much money to come together, you know to feed and wine and dine these thousands of people on their side, the official delegate side, and then for that to go unopposed, I really do.

He also added:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: [It is] really important to take advantage of the fact that there will be a huge amount of media there. [T]hese things suck in the media to a huge extent. I think it is important that even if only one or two journalists you know carry a story or actually sort putting our side of the story. You know, the counter arguments to all the statements, proclamations and spin that will come out of the whole thing. I just think it is really important they are opposed. I think that if they are not opposed, they just become more valid by the fact they haven’t been and I know that is a bit of a shallow argument, but I just think that they could easily hold their hands up and say “Look no one is here, there’s six people outside with a banner-we’ve come so far”. I dread that.

After the G8 protests were over, Wellings told McCurdy in a second interview when asked about the success of the mobilisation:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::But yeah, I think it was a huge success and I think the 6th itself was really successful as well. think it showed the strength of the movement and the fact that the sort of autonomous decentralized actions were a huge success. Not that that's the object, but there would have been much more media attention focused on the 6th, which was always, you know, the day of blockades. I think they would have had to have a lot of attention on that if the events down here in London the next morning† hadn't taken place.

† The events of the following day were the 7/7 Bombings in London.

==On policing of protests and associated media attention==

[[File:Police in Derby during M17 protests of 2005.jpg|400px|thumb|right|Policing in Derby during G8 Ministerial Conference, 2005]]

Policing of protests is a topic Welling speaks to on multiple occasions in his interviews with McCurdy. In relation to the various protests around the G8 Summit in the UK he notes:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I also think that there is a lot of tactics being used by the state to intimidate people. You get the use of these police camera teams – the Forward Intelligence Team – everywhere you go.

He particularly comments at the over policing for a protest called at a meeting of G8 Environmental and Development ministers on 17 March 2005, in Derbyshire<ref>'Watching them watching us...', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306816.html Derby G8 M17 Police], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 March 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> and which had seen a low turn out of demonstrators:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I went to Derby [for the G8 Environment Ministers Meeting]… and I swear I had never seen anything like it. I don’t think anybody you know, expected it to be a huge demonstration, there was a critical mass called at the railway station. I was in a fucking car looking like a dreadful activists arriving in a four seat car on my own. Anyway, I parked up, walked around to the railways station, and there was just row after row after row after row of police vans full of guys in full riot gear at nine o’clock in the morning, camera teams on all the platforms at the railway station videoing everybody who got off the train.
::[...]
:: It was just extraordinary. The critical mass was about 15 people on bikes – a motley collection as you hope for an expect – on bikes and scooters you know, micro-push along scooters. And they had behind them like a huge police four-wheel drive, like a people carrier with doors open people pecking away on lap tops, you know, there was like two huge vans of riot cops following us around, two or three motorcycles and about twenty guys running behind it in yellow jackets. Honestly, I’ve seen nothing like it in my life.
::[...]
::I had my own digital camera and I was snapping the cops and I got stopped and turned over, and searched and everything... I don’t know if you read about it, but the Home Secretary signed banning orders the night before, so they made it basically illegal – an amazing thing really – they made it unlawful to demonstrate in the confines of the whole Derby apart for one bit in the market square so that was the only place. And I got told very direct – he had signed it from twelve noon and I got told – I got dragged into an alley by these two cops. ''[untranscribed: interaction with police at Derby; police supposedly asking Wellings why he was taking pictures.]''

On his anticipation for the policing during the G8 in Scotland:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I think Scotland’s going to be insane, to be honest.
::[...]
::I think Scotland will be very, very heavily policed there will be an enormous, an enormous police presence. I think it will be a bit more evenly matched because there will be an awful lot more of us. And I don’t – when I say evenly matched, I don’t mean that in any physical sense but I just mean it will just be a bit fairer. Because they clearly have no qualms at all – the State have got no qualms about looking as if it’s massively disproportionate to what’s actually happening. You know, because Derby was mad…
::[...]
::I think Scotland will be very-it will be very heavily policed. I think a lot will depend on how it goes on the big demonstration on the Saturday, the big [Make Poverty History] march. I think that will set the tone for the whole week. I think it will be very interesting to see what happens at Faslane on the 4th. I’m sure people will be looking to keep their powder for the 6th. I think there will be an enormous police presence; I think it will be very much in your face. I actually think it will be more in your face than Evian and places like that were- you only ever saw the police there when, when people were doing something “wrong” in inverted commas.

Later he added:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: What I am trying to say is that they didn’t have that in your face approach which we seem to have got to in this country, in the UK. With these police teams really mixing with activist, demonstrator, being very upfront with taking people photos, following them around very overtly. I think it will just be very interesting to see how that goes down with our colleagues – our friends, if you like, from mainland Europe because they are not used to that, and it is very provocative.

Wellings also added this criticism of over-policing around the G8:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: But, I think [mainstream media] is important, it has a bearing and I think as well, if you are the top cop up there or whatever and you are formulating your response and you know that the eyes of the world are on you, I just think you are going to air on the side of caution really. I think that’s probably what happened in Derby to a degree, they are going to swamp the place. The worst thing that can happen is they get an article in the paper saying 'Why did we spend all this money for 150 people?' They can always say 'Well, if we hadn’t done it, if we hadn’t done it, there might have been trouble'. That’s the worst that can happen. Where as if he or she doesn’t you know get all this lunacy with the SAS on the rooftop and helicopters swarming around then it will go dreadfully wrong and there will be some sort of riot even though that’s, I mean, I’m involved in Dissent organising such as it is and we’re building and I’ve not been to any meetings where anybody is talking about rioting; it’s not on people’s radar is it? How counter productive is that? For us to go up there and fulfil all their doom and gloom expectations? It’s the very, very worst thing that could happen. I am not saying there will not be trouble but – I mean '''I’ve been [...] on lots and lots of protests and actions and things and I’ve never seen an activist start a confrontation but I’ve seen the police start it many times.''' I mean that with my hand on my heart, you know I really have. '''They arrive, they are pumped up, they are testosterone fuelled, they are not the sharpest pencils in the box. They don’t realise when something is good humoured or tongue in cheek or you know and I mean I’ve seen some of these pro-capitalist demonstrations.'''<ref>The pro-capitalist demonstrations is a reference to spoof protests by the BeyondTV group in favour of capitalism by the group 'Capitalism Represents Acceptable Policy' which mobilised behind the banner Make Poverty Worse. See Montgomery Owen-Pumfrey iv, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/manchester/2005/06/312925.html Pro-capitalists threaten to march in support of G8, July 2nd.], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 June 2005 (accessed 23 April 2020).</ref>

(Emphasis added)

==On media coverage of Dissent! and G8 protests==

In the interview with McCurdy, Wellings comes across as defensive of Dissent!, in particular he is critical of how media presented it in a simplistic fashion, focusing solely on the media anticipated violence, which he says comes from a need to sell papers. His defence of Dissent! as a non-violent is curious in hindsight given the significant police resources that went into policing it.

On the aims of the expected protests in Scotland, he said:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::I think that we’re very keen on a relatively, non-violent but confrontational approach to disrupting the Summit. I think for us, actually getting up there and even if it just means closing a road for a few hours or preventing the Summit from starting on time like has happened in Evian of Geneva you know where it was delayed for hours. I think that is about as much as you can hope for. I don’t think you can go up there and expect you arte going to sort spray can George Bush’s limousine, it’s not going to happen, is it? [...] But I think, you know, to get up there, to build links with local communities. To actually speak to people and say look, “we are not masked maniacs” you know? We are just people who, we believe passionately what we believe, we think that we’re being exploited; the system is run for us, it’s run for them you know?

::And we just want to tell you what we think, and just ask you to think about what is actually happening, what’s being perpetuated. And also, you know I think that, I think in a way perhaps you know to do some stuff which is, and although I hate the idea of being a media whore or slave to the mainstream media, to actually do something which actually captures the imagination of the, the mainstream media to such a degree that it does become headline news you now? It is the first item on the news. I don’t think that is an objective, I just think that’s a desirable side-product of all the other stuff that you do that perhaps wakes people up. ... I’m not suggesting that they haven’t made decisions about their lives but to question what is going on and to think about ‘hold on’, there is a lot of people up there and they look quite normal to me, a lot of them people. They are not all maniacs; they are just people like me and my friends and they have gone all the way up there to protest, so what’s going on? You know, I need to read about this.

:: Because they treat it as a big showcase you know, photo-op, I think we, we need to respond to that. I think you’ve just got to build awareness, educate, outreach and you know just hope to change people’s consciousness a bit about the whole thing.

:: I think we’ve got to be – and don’t get me wrong, I’m not pretending I’ve got any of the big answers. I just think we’ve got to be creative, energetic, dynamic. We’ve got to do the unexpected. We’ve got to confound people’s you know expectations. We’ve got to work on not you know, resorting to stereotypical – I never condemn people’s way they protest or attacking some of the more physical you know, manifestations if you like of capitalism. I’m not saying that’s invalid but I think we need to – I think there will be an enormous amount of people up there expecting it to go badly, expecting there to be trouble.

In response to a question on media expectation of the protests causing trouble:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::I don’t think for a moment for instance that CNN, Sky News, BBC News 24 or whoever would go up there if they didn’t expect there to be some lively, at the least, large scale demonstrations or some you know, direct actions which actually get in people’s faces a bit. Or, blockade a bridge or a hotel. Or, have a party in the middle of Princes street in Edinburgh you know? I think that there is no way that if you were a commissioning news editor, you would say 'ya you go away for a week or 10 days, and you know, go stay at a hotel in Edinburgh and I will authorise all that the expenditure' if they don’t think there is a story there. They’ don’t want to see some very reasonable, nice people sitting down, having a vegan breakfast and then explaining patiently about climate change and the brutal injustices of capitalism and all the rest of it; they don’t want to hear that, do they?
::[...]
::I think that for them G8, equals must get picture of Blair, Bush and Berlusconi, Putin and all the rest wandering along, in a row looking purposeful cut to hooded-black hooded anarchists swarming across golf course at Gleneagles tearing up the 18th green you know? A sort of cavalry charge of golf buggies down the fairway. That’s their story and I think, that’s what they think now. And, I think if that isn’t what happens, then they will be disappointed and that will be it, there won’t be a news story.

Later in the interview, he noted in terms of mainstream press coverage ahead of the G8, adding how some saw in some of the press hysteria deliberate manipulation by the state to justify repressive policing measures against protests:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::The Scotsman seems to run a you know scare story every other day. You know, there has been some absolutely crazy articles in there about you know- And again you know, its that very simple argument, black and white you know. It’s very easy to look at the-the anarchists you know for want of a better word- the sort of autonomous, anarchisty side of the mobilisation as the ones likely to produce trouble you know because in people’s minds rightly or wrongly-wrongly it’s synonymous with a more direct action approach, with black block and all that stuff that for them, we are the easy target.
::[...]
::I’ve been talking to people you know inside and outside Dissent, “It’s all about state conspiracy … to justify the clampdown” and all this but I think, you know I think sometimes I think the simpler explanation is, is more likely to be true. I just think that’s what sells papers. You know I think that’s what they think their readership wants to read.

He continues in a vein critical of press whipping up hysteria months ahead of the Summit with regards to anarchist protestors as that was what sold papers.

:: it’s the same articles being rehashed and just written from a different, you know: [six] thousand, all police leave cancelled you know. Thousands of police following in from all over the UK to police it; training videos being sent out you know, widespread expectations for disorder or whatever, gee whiz, why?

:: Because there is going to be you know, 500 people in a field talking about first aid, consensus based decision making and building a tripod I mean I don’t see that, do you? I mean I don’t see that when I’m with people from Dissent. I don’t see dangerous – you know – it’s just you know and I don’t hear a word about it either. It’s not as if you’ve got those people hiding with organisation. I mean for want of a better way to put it, it doesn’t happen you know? But it’s going to be you know, people I suppose, you know, you know it’s like you say, I mean “how do you know he’s an anarchist? Well, he looks like one.” It’s going to become this visible manifestation of this extreme point of view – I mean that’s, you know that’s going to be what they concentrate on.

In a second, post-G8 interview with McCurdy, Wellings is critical of how protest was delegitimised:
:: That seemed to be a real effort, to say the only legitimate protest or legitimate demonstration that could possibly be is to be a part of the Make Poverty History campaign. [...] You know – that was the only legitimate form of protest, and if you weren’t there with your white T-shirt and your white bracelet on, somehow you were automatically some sort of criminal or terrorist element that was there to subvert and undermine, you know, the only legitimate process. It was really important to be there and say “look, we’re not a part of that. Don’t agree with you and our presence and voices are here. We’re just trying to articulate that.”

This was a point he returned to:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::You kind of had two stories, didn't you. There was the impending doom of this whole..this sort of Black Bloc…thousands or tens of thousands of firebombs from Black Bloc will descend on the rural idyll, raze it to the ground. There was all of this, you know – when is this going to happen, is this going to happen, when is it going to happen – sort of story. Sort of building and ratcheting up the pressure. And then there was the other side of it. The big fluffy, Make Poverty History march and demonstration. ... They were almost evangelizing one side and demonizing another, it seemed to me. But there was an enormous amount in the media, you know – the media I saw. Mainly print media – newspapers. They were just waiting for trouble, you know, and almost hoping for trouble. Well, not almost – they were. That was it, really. It was a sort of countdown to doomsday. One of the normal puff-pieces they seem to produce beforehand.

He was also critical of Bob Geldof's Live 8 concert drawing people's attention away from the amount of effort that had already gone into raising the political issues leading to the G8 moblisation.<ref name="Interview2"/>

==2006/2011 - McCurdy and Wellings email correspondence==

Much of the email correspondence between McCurdy and Wellings is currently unavailable. However, two 2006 emails that McCurdy retained are of interest.

Both contain references to McCurdy's family, and the impending birth of a child. On this angle, Wellings states that he accessed McCurdy's Flickr page to look at images of his family,<ref name="EmailWell5oCT2006">Simon Wellings, E-mail to McCurdy, 6 October 2006 (accessed 17 November 2018).</ref> a case of collateral intrusion probably not justified under the law as neither 'proportional or necessary' as required.<ref name="RIPA"> Home Office, [https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/regulation-of-investigatory-powers-act-2000-ripa Regulation of Investigatory Powers (2000) Section 3(11)]</ref>

The first email stated that Wellings intends to travel to a counter-G8 camp in Germany called Camp Inski, 'thats setting up a full year early to oppose next summer's summit.<ref name="INskiIMC">'Happy Camper', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/06/341824.html Camp Inski - International Anti-G8-Camping at the Baltic Sea (Aug 06)], Indymedia (UK)'', 2 August 2006 (accessed 4 April 2020).</ref> Wellings remarked that: 'I'm hoping that it'll have some of the same vibe that Stirling did but with maybe better showers!<ref name="EmailJuly27Well">Simon Wellings, email to Patrick McCurdy, 27 June 2006.</ref>

The second email, sees Wellings invite McCurdy to attend the 'Sack Parliament' action, stating that 'there's a bit of a buzz in air' about it.

One of the last emails from Wellings to McCurdy, written 5 October 2006, the undercover says:<ref>Email from Simon Wellings to Patrick McCurdy, 5 October 2006, unpublished.</ref>
:: Sure you know, but there's gonna be a potentially interesting action on Monday from lunchtime onwards - the 'Sack Parliament' action. Slight shades of 'V for Vendetta' and I don't know too much about it but apparently there's a bit of a buzz in the air and considerable interest from da media. I've organised next Monday around it and am gonna go along - maybe you'd be interested too?

'Sack Parliament’ was a direct action with then intention to surround parliament and cause parliamentary activities to cease. It was also the first major demonstration to use image of the mask ‘V’ for Vendetta, later used by the Anonymous hacking collective.<ref>Alan Moore, V for Vendetta, Book One: Europe After the Reign, 1981.</ref><ref>Nick Carbone, [http://newsfeed.time.com/2011/08/29/how-time-warner-profits-from-the-anonymous-hackers/ How Time Warner Profits from the ‘Anonymous’ Hackers], ''Time Magazine (news feed)'', 29 August 2011 (accessed 17 November 2018).</ref> Around 40 people were arrested, after being surrounded by police, and one photographer was seriously injured.<ref name="EmailWell5oCT2006"/><ref>'imcistas', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/10/352912.html Sack Parliament!], '' Indymedia (UK)'', 9 October 2006 (accessed 14 November 2018).</ref> It is not known if Wellings attended the demonstration as suggested. However, it is now known that the organising group was targeted by one of Wellings colleagues in the Special Demonstration Squad, [[Rob Harrison (alias)|Rob Harrison]] and who was present on the day.

Following Welling's exposure on the BBC in 2011,<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00zw1g1 Newsnight (25 March 2011)], BBC iPlayer (currently unavailable).</ref> McCurdy tried to contact Wellings via email but did not receive a reply.<ref>Patrick McCurdy, email to Wellings, 17 June 2011.</ref>

==Notes==

<references />

Simon Wellings: McCurdy Interviews

2026-02-16T07:46:45Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Simon Wellings|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Simon_Wellings.2a.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2001-2004 (2007)|Targets=Globalise Resistance, arms trade & anti-globalisation protestors, Socialist Workers Party, Dissent! network}}

'''Simon C. Wellings''' is the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated anti-globalisation group 'Globalise Resistance' and the Socialist Workers Party. He was exposed when he accidentally caused a debriefing session with his police handlers to be caught in a recording on a telephone answering machine in 2004, and left the group.

Despite this, he was redeployed in 2005 into the Dissent! network, a predominantly anarchist mobilisation against the G8 Summits, which in 2005 was taking place at Gleneagles, Scotland. According to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, he continued as an undercover until 2007 and that Dissent! had been among his targets.<ref name="ucpi.covername">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2018 (accessed 4 March 2018).</ref><ref name="ucpi.19-1-17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Press Notice: Update on anonymity applications – N118 (“Simon Wellings”)], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 19 January 2017 (accessed 19 January 2017).</ref>

When Newsnight released the photo of Wellings in March 2011, researcher Patrick McCurdy, active with the Dissent! media team (the 'Counter-Spin Collective') for the 2005 G8 mobilisation, realised he had known the undercover, corresponding with him into 2006.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/><ref name="pmc.29Apr2020">Undercover Research Group: email from Dr Patrick McCurdy, 29 April 2020.</ref>

Further, Wellings participated in McCurdy's PhD research project in which he was twice interviewed, principally on his assumed activist persona's attitude to the media, but also about his past activities while he was with Globalise Resistance.<ref name="PhD">Patrick McCurdy, [http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/5/1/McCurdy_I_predict_a_riot.pdf ‘I Predict a Riot’ – Mediation and Political Contention: Dissent!’s media practices at the 2005 Gleneagles G8 Summit (PhD thesis)], ''London School of Economics'', March 2009 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="Interview1">Patrick McCurdy, [https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sEN89PmC4eY1htOF95N0s2dzJmMUNndXFaVmVSSEVvUUM4/view 1st Interview with 'Scott' (Simon Wellings)], 20 March 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="Interview2"> Patrick McCurdy, 2nd Interview with 'Scott' / Simon Wellings, ''unpublished'', 2 September 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

This page outlines the information that Wellings' gave to McCurdy in his interview, as well as information McCurdy could personally corroborate not covered in the main profile. It is notable that Wellings retold his time with Globalise Resistance, to create a different back-story more in keeping with the Dissent! political milleu.

Given the topic of the interview, the ongoing debate within the Dissent! network about interaction with mainstream media, much of the material focuses on media and policing around the 2005 G8 Summit. Part of this involves discussing some of the politics of the Dissent! network as opposed to the other networks also mobilising. As such, he provides relatively simplistic analysis, which mirrors the composite picture of ongoing debates at the time. It is clear he had embedded enough to be able to pick up the various strands of the discussion and present them back, though at times slips into a more reformist politic.

The value in the interviews from our perspective is three-fold: firstly, how his background story changed to facilitate his infiltration of Dissent!. Secondly, how he became involved in the Dissent! network and his accounts of taking part in the mobilisation against the G8. Thirdly, his view on the policing of protests in relation to the intentions of the protests, and also how this intersects with mainstream media. We do not add weight to his political analysis or judgments.

==McCurdy and Wellings contact 2004-2006==

McCurdy was in contact with Wellings between 2004 and 2006, though latterly only through e-mail correspondence. It is in the two interviews for McCurdy's PhD, in March and September 2005 that they have the most extensive contact.

He first encountered the undercover at the European Social Forum (ESF) in London, which took place between the 15 and 17 of November 2004. McCurdy was studying for his PhD at the London School of Economics (LSE) and had previously been involved in the 2002 counter G8 mobilisation in Canada.<ref name="ESF">Hilary Wainwright and Oscar Reys, [https://www.redpepper.org.uk/european-social-forum-debating-the/ European Social Forum: debating the challenges for its future], ''Red Pepper'', 1 December 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/28th_G8_summit 28th G8 summit], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Patrick McCurdy, 2 November 2018.</ref>

===Timeline===

* '''November 2004''': first meet at the European Social Forum, London.

* '''March 2005''': first interview March 2005

* '''April 2005''': meet at The Festival of Dissent, Scotland.

* '''July 2005''': both attend G8 counter-mobilisation in Scotland, camping at the Eco-village (or Hori-zone) at Stirling, Scotland.

* '''September 2005''': second Interview.

* '''November 2006''': last (e-mail) contact.

==Wellings account of his time in Globalise Resistance==

According to McCurdy, Wellings told him his job was to 'install fibre optic cables', work which took him across the world.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/><ref name="Interview1"/>

At the time of the interviews in 2005, he claimed:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::I’ve been involved in political activism on and off now for about 10 years. Current wave of involvement started just after Genoa in 2001. Genoa was an amazing seminal moment in the movement and I missed it. I spent the whole weekend glues to my mate’s laptop on Indymedia with a really slow shaky dial-up connection that kept dropping out and watching it on some of the mainstream news reports. I kept thinking 'I should have gone', but that kind of peaked my interest again. I started going to some stuff, meetings and bits and bobs.

Genoa is a reference to the anti-G8 Summit protests in Italy in 2001 which saw wide-scale police violence and brutality. His known deployment timetable has him arriving at Globalise Resistance just after Genoa, but it is likely he studied the protests as part of his preparation for his deployment.

Having become active again, he claimed to have been part of an affinity group:<ref name="Interview1"/>
We are kind of a relatively tight little- I suppose you would call us an affinity group. We do sort of fairly direct action type stuff mixed with you know, just building and helping out where we can on other big mobilisations and stuff.

Among the big mobilisations he says he went to in the McCurdy interviews, were the World Economic Forum (New York City, 2002), EU Summit (Seville,2002) and the 2003 G8 Summit (Evian). He attended these demonstrations as part of contingents from Globalise Resistance and his presence at them have been confirmed.<ref name="gt.i.1-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Guy Taylor, January 2016.</ref> His accounts of them have changed a bit, giving him a stronger back-story more suitable for the milieu around Dissent!

===World Economic Forum (New York, 2002)===

Welling said of this:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I think it was only about – gee whiz, it was in January, so it was only about 4 months after 9/11 and that was an extraordinary experience to be honest. There was only two or three of us on it – some friends I know in New York and Syracuse and some people from Cornell as well and sort of joined in on what they had planned, because they were like a tight little affinity group and they had a nice little squatted space on the upper West-side of New York near Columbia where we could stay. And the was just an amazing experience because New York – there was such a feral atmosphere in the city.

This varies from the account from Guy Taylor who noted that Wellings went to Manhattan as one twelve Globalise Resistance campaigners for the express purpose of protesting at the WEF, and the flat becomes a 'squat'.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

The World Economic Forum, normally took place in Davos, but had switched to New York to show solidarity with the city after 9/11. The protests received considerable criticism in the mainstream press as being somehow disrespectful. On this, Wellings added:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: The mainstream media completely demonized the whole process and, you know were hysterical really. And the thing about that it is, it whips up a momentum doesn’t it? Well I think it whips up an expectation for everybody and it starts feeding off both sides. You get this attitude by the mainstream media that there is no story unless there is violence or rioting or whatever and it’s just, they aren’t interested in anything else – or they weren’t then.

===EU Summit (Seville, 2002)===

According to Guy Taylor, Wellings travelled to Spain with other activists from Globalise Resistance, staying with them on the camp-site provided for international protestors. However, he camped by himself, away from other GR activists.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Contradicting this account, Wellings gave a fictionalised version to McCurdy in the interview:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I went with a very small group of people. We were planning to do a bridge blockade at one of the major bridges in Seville between the main conference centre and the old historic city centre where a lot of the top hotels were. And we knew or we believed, from being there in the morning the day before that a lot of the cars, the big limousines had used this bridge. We had a plan to do bridge hangs off the infrastructure off the bridge and have people obviously ahead of both sides saying 'look, you can’t come through, there’s people hanging on ropes' very much you know like what happened in Geneva...you know, 'If you drive through here you are going to cause people to fall to their peril'.

This is a clear and somewhat offensive lie on Wellings' part. The bridge action in Geneva took place the following year, on 1 June 2003, when two climbers used ropes to stop traffic on the Aubonne bridge between Geneva and Lausanne in an effort to blockade those attending the G8 Summit. Police cut the ropes holding the climbers causing one to receive life-threatening injuries and lead to an international inquiry and campaign.<ref>Ronya, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/06/70225.html Activists in life-threatening condition at bridge between Geneva and Lausanne], ''Indymedia UK'', 1 June 2003 (accessed 24 October 2018).</ref><ref>[http://www.statewatch.org/news/2003/jul/12mshaw.htm G8 injured activist released from hospital after one month - new video evidence demonstrates police negligence], press releases, 3 July 2003 (accessed via Statewatch.org).</ref><ref>Stuart Millar & Alison Langley, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/jun/09/g8.world G8 protester to prosecute Swiss police], ''The Guardian'', 9 June 2003 (accessed 3 April 2020).</ref>

This refers to the [[International Monetary Fund]] meeting in Geneva, when two activists were stopping traffic passing over a bridge sustained life-threatening injuries when police cut the ropes that the climbers were attached to.<ref>Ronya, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/06/70225.html Activists in life-threatening condition at bridge between Geneva and Lausanne], ''Indymedia UK'', 1 June 2003 (accessed 24 October 2018).</ref>

Wellings also added to his account of Seville:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: We were staying in a public park; they just opened a public park for people to sleep in. We had no tents, it didn’t matter because it was 40 degrees centigrade hot, it was still 35oC at two o’clock in the morning it was absolutely and even people from Seville you know, Spanish people were going “it’s not normally this hot” but it was mad hot. But you know, we were dirty, we were filthy, we hadn’t washed...

He then goes on to discuss British mainstream media come to speak to them there at the park and his groups decision to engage with them in what is clearly presented as a first-hand account. Having talked to a journalist them for a hour, explaining why they were protesting, Wellings noted:<ref name="Interview1"/>

:: We were saying 'Ahh great, do you think you are going to get some of that on the paper, on the news?' They would just go 'Ahh no mate, no it’s nothing we can use, nothing we can run with'. And we would say 'What do you mean?' you know, and he’d say 'No mate, unless you said you were going to fucking attack the hotel or tear the fence down you know, our editor is just never going to run with that. It’s just not going to happen'. And you think, ahhh gee whiz you know, it’s an hour there we spent, three of us there chatting to you in the blistering heat when we could have been doing something a lot more productive. And I’m not saying our hours are particularly valuable, but you know it’s so frustrating and it must also be frustrating for him as well. To actually to say, 'look there’s no violence, there’s no story.' That’s what he was saying.

This is notable in that we have a undercover police officer abroad talking to British media, but also saying that violence was not anticipated. Which, if the case, begs the question as to what his tasking to be in Spain actually was.

===G8 Summit (Evian, 2003)===

Wellings also spoke of the 2003 G8 Summit protests which took place at Evian in France, which he had attended with a sizeable contingent from Globalise Resistance.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031011163606/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/evian/evian.html G8 Illegitime!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030720233330/http://www.resist.org.uk/ You are 8... We are 6 Billion!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> While he discusses some of the more notable events and actions that took place, they are not things he appears to have take part in. Rather he notes:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: There was a lot of networking done, I think a lot - you know. I certainly made new contacts there. Ya, it was a good experience.

===Involvment with media for Globalise Resistance===

As well as the above incident in Seville, Wellings claimed to McCurdy to have done media work on other occasions for Globalise Resistance events. In one ancedote, he talks about meeting a BBC freelance journalist following a meeting he had organied at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square ahead of the Seville summit, and her knowing someone he knew from the independent production company Altwire which often did stuff focused on Palestine. From this there was follow up media stuff with the BBC which Wellings seemed to have input on.<ref name="Interview1"/>

==Taking part in Dissent!==

On being asked on how he got involved in the Dissent! network, Wellings said:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: Everybody kind of knew the G8 was coming here and stuff and I kind of really completely cut my ties and links with the other groups. Having been involved on this – I don’t know how you would call it – this sort of side of the movement before, I was just very keen to get back involved. I really didn’t do anything much more sophisticated than speak to a couple of people and have a look around. It was obvious that Dissent! was very energetic, and it was quite – it seemed quite sorted and started quite early so I was quite keen to get involved in that so that’s how really. ... [B]ut I signed up to a few of the elists and spoke to some people and you know, the guys and girls in our group are happy with the politics and the way it’s organised. We are certainly not interested in ... sort of hierarchal leadership. I haven’t got a particular beef with that you know, it’s just not for us. And that’s how really. I’ve been along to some of the meetings, some of the London meetings, Beyond ESF, TRAPESE … You just start going to some of the gatherings and you get a little bit more involved. I’ve [also] been able to help move stuff about…

On being asked why he is planning to go to Scotland for the 2005 G8 protests: protests:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::Just because-and that’s a really valid question as well – why actually, who do you have to go there? I think simply because if it comes – I just think it’s a showpiece Summit for them, for the members of the G8. For Chirac, for Putin for Bush, for Blair… I think it’s just completely wrong, and I’m not saying this should be the be all and end all the mobilisation for the G8, you know, it’s not something to be undertaken lightly but it is just as valid to go and doing something on your high street or whatever you know at the end of your row. But I just think it’s completely, for me, it is completely unacceptable for it to go on unopposed. What will happen is, because there is a history of demonstration, protest, opposition to this Summit, I think all of the sudden if we had one and nobody turned up they would just spin that around instantly. I mean, Blair’s little; it’s not little is it? It’s a great big, fucking huge spin team, would just say 'Look, you know, we are so right on, we’re so connected with the people, our policies are so right, no one even opposes what we are doing'.
:: And I think it’s really important to get up there and highlight the whole sort of shallowness, the sort of corruption almost of the whole process because they don’t really do anything. ... I just think it’s an obscenity where they spend this much money to come together, you know to feed and wine and dine these thousands of people on their side, the official delegate side, and then for that to go unopposed, I really do.

He also added:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: [It is] really important to take advantage of the fact that there will be a huge amount of media there. [T]hese things suck in the media to a huge extent. I think it is important that even if only one or two journalists you know carry a story or actually sort putting our side of the story. You know, the counter arguments to all the statements, proclamations and spin that will come out of the whole thing. I just think it is really important they are opposed. I think that if they are not opposed, they just become more valid by the fact they haven’t been and I know that is a bit of a shallow argument, but I just think that they could easily hold their hands up and say “Look no one is here, there’s six people outside with a banner-we’ve come so far”. I dread that.

After the G8 protests were over, Wellings told McCurdy in a second interview when asked about the success of the mobilisation:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::But yeah, I think it was a huge success and I think the 6th itself was really successful as well. think it showed the strength of the movement and the fact that the sort of autonomous decentralized actions were a huge success. Not that that's the object, but there would have been much more media attention focused on the 6th, which was always, you know, the day of blockades. I think they would have had to have a lot of attention on that if the events down here in London the next morning† hadn't taken place.

† The events of the following day were the 7/7 Bombings in London.

==On policing of protests and associated media attention==

[[File:Police in Derby during M17 protests of 2005.jpg|400px|thumb|right|Policing in Derby during G8 Ministerial Conference, 2005]]

Policing of protests is a topic Welling speaks to on multiple occasions in his interviews with McCurdy. In relation to the various protests around the G8 Summit in the UK he notes:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I also think that there is a lot of tactics being used by the state to intimidate people. You get the use of these police camera teams – the Forward Intelligence Team – everywhere you go.

He particularly comments at the over policing for a protest called at a meeting of G8 Environmental and Development ministers on 17 March 2005, in Derbyshire<ref>'Watching them watching us...', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306816.html Derby G8 M17 Police], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 March 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> and which had seen a low turn out of demonstrators:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I went to Derby [for the G8 Environment Ministers Meeting]… and I swear I had never seen anything like it. I don’t think anybody you know, expected it to be a huge demonstration, there was a critical mass called at the railway station. I was in a fucking car looking like a dreadful activists arriving in a four seat car on my own. Anyway, I parked up, walked around to the railways station, and there was just row after row after row after row of police vans full of guys in full riot gear at nine o’clock in the morning, camera teams on all the platforms at the railway station videoing everybody who got off the train.
::[...]
:: It was just extraordinary. The critical mass was about 15 people on bikes – a motley collection as you hope for an expect – on bikes and scooters you know, micro-push along scooters. And they had behind them like a huge police four-wheel drive, like a people carrier with doors open people pecking away on lap tops, you know, there was like two huge vans of riot cops following us around, two or three motorcycles and about twenty guys running behind it in yellow jackets. Honestly, I’ve seen nothing like it in my life.
::[...]
::I had my own digital camera and I was snapping the cops and I got stopped and turned over, and searched and everything... I don’t know if you read about it, but the Home Secretary signed banning orders the night before, so they made it basically illegal – an amazing thing really – they made it unlawful to demonstrate in the confines of the whole Derby apart for one bit in the market square so that was the only place. And I got told very direct – he had signed it from twelve noon and I got told – I got dragged into an alley by these two cops. ''[untranscribed: interaction with police at Derby; police supposedly asking Wellings why he was taking pictures.]''

On his anticipation for the policing during the G8 in Scotland:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: I think Scotland’s going to be insane, to be honest.
::[...]
::I think Scotland will be very, very heavily policed there will be an enormous, an enormous police presence. I think it will be a bit more evenly matched because there will be an awful lot more of us. And I don’t – when I say evenly matched, I don’t mean that in any physical sense but I just mean it will just be a bit fairer. Because they clearly have no qualms at all – the State have got no qualms about looking as if it’s massively disproportionate to what’s actually happening. You know, because Derby was mad…
::[...]
::I think Scotland will be very-it will be very heavily policed. I think a lot will depend on how it goes on the big demonstration on the Saturday, the big [Make Poverty History] march. I think that will set the tone for the whole week. I think it will be very interesting to see what happens at Faslane on the 4th. I’m sure people will be looking to keep their powder for the 6th. I think there will be an enormous police presence; I think it will be very much in your face. I actually think it will be more in your face than Evian and places like that were- you only ever saw the police there when, when people were doing something “wrong” in inverted commas.

Later he added:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: What I am trying to say is that they didn’t have that in your face approach which we seem to have got to in this country, in the UK. With these police teams really mixing with activist, demonstrator, being very upfront with taking people photos, following them around very overtly. I think it will just be very interesting to see how that goes down with our colleagues – our friends, if you like, from mainland Europe because they are not used to that, and it is very provocative.

Wellings also added this criticism of over-policing around the G8:<ref name="Interview1"/>
:: But, I think [mainstream media] is important, it has a bearing and I think as well, if you are the top cop up there or whatever and you are formulating your response and you know that the eyes of the world are on you, I just think you are going to air on the side of caution really. I think that’s probably what happened in Derby to a degree, they are going to swamp the place. The worst thing that can happen is they get an article in the paper saying 'Why did we spend all this money for 150 people?' They can always say 'Well, if we hadn’t done it, if we hadn’t done it, there might have been trouble'. That’s the worst that can happen. Where as if he or she doesn’t you know get all this lunacy with the SAS on the rooftop and helicopters swarming around then it will go dreadfully wrong and there will be some sort of riot even though that’s, I mean, I’m involved in Dissent organising such as it is and we’re building and I’ve not been to any meetings where anybody is talking about rioting; it’s not on people’s radar is it? How counter productive is that? For us to go up there and fulfil all their doom and gloom expectations? It’s the very, very worst thing that could happen. I am not saying there will not be trouble but – I mean '''I’ve been [...] on lots and lots of protests and actions and things and I’ve never seen an activist start a confrontation but I’ve seen the police start it many times.''' I mean that with my hand on my heart, you know I really have. '''They arrive, they are pumped up, they are testosterone fuelled, they are not the sharpest pencils in the box. They don’t realise when something is good humoured or tongue in cheek or you know and I mean I’ve seen some of these pro-capitalist demonstrations.'''<ref>The pro-capitalist demonstrations is a reference to spoof protests by the BeyondTV group in favour of capitalism by the group 'Capitalism Represents Acceptable Policy' which mobilised behind the banner Make Poverty Worse. See Montgomery Owen-Pumfrey iv, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/manchester/2005/06/312925.html Pro-capitalists threaten to march in support of G8, July 2nd.], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 June 2005 (accessed 23 April 2020).</ref>

(Emphasis added)

==On media coverage of Dissent! and G8 protests==

In the interview with McCurdy, Wellings comes across as defensive of Dissent!, in particular he is critical of how media presented it in a simplistic fashion, focusing solely on the media anticipated violence, which he says comes from a need to sell papers. His defence of Dissent! as a non-violent is curious in hindsight given the significant police resources that went into policing it.

On the aims of the expected protests in Scotland, he said:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::I think that we’re very keen on a relatively, non-violent but confrontational approach to disrupting the Summit. I think for us, actually getting up there and even if it just means closing a road for a few hours or preventing the Summit from starting on time like has happened in Evian of Geneva you know where it was delayed for hours. I think that is about as much as you can hope for. I don’t think you can go up there and expect you arte going to sort spray can George Bush’s limousine, it’s not going to happen, is it? [...] But I think, you know, to get up there, to build links with local communities. To actually speak to people and say look, “we are not masked maniacs” you know? We are just people who, we believe passionately what we believe, we think that we’re being exploited; the system is run for us, it’s run for them you know?

::And we just want to tell you what we think, and just ask you to think about what is actually happening, what’s being perpetuated. And also, you know I think that, I think in a way perhaps you know to do some stuff which is, and although I hate the idea of being a media whore or slave to the mainstream media, to actually do something which actually captures the imagination of the, the mainstream media to such a degree that it does become headline news you now? It is the first item on the news. I don’t think that is an objective, I just think that’s a desirable side-product of all the other stuff that you do that perhaps wakes people up. ... I’m not suggesting that they haven’t made decisions about their lives but to question what is going on and to think about ‘hold on’, there is a lot of people up there and they look quite normal to me, a lot of them people. They are not all maniacs; they are just people like me and my friends and they have gone all the way up there to protest, so what’s going on? You know, I need to read about this.

:: Because they treat it as a big showcase you know, photo-op, I think we, we need to respond to that. I think you’ve just got to build awareness, educate, outreach and you know just hope to change people’s consciousness a bit about the whole thing.

:: I think we’ve got to be – and don’t get me wrong, I’m not pretending I’ve got any of the big answers. I just think we’ve got to be creative, energetic, dynamic. We’ve got to do the unexpected. We’ve got to confound people’s you know expectations. We’ve got to work on not you know, resorting to stereotypical – I never condemn people’s way they protest or attacking some of the more physical you know, manifestations if you like of capitalism. I’m not saying that’s invalid but I think we need to – I think there will be an enormous amount of people up there expecting it to go badly, expecting there to be trouble.

In response to a question on media expectation of the protests causing trouble:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::I don’t think for a moment for instance that CNN, Sky News, BBC News 24 or whoever would go up there if they didn’t expect there to be some lively, at the least, large scale demonstrations or some you know, direct actions which actually get in people’s faces a bit. Or, blockade a bridge or a hotel. Or, have a party in the middle of Princes street in Edinburgh you know? I think that there is no way that if you were a commissioning news editor, you would say 'ya you go away for a week or 10 days, and you know, go stay at a hotel in Edinburgh and I will authorise all that the expenditure' if they don’t think there is a story there. They’ don’t want to see some very reasonable, nice people sitting down, having a vegan breakfast and then explaining patiently about climate change and the brutal injustices of capitalism and all the rest of it; they don’t want to hear that, do they?
::[...]
::I think that for them G8, equals must get picture of Blair, Bush and Berlusconi, Putin and all the rest wandering along, in a row looking purposeful cut to hooded-black hooded anarchists swarming across golf course at Gleneagles tearing up the 18th green you know? A sort of cavalry charge of golf buggies down the fairway. That’s their story and I think, that’s what they think now. And, I think if that isn’t what happens, then they will be disappointed and that will be it, there won’t be a news story.

Later in the interview, he noted in terms of mainstream press coverage ahead of the G8, adding how some saw in some of the press hysteria deliberate manipulation by the state to justify repressive policing measures against protests:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::The Scotsman seems to run a you know scare story every other day. You know, there has been some absolutely crazy articles in there about you know- And again you know, its that very simple argument, black and white you know. It’s very easy to look at the-the anarchists you know for want of a better word- the sort of autonomous, anarchisty side of the mobilisation as the ones likely to produce trouble you know because in people’s minds rightly or wrongly-wrongly it’s synonymous with a more direct action approach, with black block and all that stuff that for them, we are the easy target.
::[...]
::I’ve been talking to people you know inside and outside Dissent, “It’s all about state conspiracy … to justify the clampdown” and all this but I think, you know I think sometimes I think the simpler explanation is, is more likely to be true. I just think that’s what sells papers. You know I think that’s what they think their readership wants to read.

He continues in a vein critical of press whipping up hysteria months ahead of the Summit with regards to anarchist protestors as that was what sold papers.

:: it’s the same articles being rehashed and just written from a different, you know: [six] thousand, all police leave cancelled you know. Thousands of police following in from all over the UK to police it; training videos being sent out you know, widespread expectations for disorder or whatever, gee whiz, why?

:: Because there is going to be you know, 500 people in a field talking about first aid, consensus based decision making and building a tripod I mean I don’t see that, do you? I mean I don’t see that when I’m with people from Dissent. I don’t see dangerous – you know – it’s just you know and I don’t hear a word about it either. It’s not as if you’ve got those people hiding with organisation. I mean for want of a better way to put it, it doesn’t happen you know? But it’s going to be you know, people I suppose, you know, you know it’s like you say, I mean “how do you know he’s an anarchist? Well, he looks like one.” It’s going to become this visible manifestation of this extreme point of view – I mean that’s, you know that’s going to be what they concentrate on.

In a second, post-G8 interview with McCurdy, Wellings is critical of how protest was delegitimised:
:: That seemed to be a real effort, to say the only legitimate protest or legitimate demonstration that could possibly be is to be a part of the Make Poverty History campaign. [...] You know – that was the only legitimate form of protest, and if you weren’t there with your white T-shirt and your white bracelet on, somehow you were automatically some sort of criminal or terrorist element that was there to subvert and undermine, you know, the only legitimate process. It was really important to be there and say “look, we’re not a part of that. Don’t agree with you and our presence and voices are here. We’re just trying to articulate that.”

This was a point he returned to:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::You kind of had two stories, didn't you. There was the impending doom of this whole..this sort of Black Bloc…thousands or tens of thousands of firebombs from Black Bloc will descend on the rural idyll, raze it to the ground. There was all of this, you know – when is this going to happen, is this going to happen, when is it going to happen – sort of story. Sort of building and ratcheting up the pressure. And then there was the other side of it. The big fluffy, Make Poverty History march and demonstration. ... They were almost evangelizing one side and demonizing another, it seemed to me. But there was an enormous amount in the media, you know – the media I saw. Mainly print media – newspapers. They were just waiting for trouble, you know, and almost hoping for trouble. Well, not almost – they were. That was it, really. It was a sort of countdown to doomsday. One of the normal puff-pieces they seem to produce beforehand.

He was also critical of Bob Geldof's Live 8 concert drawing people's attention away from the amount of effort that had already gone into raising the political issues leading to the G8 moblisation.<ref name="Interview2"/>

==2006/2011 - McCurdy and Wellings email correspondence==

Much of the email correspondence between McCurdy and Wellings is currently unavailable. However, two 2006 emails that McCurdy retained are of interest.

Both contain references to McCurdy's family, and the impending birth of a child. On this angle, Wellings states that he accessed McCurdy's Flickr page to look at images of his family,<ref name="EmailWell5oCT2006">Simon Wellings, E-mail to McCurdy, 6 October 2006 (accessed 17 November 2018).</ref> a case of collateral intrusion probably not justified under the law as neither 'proportional or necessary' as required.<ref name="RIPA"> Home Office, [https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/regulation-of-investigatory-powers-act-2000-ripa Regulation of Investigatory Powers (2000) Section 3(11)]</ref>

The first email stated that Wellings intends to travel to a counter-G8 camp in Germany called Camp Inski, 'thats setting up a full year early to oppose next summer's summit.<ref name="INskiIMC">'Happy Camper', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/06/341824.html Camp Inski - International Anti-G8-Camping at the Baltic Sea (Aug 06)], Indymedia (UK)'', 2 August 2006 (accessed 4 April 2020).</ref> Wellings remarked that: 'I'm hoping that it'll have some of the same vibe that Stirling did but with maybe better showers!<ref name="EmailJuly27Well">Simon Wellings, email to Patrick McCurdy, 27 June 2006.</ref>

The second email, sees Wellings invite McCurdy to attend the 'Sack Parliament' action, stating that 'there's a bit of a buzz in air' about it.

One of the last emails from Wellings to McCurdy, written 5 October 2006, the undercover says:<ref>Email from Simon Wellings to Patrick McCurdy, 5 October 2006, unpublished.</ref>
:: Sure you know, but there's gonna be a potentially interesting action on Monday from lunchtime onwards - the 'Sack Parliament' action. Slight shades of 'V for Vendetta' and I don't know too much about it but apparently there's a bit of a buzz in the air and considerable interest from da media. I've organised next Monday around it and am gonna go along - maybe you'd be interested too?

'Sack Parliament’ was a direct action with then intention to surround parliament and cause parliamentary activities to cease. It was also the first major demonstration to use image of the mask ‘V’ for Vendetta, later used by the Anonymous hacking collective.<ref>Alan Moore, V for Vendetta, Book One: Europe After the Reign, 1981.</ref><ref>Nick Carbone, [http://newsfeed.time.com/2011/08/29/how-time-warner-profits-from-the-anonymous-hackers/ How Time Warner Profits from the ‘Anonymous’ Hackers], ''Time Magazine (news feed)'', 29 August 2011 (accessed 17 November 2018).</ref> Around 40 people were arrested, after being surrounded by police, and one photographer was seriously injured.<ref name="EmailWell5oCT2006"/><ref>'imcistas', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/10/352912.html Sack Parliament!], '' Indymedia (UK)'', 9 October 2006 (accessed 14 November 2018).</ref> It is not known if Wellings attended the demonstration as suggested. However, it is now known that the organising group was targeted by one of Wellings colleagues in the Special Demonstration Squad, [[Rob Harrison (alias)|Rob Harrison]] and who was present on the day.

Following Welling's exposure on the BBC in 2011,<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00zw1g1 Newsnight (25 March 2011)], BBC iPlayer (currently unavailable).</ref> McCurdy tried to contact Wellings via email but did not receive a reply.<ref>Patrick McCurdy, email to Wellings, 17 June 2011.</ref>

==Notes==

<references />

Bob Lambert

2025-10-02T06:53:07Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Robert Lambert|Alias=Bob Robinson|Series=undercover police officers|Image=PX_A_07.016.jpg|Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1983 or 1984<ref name="DATE DISCREPENCY">The [[Evans/Lewis book]] states that Lambert first met ‘Charlotte’, AKA Jacqui, in 1983, “the first year of his deployment”. This is slightly contradicted by the account in ''The New Yorker'' piece, which is based upon interviews with Jacqui, in which it is said the two met “in early 1984”. In his 2013 interview with Andy Davies for ''Channel 4 News'', Lambert himself implies that it could not have been 1983, with the words “I must say, in 1984 when I adopted that identity [Bob Robinson]…” In a 2014 article for an academic journal, Lambert himself strongly implies that his undercover tour began in June 1984 and ended in December 1988 (see Robert Lambert, [http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17539153.2013.847262 ‘Researching counterterrorism: a personal perspective from a former undercover police officer’]. [http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rter20/7/1 ''Critical Studies on Terrorism''] Volume 7 Number 1, pp165-181 (2014)).</ref> until 1988|Targets=Animal liberation and anti-authoritarian movements}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''Robert Lambert''', commonly known as '''Bob Lambert''' and sometimes styled '''Dr Robert Lambert MBE''', born February or March 1952,<ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref><ref name="AMD318">[https://beta.companieshouse.gov.uk/officers/qG6pw3DCdlL13FE5zIoypWs-7vM/appointments ‘ROBERT LAMBERT’], Companies House website, 2016 (accessed 25 May 2016).</ref><ref name="LAMBERT BIRTH DATE">It should be noted that in all his Companies House registrations, Lambert's birth month is given as March 1952, whereas in her ''New Yorker'' article Lauren Collins states very specifically that “Bob’s real birthday is sixteen days earlier” than that of the original Mark Robert Charles Robinson, whose identity Lambert stole, which would put it at 12 February 1952. It is possibly that Collins meant sixteen days ''later'', in which case it would be 16 March 1952.</ref> , is a former [[Metropolitan Police]] officer turned academic.

A long-serving officer with the [[Special Branch|Metropolitan Police Special Branch]], Lambert was a key member of its secretive [[Special Demonstration Squad]]. He served both as an undercover officer - using the false identity ‘[[Bob Robinson]]’ to infiltrate the environmental and animal rights protest movement in the 1980s - and then later as an influential manager of the unit in the 1990s.

He subsequently set up the [[Muslim Contact Unit]] within Special Branch, which worked with British Islamists purportedly to temper radicalisation, before retiring from the police in 2007. He then began a successful second career as an academic, building on his work at [[Muslim Contact Unit|MCU]].

In October 2011 he was publicly exposed as having been a police spy by some of the [[London Greenpeace]] activists upon whom he had spied.<ref name="IM7.001">London Greenpeace, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/10/486877.html ‘Undercover police agent publicly outed at conference’], ''IndyMedia UK'', 40831 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref>

'''+++++ Last Updated February 2018 +++++'''

The profile of Bob Lambert presented here is the first of a collection, it will supplemented by additional pages covering specific areas of interest over time:

* [[Bob Lambert]]
* [[Bob Lambert as Bob Robinson]]
* [[Bob Lambert Exposure and Post-Exposure]]
* [[Bob Lambert Career Timeline]]
* [[Bob Lambert and the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry]]
* [[Bob Lambert Consultancy]]
* [[Bob Lambert and the Academic Community]]
* [[Bob Lambert and the Muslim Community]]
* [[Bob Lambert Writing and Speaking]]
* [[Bob Lambert Gallery]]

Corrections or additions? Please contact the [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net UndercoverResearch Group] (and ask for our PGP key if you need it).

==Biography of Bob Lambert==

===Personal background of Bob Lambert===
Bob Lambert was born in early 1952; documents lodged at Companies House indicate that he was born in March,<ref name="Duedil">Companies House, [https://www.duedil.com/director/913079172/robert-lambert ‘Mr Robert Lambert’ (company director profile)], ''DueDil.com'' (accessed 15 March 2014),</ref> whilst a ''New Yorker'' article claims that his birthday is 12 February.<ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref>

Lambert's grandfather Ernest served in the Metropolitan Police for a quarter-century from 1899 until his retirement as an Inspector in 1924.<ref name="AMD008">Robert Lambert, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120608110723/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/staff.php Staff], Exeter University website (via archive.org), 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref><ref name="CAQ3">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p3.</ref> Ernest Lambert died in 1963.<ref name="CAQ5">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p5.</ref> Little is currently known about his parents or other antecedents, except that his father was “a London printer and a British soldier” who “entered the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp to help rescue Jewish survivors at the end of the Second World War,” and was subsequently “a staunch supporter of a post war reforming Labour government that set great store by social justice and support for the underprivileged.”<ref name="AMD008">Robert Lambert, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120608110723/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/staff.php Staff], Exeter University website (via archive.org), 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref>

During the 1980s, at the same time as pretending to be animal rights activist [[Bob Lambert as Bob Robinson|‘Bob Robinson’]], Lambert maintained a home in suburban Hertfordshire with his then-wife and their two children.<ref name="UC29FAMILY">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p29. Note that a typo renders this as “suburban Herefordshire” - a county in the English West Midlands which lies 130 miles away from London - rather than Hertfordshire, which is immediately north of Greater London. Rob Evans has confirmed to the author that this was a simple proofreading mistake, and that Lambert's home during his SDS deployment (and subsequently) was in Hertfordshire not Herefordshire (correspondence, March-April 2015.)</ref><ref name="ASL563">Frances Hardy, [http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-2859767/Caught-monstrous-web-lies-met-Fell-love-baby-Jacqui-thought-d-perfect-man-fact-undercover-police-officer.html ‘Caught in a monstrous web of lies: They met. Fell in love. Had a baby. Jacqui thought she'd found the perfect man, in fact he was an undercover police officer’], ''Daily Mail'', 3 December 2014 (accessed 4 December 2014).</ref> Their daughter died suddenly aged seventeen in 1992, their son Adam in February 2011.<ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref><ref name="CAQvii">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p vii. Note that this dedication indicates that Lambert had inducted his acknowledged son into his [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch|Special Branch]]-related work at [[STREET UK]].</ref><ref name="CAQ13">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p13.</ref> Both are believed to have suffered from the same congenital heart disorder.<ref name=ASL435>Mark Duell, [http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2805985/Metropolitan-Police-agrees-pay-425-000-compensation-woman-child-undercover-officer-psychiatric-care-learning-real-identity.html ‘Metropolitan Police agrees to pay £425,000 compensation to woman who had child by undercover officer: She had 'psychiatric care after learning of his real identity'’], ''Mail Online'', 24 October 2014 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref><ref name=ASL436>Glenda Cooper, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/11185926/Bob-Lambert-undercover-cops-and-the-awful-cost-of-sleeping-with-the-enemy.html ‘Bob Lambert, undercover cops, and the awful cost of sleeping with the enemy’], ''Daily Telegraph'', 25 October 2014 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref>

After divorcing his first wife, Lambert was later remarried to Julia<ref name="CAQxi">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p.xi.</ref> (referred to in the ''New Yorker'' as ‘Katharine’<ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref>).

As well as the aforementioned Lambert family home in Hertfordshire in the 1980s, by the late 1990s Lambert is described as living in a house in north London.<ref name="ART007p235">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 1''], HMSO, 2014 p235 (accessed 16 April 2014). The Ellison Review quotes Richard Walton as saying that he attended a meeting with Lambert and SDS undercover officer ‘N81’ at “Bob Lambert's personal address...in North London.”</ref>

Further to his October 2011 exposure as a police infiltrator, in January 2012 he was publicly identified as having fathered a child<ref name="FRANCIS">The son of Jacqui and Lambert has subsequently been identified by ''The New Yorker'' and others as ‘Francis’.</ref> by Jacqui (previously pseudonymised as ‘Charlotte’<ref name="PSEUDO">See page on [[pseudonyms]] for more on the various names used as different times to refer to individuals targeted by police infiltrators.</ref>), an animal rights activist on whom he had spied.<ref name="GN7.022">Rob Evans, Paul Lewis, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/jan/20/undercover-police-children-activists ‘Undercover police had children with activists’], ''Guardian'', 40928 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref> Jacqui only discovered that the man she had known as ‘Bob Robinson’, who got her pregnant in 1984<ref name="UC47">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p47, (accessed 8 November 2014)</ref> but disappeared in 1988, had in fact been an undercover policeman when she saw a newspaper story with his photograph in it in June 2012.<ref name="GN7.033">Rob Evans, Paul Lewis, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2013/feb/21/anatomy-of-betrayal-undercover-police ‘Anatomy of a betrayal: the undercover officer accused of deceiving two women, fathering a child, then vanishing’], ''Guardian'', 41326 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref><ref name="MO7.005">Suzannah Hills, [http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2274563/Mother-claims-missing-father-child-undercover-policeman-accused-MP-leaving-bomb-department-store.html?ito=feeds-newsxml ‘Mother claims missing father of her child was undercover policeman accused by MP of leaving bomb in department store’], ''Mail Online'', 6 February 2013 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref>

Legal action begun by Jacqui led to the Metropolitan Police formally acknowledging Lambert as a police infiltrator under the ‘Bob Robinson’ identity, and to it making a significant out-of-court settlement in relation to the behaviour of the service and its officer.<ref name="ASL263">unknown author, [http://www.exeterexpressandecho.co.uk/Met-pays-400-000-mother-undercover-policeman/story-23435350-detail/story.html ‘Met pays more than £400,000 to mother of undercover policeman and former Exeter University academic's child’], ''Exeter Express & Echo'', 24 October 2014 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL264">Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/oct/23/police-compensation-payout-woman-undercover-officer ‘Met police to pay more than £400,00 to victim of undercover officer’], ''The Guardian'', 23 October 2014 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref>

He is a supporter of Chelsea Football Club, regularly attending matches with other police officers including his former [[Special Demonstration Squad|SDS]] and [[Muslim Contact Unit|MCU]] colleague [[Jim Boyling]].<ref name="UC160">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p160.</ref> Lambert also shares with Boyling a passion for running, and both attend running club events on the outskirts of London.<ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref><ref name="IM5.001">Sue, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472403.html ‘Jim Sutton – undercover cop in Reclaim the Streets’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 4 June 2014).</ref><ref name="MC5.001">Epsom Oddballs Running Club, [http://www.epsomoddballs.org/club.php ‘MABAC rep & Events Secretary’], Epsom Oddballs Running Club website (accessed 4 June 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB199">nonsuchoffice, [http://www.parkrun.org.uk/nonsuch/news/2012/12/09/event-67-08-12-12-run-volunteers/ ‘A big thank you to today's volunteers for putting on another great event’], Nonsuch Parkrun website, 6 December 2012 (accessed 18 February 2015).</ref><ref name="AMD107">Possible photograph of Bob Lambert (back row far left, 177) and Jim Boyling (back row fifth from left, 176) in: Lauren Nelson, [https://www.facebook.com/EpsomOddballsRC/photos/pb.156648064405975.-2207520000.1424116205./167588679978580/?type=3&permPage=1 ''Epsom Oddballs team photo''], Epsom Oddballs Facebook page, 11 July 2011 (accessed 18 February 2015).</ref>

===Summary of police career===
:''For a more detailed chronology of his work in the Met and in later years, see: [[Bob Lambert Career Timeline]]''
Lambert is described as having joined the Metropolitan Police in 1977, aged 25, enjoying a thirty-one year long career before retiring in 2007<ref name="ABK085p27">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p27.</ref><ref name="CSTPV">Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence staff page, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/rl40.html ‘Dr Robert Lambert - Lecturer in Terrorism Studies’], University of St. Andrews website (accessed 15 March 2014).</ref><ref name=ASL392>Tom Foot, [http://www.islingtontribune.com/news/2014/oct/holloway-road-uni-defends-crime-lecturer-former-cop-who-had-undercover-affair ‘Holloway Road uni defends crime lecturer former cop who had undercover affair’], ''Islington Tribune'', 31 October 2014 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref> - though some discrepancies in his claimed biography have been noted.

Little is known about his earliest years in the Met, except for a passing reference by him to working a beat in the North London district of Camden.<ref name="ASL181">Richard Jackson, [http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539150802184678 ‘Counter-terrorism and communities: an interview with Robert Lambert’], ''Critical Studies on Terrorism'' volume 1 number 2, August 2008 (accessed 16 June 2014), p295.</ref> He is reputed to have joined [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch]] (MPSB) in 1980, before being recruited to its secretive [[Special Demonstration Squad]] sometime between then and 1983. He was deployed undercover as ‘Bob Robinson’ from at least early 1984 until late 1988.<ref name="BOB ROBINSON">See later sections on [[Bob Lambert#Overview of undercover tour as ‘Bob Robinson’|‘Bob Robinson’]] for more details.</ref>

Subsequently he worked in [[E Squad]], a section devoted to non-Irish international terrorism,<ref name="AMD178">Metropolitan Police Special Branch, ''Special Branch Introduction and summary of responsibilities'', MPSB, August 2004 (released via Freedom of Information Act), p5.</ref> until 1993. He returned to SDS as its Operational Controller, with the rank of Detective Inspector. He left SDS in 1998, and it is not clear what his role was until January 2002, when he set up the [[Muslim Contact Unit]]. He led the MCU from this time, through the 2006 merger of [[MPSB]] (also known as SO12) with the Metropolitan Police Anti-Terrorist Branch (ATB or SO13) which created Counter Terrorism Command (also known as SO15), until his retirement in December 2007.<ref name="LATER CAREER">See section on [[Bob Lambert#Subsequent career in policing|Lambert's subsequent career]] for more details.</ref> Lambert has at times indicated that he was unhappy with the merger,<ref name="ABK077p60">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p60.</ref> noting his divergence from the investigatory-minded direction in which the first CTC head, [[Peter Clarke]], took it.<ref name="ABK077pp11&138">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, pp11 & 138.</ref>

In June 2008, Lambert was awarded the MBE (Member of the Order of the British Empire) “for Services to the Police”.<ref name="MBE">The London Gazette, [http://www.london-gazette.co.uk/issues/58729/supplements/19 ‘Supplement No. 1’], ''The London Gazette'', 14 June 2008 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref>

After leaving the Met, Lambert built upon his MCU work and began a successful [[Bob Lambert#Summary of academic career|second career as an academic]] specialising in engagement with British Islamists, purportedly to temper radicalisation.<ref name="ABK077p230">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p230.</ref><ref name="ASL528">Robert Lambert, [http://www.thecordobafoundation.com/attach/Arches_issue_02x_Web.pdf ‘Salafi and Islamist Londoners: Stigmatised Minority Faith Communities Countering al-Qaida’], ''Arches Quarterly'', Summer 2008 (accessed 22 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL530">Nasar Meer, [http://www.thecordobafoundation.com/attach/Arches_issue_02x_Web.pdf ‘Complicating ‘Radicalism’ - Counter-Terrorism and Muslim identity in Britain’], ''Arches Quarterly'', Spring 2012 (accessed 22 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL509">Robert Lambert, [http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=1631068&fulltextType=RA&fileId=S1049096508080049 ‘Empowering Salafis and Islamists Against Al-Qaeda: A London Counter-terrorism Case Study’]. ''[http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayIssue?decade=2000&jid=PSC&volumeId=41&issueId=01&iid=1631028 Political Science and Politics]'', Volume 41 Issue 1, pp. 31-35 (2008).</ref><ref name="AAC027">Tim Parry Johnathan Ball Foundation for Peace, [http://www.foundation4peace.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/Rethinking_Radicalisation_Conference_Report.pdf''Rethinking Radicalisation''],Conference report, 12 October 2011 (accessed 18 November 2014).</ref>

[[File:Lambert timeline(2).png]]

==Overview of undercover tour as ‘Bob Robinson’==
:''For a more detailed chronology of Lambert's undercover tour, see separate article: [[Bob Lambert as Bob Robinson]]''
‘Bob Robinson’ first appeared in the animal rights and environmental milieu in north London late 1983 or early 1984.<ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK085p27">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p27.</ref><ref name="VID017">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/bob-lambert-undercover-police-met-exclusive-video ‘I'm sorry, says ex-undercover police boss’], ''Channel 4 News'', Channel 4, 5 July 2013 (accessed 15 April 2014).</ref><ref name="DATE DISCREPENCY"></ref> His deployment followed that of the first known [[SDS]] officer sent to live amongst animal rights activists, [[Mike Chitty]], who appeared in South London in early 1983.<ref name="ABK085pp76-77">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, pp 76-77.</ref>

His infiltration into animal rights circles began with regular attendance at demonstrations, where he made the acquaintance of genuine activists, including Jacqui.<ref name="ABK085p27">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p27.</ref><ref name="ASL193">Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref> He soon became a familiar face at protests, and offered to drive people to and from events. He took part in hunt sabotage, protests against businesses associated with animal products, and joined [[London Greenpeace]], an anarchist-leaning group involved in environmental and social issues.

Having established himself on the scene, he took on more responsibilities and a more active role in various campaigns and groups, and “set about befriending campaigners suspected of being in the ALF” [Animal Liberation Front].<ref name="ABK085p34">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p34.</ref> He wrote or co-wrote a number of activist documents, including [[London Greenpeace]]'s ''What's Wrong With McDonald's?'' factsheet - which was later subject to a notorious libel suit issued by McDonald's. Throughout his undercover tour as ‘Robinson’, Lambert implied to activists that he was interested in or already involved in more clandestine forms of political activity, such as that associated with the cells of the [[Animal Liberation Front]] (ALF).<ref name="ABK085p28">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p28.</ref>

As an activist in an ALF cell,<ref name="ABK085p36">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p36.</ref> he was implicated in the burning down of the Harrow branch of the Debenhams department store as part of a coordinated incendiary device operation which also saw branches in Luton and Romford targeted at the same time on the same night.<ref name="AWB191">BBC News, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-18423441 ‘Undercover policeman 'fire-bombed shop,' MPs told’], ''BBC News'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL832">Rob Evans, Paul Lewis, Richard Sprenger, Guy Grandjean & Mustafa Khalili, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/video/2012/jun/13/animal-rights-firebombing-police-spy-video ‘Claims that police spy 'crossed the line' during animal rights firebombing campaign’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL833">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/jun/13/police ‘Call for police links to animals rights firebombing to be investigated’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL834">Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/jun/13/police-spies-animal-rights ‘Questions remain over animal rights activists' case’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL832">Rob Evans, Paul Lewis, Richard Sprenger, Guy Grandjean & Mustafa Khalili, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/video/2012/jun/13/animal-rights-firebombing-police-spy-video ‘Claims that police spy 'crossed the line' during animal rights firebombing campaign’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref> The 1987 attacks, which caused an estimated £340,000 worth of damage on the Harrow branch alone, with £4 million in fire damage and £4.5 million in trading losses across all three,<ref name="ASL856">unknown author, [http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=2507&dat=19880614&id=6DNAAAAAIBAJ&sjid=T1kMAAAAIBAJ&pg=5707,3659560 ‘Animal Front trial told of raid finding firebombs being made’], ''Glasgow Herald'', 14 June 1988 (accessed via Google News archive, 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB192">BBC News, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-18426368 ‘Green MP Caroline Lucas names undercover officer as shop fire bomber’], ''BBC News'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref> was credited with precipitating the ending of Debenhams' involvement in the fur trade.<ref name="ASL224">Kevin Toolis, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/1998/dec/05/animalwelfare.world1 ‘In for the kill: Is human life of greater importance and worth than animal life?’], ''The Guardian'', 5 December 1998 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref>

The other two members of ‘Robinson’'s cell, Geoff Sheppard and Andrew Clarke, were both arrested and subsequently imprisoned.<ref name="ASL833">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/jun/13/police ‘Call for police links to animals rights firebombing to be investigated’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL834">Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/jun/13/police-spies-animal-rights ‘Questions remain over animal rights activists' case’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL836">Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2012/jun/29/silence-over-undercover-spy-claim ‘Home Office silence over Bob Lambert claim’], ''The Guardian'', 29 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL854">Kirsty Walker & Chris Greenwood, [http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2158725/Undercover-police-officer-planted-firebomb-department-store-animal-rights-protest.html ‘Undercover policeman planted bomb in 1987 Debenhams blast that caused millions of pounds worth of damage to 'prove worth' to animal rights group he was infiltrating, claims Green Party MP’], ''Daily Mail'', 13 June 2012 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL855">Suzannah Hills, [http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2274563/Mother-claims-missing-father-child-undercover-policeman-accused-MP-leaving-bomb-department-store.html ‘Mother claims missing father of her child was undercover policeman accused by MP of leaving bomb in department store’], ''Mail Online'', 6 February 2013 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref> The 2015 “forensic external examination” of SDS-related documents undertaken by Stephen Taylor for the Home Office obliquely references Lambert's involvement in securing the arrests of Sheppard and Clarke, and indicates that the then-Home Secretary Douglas Hurd complimented the unit on its operation.<ref name="ART117">Home Office, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/411785/2015-01-06_FINAL_Report_on_HO_links_to_SDS_v2.4_REDACTED_FINAL.pdf ''Investigation into links between Special Demonstration Squad and Home Office''], Home Office, 12 March 2015(accessed 22 March 2015), pp3 & 19.</ref>

Lambert remained deployed in the field as ‘Robinson’ until late 1988.<ref name="UC54">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p54.</ref><ref name="NY DATE PROBLEM">The ''New Yorker'' article appears to suggest that Lambert was preparing to exfiltrate himself from as early as Autumn 1987: “[One morning] in the fall of 1987... [Bob] said that he had to leave because of the investigation into the Debenhams bombing. He was going abroad, and, for a while, it might be difficult to communicate. As soon as it was safe, he said, he would write. Jacqui could bring their son to visit him in Spain.” Lauren Collins, [http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2 ‘The Spy Who Loved Me: An undercover surveillance operation that went too far’], ''The New Yorker'', August 25 2014 issue (accessed 30 September 2014).</ref> Using the pretext of being under investigation by police for his involvement in the 1987 Harrow Debenhams' arson - which included a Special Branch raid on the home of non-activist Belinda Harvey “to add credibility to Lambert's cover story”<ref name="ABK085p53">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p53.</ref> - ‘Robinson’ told Harvey and other friends, including his son's mother Jacqui, that he needed to go ‘on the run’ to avoid capture; to some he said that he planned to move to Spain until things quietened down.<ref name="ASL367">Paul Peachey, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/deceived-lovers-speak-of-mental-torture-from-undercover-detectives-8515915.html ‘Deceived lovers speak of mental 'torture' from undercover detectives’], ''The Independent'', 1 March 2013 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref> He then “abandoned his flat and stayed for a couple of weeks in what he called a ‘safe house’”,<ref name="ABK085p53">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p53.</ref> before spending a farewell week with Belinda at a friend's house in Dorset in December 1988.<ref name="ABK085p54">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p54.</ref> With this, he disappeared out of their lives, with a few postcards postmarked Spain and sent in January 1989 the only indication that he still existed.<ref name="ABK085p54">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p54.</ref>

==Subsequent career in policing==
Whilst the precise details of Lambert's entire police career are not currently known, we do have an idea of what he did and when for much of his service in the Met; anyone who could help us, please do [mailto:info@undercoverresearch.net get in touch] (and ask for our PGP key if you need it).

===E Squad (1989-1993)===
After being pulled out of his SDS undercover tour, Lambert was redeployed elsewhere in MPSB, first finding a new home in E Squad,<ref name="ABK085p55">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p55.</ref> which dealt with worldwide terrorist threats<ref name="AMD178"/> (excluding those related to Northern Ireland, which were handled by B Squad).<ref name="ASL304">unknown author, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1511542/Commander-John-Wilson.html ‘Commander John Wilson’], ''Daily Telegraph'', 27 February 2006 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref><ref name="PRO105">Paula Gilford, [https://www.linkedin.com/pub/paula-gilford/38/125/122 ''LinkedIn profile of Paula Gilford''], LinkedIn.com website, 2014 (accessed 25 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK127p586">Nigel West, ''Historical Dictionary of British Intelligence'', Scarecrow Press, 2005, p586.</ref>

In his 2011 book (and elsewhere<ref name="ASL181p298">Richard Jackson, [http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539150802184678 ‘Counter-terrorism and communities: an interview with Robert Lambert’], ''Critical Studies on Terrorism'' volume 1 number 2, August 2008 (accessed 16 June 2014), p298.</ref>), Lambert refers to how “in the 1980s Special Branch officers would meet Sikh community representatives in London to discuss the terrorist threat posed by Sikh extremists,”<ref name="SIKHSpp241-242">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, pp241-242; he references this from ‘participant observation’ of a number of Special Branch officers and an interview with a further officer.</ref> a theme he returned to in a Chatham House lecture where he explicitly noted the involvement of E Squad (“a wonderful department”).<ref name="AMD004">Dr Bob Lambert & Professor Rosemary Hollis, [http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Meetings/Meeting%20Transcripts/210911lambert_Q&A.pdf ''Partnering with the Muslim Community as an Effective Counter-Terrorist Strategy''], Chatham House, 20 September 2011 (accessed 17 April 2014).</ref> However, in neither version is it clear whether he himself was involved in this community engagement work with Sikhs.

It was whilst working in E Squad that Lambert appears to have first engaged with Muslim communities. In 1991 he was the officer who arrested Omar Bakri Mohammed<ref name="BAKRI BIOG">Bakri is a Syrian-born Islamist who was long involved in activity in the UK from 1986 until his departure - consolidated by a government banning order preventing his return - in 2005. He led the British branch of [[Hizb ut-Tahrir]] and later founded [[al-Muhajiroun]] with [[Anjem Choudary]]. </ref><ref name="BAKRI NAME">We have used the same spelling of Bakri's name used by Lambert (and others, e.g. Jon Ronson, ''THEM: Adventures with Extremists'', Picador, 2001 and Mark Curtis, ''Secret Affairs: Britain's Secret Collusion with Radical Islam'', Serpent's Tail, 2010), though it should be noted that Wikipedia and some other sources render it ‘Omar Bakri Muhammad’.</ref> for making threats against Prime Minister John Major in relation to the Salman Rushdie affair. Bakri had issued a ‘fatwa’ against the PM and suggested him a target for assassination; for this Bakri was detained and questioned for two days by [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch|MPSB]] before being released without charge.<ref name="ABK073p273">Mark Curtis, ''Secret Affairs: Britain's Secret Collusion with Radical Islam'', Serpent's Tail, 2012 (updated edition), p273.</ref>

Lambert's early engagement with Muslims centred around the London Central Mosque, where “prominent figures” such as Zaki Badawi and security manager Fasli Ali had success in “combating violent extremism and maintaining order in the face of serious challenges”. He notes that this made London Central Mosque “a role model and source of partnership support” on which he would later draw in his [[Muslim Contact Unit]] work, particularly at the Finsbury Park Mosque in the early 2000s.<ref name="ABK085p81">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p81.</ref>

Lambert has claimed that he “helped colleagues from the FBI on the first World Trade Center attack” in 1993<ref name="AMD101">Anonymous author, ''Notes on Bob Lambert at ‘9/11 Ten Years On’ conference, University of Strathclyde, 8-11 September 2011'', September 2011, private document, September 2011.</ref><ref name="AMD102">Anonymous author, ''Notes on Bob Lambert at Chatham House 20 September 2011'', private document, September 2011.</ref> and that he “was involved in the investigation”,<ref name="AMD004">Dr Bob Lambert & Professor Rosemary Hollis, [http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Meetings/Meeting%20Transcripts/210911lambert_Q&A.pdf ''Partnering with the Muslim Community as an Effective Counter-Terrorist Strategy''], Chatham House, 20 September 2011 (accessed 17 April 2014).</ref><ref name="JTTF">It is possibly of note that “By 2000, the FBI reassigned one of the Joint Terrorism Task Forces to investigate ELF arsons in Long Island, New York. The task force had previously investigated the...first bombing of the World Trade Center.” Will Potter, ''Green Is The New Red: An Insider's Account of a Social Movement Under Siege'', City Lights, 2011, p58 (based on Christine Haughney, ‘Teenagers' Activism Takes a Violent Turn - New York Youths Linked to Ecoterrorist Group’, ''Washington Post'', 27 March 2001.). The New York JTTF, comprising Federal and local law enforcement agencies, was the lead for the 1993 WTC attack, and the point of liaison for foreign detectives, such as Bob Lambert, assisting the inquiry. Given Lambert's career-defining two areas of expertise - animal rights/environmental anarchists and Islamic radicals - it seems possible that he would retain contact with NYJTTF over the years as a professional courtesy, given its own interest in those same two topics.</ref> stating that he “was able to ask a Muslim community leader in London for help in clarifying the details of the time spent in the UK of one of the suspects.”<ref name="ASL181"/> (Presumably this suspect was Ramzi Yousef (nephew of 9/11 architect<ref name="ART118">The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, [http://govinfo.library.unt.edu/911/report/911Report.pdf ''The 9/11 Commission Report''], W. W. Norton & Company, 22 July 2004 (accessed 22 March 2015), p162.</ref> Khalid Sheikh Mohammed), who had lived and studied in the UK for four years before going first to Kuwait then on to train in Pakistan, before next heading to the US.<ref name="ASL526">Robert Lambert, [http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/may/03/osama-bin-laden-trial-al-qaida ‘What if Bin Laden had stood trial?’], ''The Guardian'', 3 May 2011 (accessed 22 November 2014).</ref><ref name="AAC003">Robert Lambert & Jonathan Githens-Mazer, [https://www.counterextremism.org/download_file/97/134/109/ ''Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: UK Case Studies 2010 - An introduction to a ten year Europe-wide research project (first edition)''] (research project) European Muslim Research Centre/University of Exeter, November 2010 (accessed via counterextremism.org 11 June 2014).</ref><ref name="AAC004">Robert Lambert & Jonathan Githens-Mazer, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110808152051/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/publications/IAMHC_revised_11Feb11.pdf ''Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: UK Case Studies 2010 - An introduction to a ten year Europe-wide research project (second edition)''] (research project), European Muslim Research Centre/University of Exeter, January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 11 June 2014).</ref>)

===Return to SDS (1993-1998)===
In November 1993 Lambert returned to [[SDS]], taking on the role of Controller of Operations.<ref name="UC55">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p55.</ref> This put him in the position of running the whole unit on a day-to-day basis,<ref name="ART005p22">Chief Constable Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-2---Allegations-of-Peter-Francis.pdf ''Operation Herne - Report 2: Allegations of Peter Francis (second edition)''], Derbyshire Constabulary, 2014, p22 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref> working under its titular head, Detective Chief Inspector [[Keith Edmondson]].<ref name="BLNOV93">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/stephen-lawrence-bob-lambert-smear-metropolitan-police ‘"We did not target Stephen's family", says undercover boss’], ''Channel 4 News'', 1 July 2013 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref><ref name="UC55">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p55.</ref><ref name="UC81">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p81.</ref><ref name=ELLISON1.213">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf ''The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review: Volume One''], Home Office, March 2013 (accessed 1 April 2014), p213.</ref> According to the Ellison Review, by August 1998 he had overall lead of the unit, having been made up to Acting Detective Chief Inspector.<ref name="ART007p235"/>Lambert states he left SDS sometime in 1998.<ref name="BLNOV93">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/stephen-lawrence-bob-lambert-smear-metropolitan-police ‘"We did not target Stephen's family", says undercover boss’], ''Channel 4 News'', 1 July 2013 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref>

====Management decisions====
In 1997 it seems that Lambert unilaterally broadened the mission of the unit, extended its reach beyond the Greater London area to the whole of the UK, and changed its name from ‘Special Demonstration Squad’ to ‘Special Duties Section’ in order to “reflect the increasing remit, and to meet customer requirements”. In his third Operation Herne report Chief Constable Mick Creedon registers surprise that this appears to have been executed without being directly sanctioned by Lambert's seniors, noting that it “demonstrates the considerable autonomy and influence that the Detective Inspector had within the management structure of the unit, and the apparent lack of Senior Management and Executive oversight.”<ref name="ART079pp8-9">Derbyshire Constabulary, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf ''Operation Herne - Report 3: Special Demonstration Squad Reporting - Mentions of Sensitive Campaigns''], Derbyshire Constabulary, July 2014, pp8-9 (accessed 21 November 2014).</ref>

====Authorship of SDS documents====
Lambert is believed to have contributed significantly<ref name="ALR077">Private source, August 2014.</ref><ref name="ABK085p57-58">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, pp57-58.</ref> to the SDS ''Tradecraft Manual'', which the first Herne Report describes as “an organic document of initiatives, operational learning, guidelines and suggestions from established UCOs to assist other UCOs [undercover officers] in their deployments”.<ref name="ART003p8">Chief Constable Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf ''Operation Herne - Report 1: Use of covert identities''], Derbyshire Constabulary, 2013, p8 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref> In addition, it is claimed that in 1997 Lambert penned a confidential Special Branch document called ''Withdrawal Strategy'', which discussed [[Peter Francis]]' exfiltration from his undercover deployment.<ref name="UC158">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p158.</ref>

According to Evans and Lewis, at some point around June 1992 (when still in [[E Squad]]) Lambert was tasked by Special Branch superiors “to discreetly study the rogue officer” [[Mike Chitty]],<ref name="ABK085p81">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p81.</ref> who had been Lambert's contemporary as an SDS undercover officer infiltrating animal rights activists in the mid-1980s. The culmination of Lambert's eighteen month covert inquiry into Chitty was a “highly confidential” forty-five page report written in May 1994 (by which time he had returned to SDS as its Operational Controller), which was then “stored under lock and key in a Scotland Yard archive”.<ref name="ABK085p82">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p82.</ref> (For more detail, see the profile on [[Mike Chitty]])

The [[Ellison Review]] mentions additional pieces of SDS paperwork written by Lambert. These include a “briefing note” outlining the work of undercover officer [[N81]] and how it touched upon the Stephen Lawrence family campaign;<ref name="ART007p226">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 1''], HMSO, 2014 (accessed 16 April 2014), p226.</ref> and a [[N81: File Note by Bob Lambert| “file note”]] dated 18 August 1998 which summarises the 14 August meeting hosted by him between [[Richard Walton]] and [[N81]].<ref name="ART007p227">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 1''], HMSO, 2014 (accessed 16 April 2014), p227.</ref>

====The Stephen Lawrence murder investigation, Macpherson Inquiry and Ellison Review====
:''See main articles: [[N81]], [[Bob Lambert and the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry]], and [[N81: meeting with the Lawrence Review Team]]''
In April 1993, black teenager [[Stephen Lawrence]] was murdered in a racially motivated attack by a gang of white youths whilst he waited for a bus in the south-east London neighbourhood of Eltham. The failure of the [[Metropolitan Police]] to promptly secure evidence, follow up on information received, protect witnesses or interview suspects led to a public outcry, and subsequently to the [[Macpherson Inquiry]], which found the MPS investigation to have been stymied by incompetence, corruption and “institutional racism”.<ref name="AWB202">BBC News, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/stephen_lawrence/timeline.htm ‘Stephen Lawrence: Chronology of events’], ''BBC News'', 25 March 1999 (accessed 18 February 2015).</ref>

In August 1998, when the leadership of the Met under Commissioner Paul Condon was formulating its response to Macpherson Inquiry, Bob Lambert hosted a meeting at his own home in north London between undercover officer [[N81|‘N81’]] and (Acting) [[Richard Walton|Detective Inspector Richard Walton]]. At the time N81 was infiltrating a left-wing political group close to the Stephen Lawrence family justice campaign, whilst Walton was a member of the Met's ‘Lawrence Review Team’, and soon to join [[John Grieve]]'s newly established [[Racial and Violent Crime Task Force]], or CO24.<ref name="ART007pp251">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 1''], HMSO, 2014, p251 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref>.

The existence of this clandestine meeting were not publicly known until March 2014, when Mark Ellison QC revealed details about it in [[The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review]], with a less in-depth account in the simultaneously released third [[Operation Herne|Herne report]].<ref name="ART006">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287030/stephen_lawrence_review_summary.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence independent review: summary of findings''], HMSO, 2014 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref><ref name="ART007">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 1''], HMSO, 2014 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref><ref name="ART008">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287046/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_2-Pt1-1.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 2, part 1''], HMSO, 2014 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref><ref name="ART009">Mark Ellison QC, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287047/stephen_lawrence_independent_review_volume_2-Pt1-2.pdf ''Stephen Lawrence review: volume 2, part 1''], HMSO, 2014 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref><ref name="ART079">Derbyshire Constabulary, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf ''Operation Herne - Report 3: Special Demonstration Squad Reporting - Mentions of Sensitive Campaigns''], Derbyshire Constabulary, July 2014(accessed 21 November 2014).</ref>

===1998-2001 - the ‘missing years’===

It is not clear what Lambert did between leaving SDS sometime after August 1998 and the establishment of the [[Muslim Contact Unit]] in January 2002.

Biographies - in writings he authored - indicate that he remained with [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch]] throughout that time.<ref name="ASL516+note">See, for example, Bob Lambert, [http://www.thecordobafoundation.com/attach/arches_5.pdf ‘Reflections on Counter-Terrorism Partnerships in Britain’], ''Arches'', issue number 5, January-February 2007 (accessed 22 November 2014) - this biography notes that “Bob worked continuously as a Special Branch specialist counter-terrorist / counter-extremist intelligence officer from 1980” until the setting up of MCU at the beginning of 2002.</ref> No evidence has so far come up to suggest he was involved in, for example, Territorial Policing, that he was transferred to other Branch-level units such as the [[Anti-Terrorist Branch]], or that he transferred to a police force other than the [[Metropolitan Police Service]].

By implication, Lambert seems likely to have been working in a different unit or units within MPSB during this time period. One biography notes that from beginning in MPSB in 1980 until 2006 or 2007, Lambert had dealt “with all forms of violent political threats to the UK, from Irish republican to the many strands of International terrorism.”<ref name="ASL516">Bob Lambert, [http://www.thecordobafoundation.com/attach/arches_5.pdf ‘Reflections on Counter-Terrorism Partnerships in Britain’], ''Arches'', issue number 5, January-February 2007 (accessed 22 November 2014).</ref> Whilst his work on international terrorism at E Squad has already been noted, an involvement in Irish republican matters would suggest time served in [[B Squad]] (though it is by no means clear whether that would have occurred at this point of his career or in Lambert's pre-SDS years).

===Muslim Contact Unit===
:''See forthcoming article [[Muslim Contact Unit]] for more detail.''
In January 2002 Lambert set up the [[Muslim Contact Unit]] (MCU) within [[Special Branch]], “with the purpose of establishing partnerships with Muslim community leaders both equipped and located to help tackle the spread of al-Qaida propaganda in London.”<ref name="ABK077p35">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p35.</ref><ref name="CSTPV"></ref><ref name="ABK085p57">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p57</ref><ref name="MCU CREATION">Lambert's account in both his book and CSTPV profile is that MCU was founded by himself and one other colleague; the Evans/Lewis book claims Lambert “and two other former SDS spies were given the resources to set up the Muslim Contact Unit.” Subsequent clarification from Evans to the author is that his understanding is that MCU was conceived and set up by Lambert and one other former SDS officer. The accounts all agree that MCU was established in the aftermath of 9/11 in January 2002. Source CAVALVANTI (who has some familiarity with Lambert's academic reinvention) has added to the author that the actual foundation of MCU came, to paraphrase Lambert's own words, “following discussions in October-November 2001”. It has been speculated that Lambert's cohort in creating MCU was [[Jim Boyling]] (e.g. merrick, [http://bristlingbadger.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/bob-lambert-still-spying.html ‘bob lambert: still spying?’], ''Bristling Badger'', 23 February 2012), who elsewhere has been acknowledged as involved in the unit (e.g. Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/oct/23/police-spy-tricked-lover-activist ‘Police spy tricked lover with activist 'cover story'’], ''The Guardian'', 23 October 2011; Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Rowenna Davis, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/jan/19/wife-fourth-police-spy-children ‘Ex-wife of police spy tells how she fell in love and had children with him’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011; and Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p194). However, it is the author's understanding that whilst Boyling was and remains a close friend of Lambert's, he was not co-creator with Lambert of MCU, though he was an early recruit to the unit.</ref>

The avowed strategy of the MCU under Lambert was to “set about identifying the Muslims they believed were best equipped to take on the so-called “hate preachers”, chief among them the infamous Egyptian [[Abu Hamza]], who were believed to be serving as propagandists for al-Qaeda in London”, most notably at [[Brixton Mosque|Brixton]] and [[Finsbury Park Mosque|Finsbury Park]].<ref name="ASL828">Paul Sims, [https://newhumanist.org.uk/2681/crossing-the-line ‘Crossing the line?’], ''New Humanist'', 4 November 2011 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref> Typically this approach meant working with Muslims characterised as ‘Islamists’ or ‘salafis’ - a path which Lambert himself notes was directly in conflict with prevailing counter-terrorism policing opinion on dealing with political Islam which cautioned “against accommodating ‘traditionalists’” and “lump[ed] salafis and Islamists together as ‘radical fundamentalists’”.<ref name="ABK077p55">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p55.</ref><ref name="ART001">Cheryl Benard, [http://indianstrategicknowledgeonline.com/web/civil%20democratic.pdf ''Civil Democratic Islam: Partners, Resources and Strategies''], RAND Corporation, 2003 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref>

Reflecting on his time at MCU, Lambert has latterly claimed that the unit “was a graveyard in career terms,” and that he realised he would never rise above Detective Inspector.<ref name="AMD101"/>

==Summary of academic career==
:''See forthcoming page [[Bob Lambert - academic career]] for a more detailed account
According to Lambert his involvement in academic issues began in 1995, when he received a First from the Open University for an interdisciplinary undergraduate degree on European cultural history.<ref name="AMD007">Robert Lambert, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/rl40.html Staff profile page], Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, University of St. Andrews website, 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref> In 2003 - whilst running [[Muslim Contact Unit|MCU]] - he received a First from Birkbeck College at the University of London for his Masters.<ref name="METBIOG">Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, [http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/people/surnames-k-to-m/robert-lambert/ Robert Lambert], London Metropolitan University (accessed 3 April 2014).</ref>

Following his retirement from the Met, in 2008 he took up a place as a PhD student at the [[University of Exeter]], an institution with which he maintained links until at least 2011 (in October of which he was exposed as a spy).<ref name="AMD008">Robert Lambert, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120608110723/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/staff.php Staff], Exeter University website (via archive.org), 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref> From 2008 he also began teaching on a course managed by [[St. Andrews University]].<ref name="AMD007"/><ref name="EXETER ST DAVIDS">It should be noted that Lambert implies an association with the University of Exeter from September 2005 - see the reference in his book to “commenc[ing] regular train journeys from Paddington [in central London] to Exeter St. David's” in that month. Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p.xvi.</ref> In 2012 he took up a senior lecturing position at London Metropolitan University.<ref name="AMD006">Robert Lambert, [http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/people/surnames-k-to-m/robert-lambert/ Staff profile page], John Grieve Policing Centre, London Metropolitan University website, 2013 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref><ref name="AMD180">London Metropolitan University, [https://metranet.londonmet.ac.uk/fms/MRSite/psd/AR/Services/CourseInfo/2012/CRILAW.pdf ''Course Handbook: BSc (Hons) Criminology and Law (2012-2013)''], London Metropolitan University, 2012 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AMD181">London Metropolitan University, [https://metranet.londonmet.ac.uk/fms/MRSite/psd/AR/Services/CourseInfo/2013/ug/CRILAW.pdf ''Course Handbook: BA (Hons) Criminology and Law (2013-2014)''], London Metropolitan University, 2013 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="UNI EXETER ON RESIGNATION">The University of Exeter has never satisfactorily explained the ending of its relationship with Bob Lambert. It was only in January 2015 that ''The Guardian'' was able to report that the university “confirmed that Lambert resigned from the university in October 2011 - the same month his undercover past was exposed.” As journalist Rob Evans notes, “We asked Exeter University why he resigned but, after some delay, they refused to explain.” See: Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2015/jan/06/university-under-pressure-to-sack-controversial-former-undercover-spy-bob-lambert ‘University under pressure to sack controversial former undercover spy Bob Lambert’], ''The Guardian'', 6 January 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref>

In 2010 he was awarded his doctorate by University of Exeter for his PhD dissertation ''The London Partnerships: an Insider’s Analysis of Legitimacy and Effectiveness''.<ref name="CAQ390">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p390.</ref><ref name="EMRCBIOG''>European Muslim Research Centre, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120608110723/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/staff.php ‘Staff’], University of Exeter (via archive.org), 8 June 2012 (accessed 3 April 2014).</ref><ref name="METBIOG"></ref> This dissertation (and the research underpinning it) later became the basis of his book, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'',<ref name="ABK077">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011.</ref> as well as numerous other pieces of work.<ref name="AAC002">Dr Jonathan Githens-Mazer & Dr Robert Lambert MBE, [https://www.counterextremism.org/resources/details/id/107/islamophobia-and-anti-muslim-hate-crime-a-london-case-study ''Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: A London Case Study']' (research project), European Muslim Research Centre/University of Exeter, January 2010 (accessed via counterextremism.org 16 April 2014).</ref><ref name="AAC003">Robert Lambert & Jonathan Githens-Mazer, [https://www.counterextremism.org/download_file/97/134/109/ ''Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: UK Case Studies 2010 - An introduction to a ten year Europe-wide research project (first edition)''] (research project) European Muslim Research Centre/University of Exeter, November 2010 (accessed via counterextremism.org 11 June 2014).</ref><ref name="AAC004">Robert Lambert & Jonathan Githens-Mazer, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110808152051/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/publications/IAMHC_revised_11Feb11.pdf ''Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: UK Case Studies 2010 - An introduction to a ten year Europe-wide research project (second edition)''] (research project), European Muslim Research Centre/University of Exeter, January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 11 June 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL029">Robert Lambert, [http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17539153.2013.847262 ‘Researching counterterrorism: a personal perspective from a former undercover police officer’]. [http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rter20/7/1 ''Critical Studies on Terrorism''] Volume 7 Number 1, pp165-181 (2014).</ref>

Despite his retirement from the police in 2007, Lambert continued to engage with the Muslim Contact Unit through his academic work.<ref name="CORDOBA MCU CONTACTS">For example, see the inclusion of “Muslim Contact Unit SO15” in the note of “organisations represented in the audience” in this invitation list for a March 2010 Cordoba-hosted debate at which Lambert was a key participant: Cordoba Foundation, [http://www.thecordobafoundation.com/print_article.php?id=1&art=32&page=events.php&page=events.php ''Tackling Islamophobia - Reducing Street Violence Against British Muslims''], notice of debate organised by Cordoba Foundation, 3 March 2010 (accessed 21 November 2014).</ref>

Just before Christmas 2015, Lambert quit his jobs at both his academic posts, after campaigners had written to St Andrews' principal Louise Richardson.<ref name="ASL1148"/>

===University of Exeter & EMRC===
After retiring from the Met in late 2007, he became a Research Fellow at the Institute for Arab and Islamic Studies in the University of Exeter's politics department, a post he held from 2008 until 2011.<ref name="EXETERPROFILEPOLITICS1">Department of Politics, [https://web.archive.org/web/20100924163459/http://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/politics/staff/lambert/ ‘Mr Robert Lambert’], University of Exeter (via archive.org), 24 September 2010 (accessed 3 April 2014).</ref><ref name="EXETERPROFILEPOLITICS2">Department of Politics, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110423080713/http://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/politics/staff/lambert ‘Dr Robert Lambert’], University of Exeter (via archive.org), 24 April 2011 (accessed 3 April 2014).</ref>

Whilst at Exeter there he became closely associated with Professor Jonathan Githens-Mazer, and in September 2009 the two together set up the [[European Muslim Research Centre]] (EMRC),<ref name="CAQ390">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p390.</ref> which was officially launched the following January.<ref name="EMRCLAUNCH">European Muslim Research Centre, [https://web.archive.org/web/20100815071808/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/news.php ‘News’], University of Exeter website (via archive.org), 15 August 2010 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref><ref name="EMRC">European Muslim Research Centre, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120216105758/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/ ‘EMRC homepage’], University of Exeter website (via archive.org), 16 February 2012 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref>

Following the public exposure of Lambert as a former undercover police officer in October 2011, Exeter's university management has remained tight-lipped, making no statement about its errant academic, despite having previously heralded much of his work - right up to September, when the press office plugged the launch of Lambert's book at the Houses of Parliament.<ref name="AWB204">University of Exeter Press Office, [http://www.exeter.ac.uk/news/research/title_152517_en.html ‘Counter terrorism research published’], ''University of Exeter'', 7 September 2011 (accessed 18 February 2015).</ref>

Since then, though, the EMRC appears to have been quietly dismantled, with Lambert and erstwhile collaborator Jonathan Githens-Mazer parting ways, and the Centre's website allowed to rot away, his name as co-director of the Centre being removed from the website sometime between June and August 2012.<ref name="EMRC0806">European Muslim Research Centre, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120608110723/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/staff.php ‘Staff’], EMRC website (via archive.org), 8 June 2012 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref><ref name="EMRC2908">European Muslim Research Centre, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120608110723/http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/emrc/staff.php ‘Staff’], EMRC website (via archive.org), 29 August 2012 (accessed 16 March 2014).</ref> According to journalist Rob Evans in 2015, Exeter's management eventually confirmed to ''The Guardian'' that Lambert resigned from the university in October 2011 - the same month his undercover past was exposed - but beyond that “refused to explain”.<ref name="ASL879">Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2015/jan/06/university-under-pressure-to-sack-controversial-former-undercover-spy-bob-lambert ‘University under pressure to sack controversial former undercover spy Bob Lambert’], ''The Guardian'', 6 January 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref>

===St. Andrews University & CSTPV===
In parallel to his post at Exeter, in September 2008 Lambert began teaching, lecturing and supervising dissertations on the e-learning MLitt terrorism studies course provided by St. Andrews University's [[Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence]] (CSTPV), a key academic location on the the international terrorism studies circuit.<ref name="CSTPV"></ref><ref name="EXETERPROFILEPOLITICS1"></ref><ref name="LEUCHARS">That Lambert began work at St. Andrews University in September 2008 is obliquely corroborated by the reference in his book to “commenc[ing] regular train journeys from...Kings Cross [in central London] to Leuchars” - the nearest rail station to St. Andrews - in that month. See Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p.xvi.</ref>

Since at least 2006 former senior Metropolitan Police officer [[David Veness]] - who as Assistant Commissioner (Specialist Operations) had direct oversight of [[SDS]] between 1994 and 2005, as well as a personal working relationship with Lambert through the offices of the [[Muslim Safety Forum]], which Veness chaired - has held the position of Honorary Professor of Terrorism Studies at CSTPV.<ref name="VENESSCSTPV">Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence staff page, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/dcv2.html ‘Sir David Veness’], University of St. Andrews website (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref>

===London Metropolitan University & John Grieve Centre===
In September 2012 - that is, nearly one year after his exposure as a police spy - Lambert was hired by the [[John Grieve Centre for Policing and Community Safety]] (also known as JGC), an under- and post-graduate criminology unit based at the London Metropolitan University.<ref name="AWB218">London Metropolitan University, [http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/research/john-grieve-centre-for-policing--community-safety/ ‘About us (2015 version)’], ''London Metropolitan University website'', 2015? (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB219">London Metropolitan University, [https://web.archive.org/web/20130821155531/http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/research/john-grieve-centre-for-policing--community-safety/ ‘About us (2013 version)’], ''London Metropolitan University website'', 2013 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref>

Lambert's role at London Met was not merely as a teacher, but as a course leader on the undergraduate Criminology and Law course,<ref name="AMD180">London Metropolitan University, [https://metranet.londonmet.ac.uk/fms/MRSite/psd/AR/Services/CourseInfo/2012/CRILAW.pdf ''Course Handbook: BSc (Hons) Criminology and Law (2012-2013)''], London Metropolitan University, 2012 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AMD181">London Metropolitan University, [https://metranet.londonmet.ac.uk/fms/MRSite/psd/AR/Services/CourseInfo/2013/ug/CRILAW.pdf ''Course Handbook: BA (Hons) Criminology and Law (2013-2014)''], London Metropolitan University, 2013 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref> and as part of the team running the university's Professional Doctorate in Policing and Security (“the only doctorate course specifically in policing in the country”). For his work on the latter Lambert was fulsomely praised by vice-chancellor Malcolm Gillies in July 2013 “for giving excellent supervision while ensuring the course goes from strength to strength.”<ref name="AWB220">Malcolm Gillies, [http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/why-london-met/about-the-university/the-vice-chancellors-office/news-from-the-vice-chancellor/v-cs-newsletters-/july-2013-staff-newsletter-from-the-vice-chancellor/ ‘July 2013 Staff Newsletter from the Vice-Chancellor’], ''London Metropolitan University website'', 26 July 2013 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> It is not known whether Lambert has continued his involvement on the undergraduate course.<ref name="LMU UNDERGRADUATE">Whilst Lambert is named as course leader in the 2012-13 and 2013-14 prospectuses, in the 2014-25 one he has been supplanted by Devinder Curry. London Metropolitan University, [https://metranet.londonmet.ac.uk/fms/MRSite/psd/AR/Services/CourseInfo/2014/ug/CRILAW.pdf ''Course Handbook: BA (Hons) Criminology and Law (2014-2015)''], London Metropolitan University, 2014 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref>

The John Grieve Centre was originally established and led by former MPS senior officer (and recurring figure in the story of undercover policing) [[John Grieve]] at Buckinghamshire Chilterns University College in 2003, before it was transferred to London Metropolitan in April 2006.<ref name="AWB218">London Metropolitan University, [http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/research/john-grieve-centre-for-policing--community-safety/ ‘About us (2015 version)’], ''London Metropolitan University website'', 2015? (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB219">London Metropolitan University, [https://web.archive.org/web/20130821155531/http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/research/john-grieve-centre-for-policing--community-safety/ ‘About us (2013 version)’], ''London Metropolitan University website'', 2013 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref>

Of the seven ‘John Grieve Centre Team’ members noted by London Met's website other than Lambert himself, three have Metropolitan Police backgrounds, two worked for either MPS Anti-Terrorist Branch (SO12) or Special Branch (SO13) (now combined together as Counter Terrorism Command or SO15), two are alumni of St. Andrews University's Terrorism Studies course, and one has close connections to the University of Exeter's EMRC.<ref name="LMU CONNECTIONS">MPS backgrounds: Tim Fairley, John Grieve and Nick Ridley. Anti-Terrorist Branch: John Grieve and Nick Ridley. MPSB: Nick Ridley. St. Andrews University Terrorism Studies: Tim Fairley and Douglas Weeks. EMRC: Tim Parsons. Source: London Metropolitan University, [http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/faculties/faculty-of-social-sciences-and-humanities/research/john-grieve-centre-for-policing--community-safety/ ‘About us (2015 version)’], ''London Metropolitan University website'', 2015? (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref>

===Resignation===
In December 2015, after a long-running picketing campaign in London and a series of articles about undercover officers operating in Scotland, Bob Lambert announced his resignation from both his academic posts. According to a University of St. Andrews spokesman, Lambert tendered his resignation with effect from the end of the current term.<ref name="ASL1042">Joseph Cassidy, [http://www.thesaint-online.com/2015/12/bob-lambert-resigns-as-university-lecturer-over-spying-controversy/ ‘Bob Lambert resigns as University lecturer over spying controversy’], ''The Saint'', 22 December 2015 (accessed 31 January 2016).</ref><ref name="ASL1144">Paul Hutcheon, [http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/14162323.Former_undercover_police_officer_quits_St_Andrews_University_teaching_post/ ‘Former undercover police officer Bob Lambert quits St Andrews University teaching post over outcry’], ''The Herald'', 23 December 2015 (accessed 26 March 2016).</ref><ref name="ASL1147">Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/dec/23/bob-lambert-ex-undercover-officer-quits-st-andrews-london-metropolitan ‘Ex-undercover officer who infiltrated political groups resigns from academic posts’], ''The Guardian'', 23 December 2015 (accessed 26 March 2016).</ref><ref name="ASL1146">Chris Havergal, [https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/former-undercover-police-officer-resigns-academic-posts ‘Former undercover police officer resigns academic posts’], ''Times Higher Education'', 23 December 2015 (accessed 26 March 2016).</ref><ref name="ASL1151">William McLennan, [http://www.islingtontribune.com/PoliceLecturer ‘Lecturer who faced protests over ‘police spy’ past, hands in his notice at Holloway Road university’], ''Islington Tribune'', 30 December 2015 (accessed 26 March 2016).</ref>

The announcement came a week after a letter to university principal Louise Richardson at St. Andrews, signed by spied-on activists Helen Steel, Lois Austen and Dave Smith, as well as journalist-activist George Monbiot (who had been awarded an honorary doctorate from St. Andrews):

::We believe that his [Lambert] past conduct as a central figure in the Metropolitan Police’s Special Demonstration Squad means that he is supremely unsuitable for teaching and shaping the thoughts of others in his current position.

::The SDS’ abuse of citizens and undermining of legitimate campaigns are one of the darkest corners of Metropolitan Police history. Lambert is no role model and should not be trading on his abuses.

The letter gave a detailed account of Lambert’s history as an SDS officer and further noted:
::One has to wonder, if all this is not enough to make him unfit to teach others, what does it take? With fresh revelations coming to light almost weekly and the public inquiry about to begin, we can be confident there will be more.<ref name="ASL1148">Paul Hutcheon, [http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/14142169.University_called_on_to_fire_former_police_sex_spy/ ‘St Andrews University called on to sack former police sex spy Bob Lambert’], ''Sunday Herald'', 13 December 2015 (accessed 26 March 2016).</ref>

==Lambert's own writings, speaking engagements and media appearances==
:''See forthcoming page [[Bob Lambert Writing and Speaking]] for the fullest compendium yet of such material''
From his retirement at the end of 2007 until his exposure in late 2011, Lambert built up a reputation as an expert on islamophobia and police-Muslim community engagement. This enabled him to speak at many academic and political events, to have articles accepted by peer-reviewed journals, to be interviewed by both specialist and mainstream media, and even gave him regular opinion pieces in the ‘Comment is Free’ section of ''The Guardian'' website.<ref name="AWB266">Comment is Free, [http://www.theguardian.com/profile/robert-lambert ‘Robert Lambert (profile page)’], ''The Guardian'', 2011 (accessed 29 April 2015).</ref>

Subsequent to his unmasking as an SDS spy in October 2011, his appearances on conference platforms, in learned journals and as an invited author in the pages of liberal newspapers have been noticeably reduced.<ref name="BL NUMBERS">As an approximate guide, in the years 2007-2011 Lambert had nine articles published by academic journals; since his outing only one more - and that dealt, if obliquely, with his public unmasking (see: Robert Lambert, [http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17539153.2013.847262 ‘Researching counterterrorism: a personal perspective from a former undercover police officer’]. [http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rter20/7/1 ''Critical Studies on Terrorism''] Volume 7 Number 1, pp165-181 (2014).) Similarly, compared to thirty-six articles attributed to Lambert's authorship which were published by newspapers, magazines or websites prior to his exposure, only six more have come out since October 2011. (Count accurate to March 2016.)</ref>

==Post-Met consultancy and other business interests==
:''See also the forthcoming in-depth page [[Bob Lambert consultancy]]''
Following his retirement from the police, Lambert became a director of a number of companies, each of which was directly connected to his academic work and contacts, but which were also linked to his past work in Special Branch.<ref name="LAMBERT BUSINESS">The author previously delved into this aspect of Lambert's life in a series of blog posts. See: BristleKRS, [https://bristle.wordpress.com/2012/09/06/on-cop-spies-and-paid-betrayers-1-2-doctor-bob-lambert-his-academic-friends-and-the-tightening-purse-strings/ ‘On cop-spies and paid betrayers (1.2): Doctor Bob Lambert, his academic friends and the tightening purse-strings’], ''Bristle's Blog From The BunKRS'', 6 September 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015); and BristleKRS, [https://bristle.wordpress.com/2012/09/08/on-cop-spies-and-paid-betrayers-1-3-lambert-of-the-yard-and-the-mystery-of-his-suburban-terror-bunker-trading-address/ ‘On cop-spies and paid betrayers (1.3): Lambert of the Yard and the mystery of his ‘suburban terror bunker’ trading address’], ''Bristle's Blog From The BunKRS'', 8 September 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref>

===STREET UK===
In the words of founder Dr Abdul Haqq Baker, the Lambeth-based islamic youth outreach project ‘Strategy To Reach Empower and Educate Teenagers’ (also known as ‘STREET UK’) was set up “to provide alternative and safe environments for young Muslims to interact and comfortably express themselves among peers sharing ideas, aspirations and concerns.”<ref name="AAC026p330">Anthony [Abdul Haqq] Baker, [http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.510929''Countering Terrorism in the UK: A Convert Community Perspective''], University of Exeter, University of Exeter, November 2009 (accessed 18 November 2014), p330.</ref> It should be noted that STREET, whilst not officially incorporated until 2008, had been mooted as a project at least as early as 2006,<ref name="AAC026p326">Baker notes at n1121 in his doctoral thesis that the first draft of the proposal outlining what would become STREET was dated 16 June 2006. See: Anthony [Abdul Haqq] Baker, [http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.510929''Countering Terrorism in the UK: A Convert Community Perspective''], University of Exeter, University of Exeter, November 2009 (accessed 18 November 2014), p326.</ref><ref name="ART047pp75-76">Rachel Briggs, Catherine Fieschi & Hannah Lownsbrough, [http://www.demos.co.uk/files/Bringing%20it%20Home%20-%20web.pdf?1240939425 ''Bringing it Home: Community-based approaches to counter-terrorism''], DEMOS, December 2006 (accessed 16 April 2014), pp75-76.</ref> and by Baker's account was active from March 2007<ref name="AMD185">Abdul Haqq Baker, [https://web.archive.org/web/20120921232918/http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/baker/ahbaker.html ''Dr Abdul Haqq Baker staff profile page''], -, 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref><ref name="AAC026p160">Anthony [Abdul Haqq] Baker, [http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.510929''Countering Terrorism in the UK: A Convert Community Perspective''], University of Exeter, University of Exeter, November 2009 (accessed 18 November 2014), p160.</ref> (though some other sources put STREET's foundation as taking place in 2006).<ref name="ART093">Jack Barclay, [http://globalcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/barclay_policybrief_1114.pdf ''Strategy to Reach, Empower, and Educate Teenagers (STREET): A Case Study in Government-Community Partnership and Direct Intervention to Counter Violent Extremism''], Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation, December 2011(accessed 21 November 2014).</ref>

STREET was set up as a company by two Hertfordshire-based business registration services, Qa Nominees Ltd and Qa Registrars Ltd.<ref name="AMD186">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/company/06584548/STRATEGY-TO-REACH-EMPOWER-AND-EDUCATE-TEENAGERS-STREET-UK-LIMITED/directors-secretaries ''STRATEGY TO REACH EMPOWER AND EDUCATE TEENAGERS (STREET UK) LIMITED''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref>. Its business address - both in terms of a registered and a trading address - was given as 54 Anson Road in Cricklewood, north-west London - the house having been owned by Mohamed Ahmed Kagzi since 1985.<ref name="LAMBERT BUSINESS"/>
Bob Lambert was appointed director<ref name="AMD189">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/director/913079172 ''ROBERT LAMBERT''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref> with Dr Abdul Haqq Baker, the initiator of STREET.<ref name="AMD190">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/director/905719180 ''ABDUL HAQQ BAKER''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref><ref>STREET was set up as a company on 6 May 2008, it was nearly two weeks - before any directors were appointed: Lambert on 18 May and Dr Abdul Haqq Baker on 19 May.</ref>

Lambert started this company after his retirement from the Met, but before he took up his posts at either St. Andrews University or the University of Exeter.<ref name="TIMELINE">See [[Bob Lambert Career Timeline|Lambert's career timeline]] for contextualisation.</ref>) A salafi convert from Brixton, Baker worked with Lambert at least as far back as 2002, when MCU made contact with leading members of Brixton Mosque in the wake of the arrest of attempted ‘shoe-bomber’ Richard Reid<ref name="ABK077pp155-156">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, pp155-156.</ref>, and they subsequently became academic colleagues. This academic partnership began at St. Andrews University, where - like Lambert - Baker lectured on the CSTPV Terrorism Studies course; and continued at the University of Exeter, where Baker was a research fellow in the EMRC run by Lambert.<ref name="AWB239">Palgrave Macmillan, [http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/extremists-in-our-midst-abdul-haqq-baker/?K=9780230296541 ‘About the Author: Abdul Haqq Baker’], ''Palgrave Macmillan'', 2011 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref><ref name="BAKER LAWRENCE">Curiously, Baker himself points towards the failure of the police investigation into the 1993 murder of Stephen Lawrence (“and ensuing ineptitude”) as highly pre-eminent amongst the “negative pre-conversion experiences” of many black (and some white) British muslim converts, who then “continue to view statutory authorities and governmental agencies with mistrust.” Quite how he now sees Lambert's own involvement in subverting the Macpherson Inquiry and various family and justice campaigns through his work as SDS manager and facilitator of the meeting between Richard Walton and Brixton-based undercover officer ‘N81’ remains to be seen. See: Anthony [Abdul Haqq] Baker, [http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.510929''Countering Terrorism in the UK: A Convert Community Perspective''], University of Exeter, University of Exeter, November 2009 (accessed 18 November 2014), p331.</ref>

Lambert's own son by his first wife, Adam, was seemingly also involved in STREET. According to Lambert he “played a pivotal role in establishing [STREET] as an effective and legitimate youth outreach project in Brixton”, working as its operations manager from July 2008 until his death in February 2011.<ref name="CAQvii"/>

===Lambert Consultancy and Training Ltd===
In August 2008 Lambert set up a company called ‘Lambert Consultancy and Training Limited’, with his second wife Julia as its secretary, and - as with STREET - its registered address was given as 54 Anson Road in Cricklewood, north-west London. In March 2009 Lambert brought in his academic collaborator from the University of Exeter, Dr Jonathan Githens-Mazer, and Githens-Mazer's wife Gayle, as directors of the company. The company was dissolved one year later on 30 March 2010, having filed no accounts.<ref name="AMD184">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/company/06678759 ''LAMBERT CONSULTANCY AND TRAINING LIMITED''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2012 (accessed 6 September 2012).</ref><ref name="COMPANIES HOUSE">Details about Lambert's company can be corroborated by searching the official Companies House website at companieshouse.gov.uk. The company number is 06678759.</ref>

===Siraat Ltd===
In January 2009 Lambert, along with Raymond Boakye and Carey Anderson, set up Siraat Ltd, a “prison-based mentoring project across southern England”<ref name="ASL884">Duncan Gardham, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/8319780/Counter-terrorism-projects-worth-1.2m-face-axe-as-part-of-end-to-multiculturalism.html ‘Counter-terrorism projects worth £1.2m face axe as part of end to multiculturalism’], ''Daily Telegraph'', 11 February 2011 (accessed 17 April 2015).</ref> with an address at a business centre on Coldharbour Lane in south London's Brixton.<ref name="AMD192">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/company/06784126/SIRAAT-LTD ''SIRAAT LTD''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2012 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref>

Siraat filed its last accounts in January 2010, its last tax return in January 2011, and was officially dissolved in July 2014. Neither Lambert - who as designated company secretary had legal responsibilities for ensuring timely business filings to Companies House - nor the others formally resigned as directors before Siraat's dissolution.<ref name="AMD193">Companies House, [https://www.duedil.com/company/06784126/siraat-ltd ''SIRAAT LTD''], Companies House (via DueDil.com), 2015 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref>

In addition to his directorship of Siraat Ltd, Carey Anderson - under the name Abdur Rahman Anderson - was also a director of Street Consultancy Ltd, which he set up with Abdul Haqq Baker (who used the name Anthony Baker) in March 2007, with a third director and trustee, Sameer Koomson, joining in June 2007. Like STREET and Lambert's own consultancy, this too was registered to the 54 Anson Road address in Cricklewood.<ref name="AMD194">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/company/06135333 ''STREET CONSULTANCY LIMITED''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2015 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref>

===West London IMPACT===
Whilst Lambert was never directly involved as a company director, he was tangentially connected to the Initiative for Muslim Progression And Community Tolerance (West London IMPACT) project. IMPACT was set up in December 2009 by Abdul Haqq Baker, Valerie Chung and Najeeb Ahmed, using company formation agent Graham Cowan and with a trading address in the West London neighbourhood of Southall. Baker and Chung both resigned as directors in March 2012, leaving Ahmed in charge. The organisation remained extant and up to date with its business filings as up until its dissolution in February 2013.<ref name="AMD195">Companies House, [http://companycheck.co.uk/company/07094071/INITIATIVE-FOR-MUSLIM-PROGRESSION--ADVANCEMENT-OF-COMMUNITY-TOLERANCE-IMPACT-LIMITED ''INITIATIVE FOR MUSLIM PROGRESSION & ADVANCEMENT OF COMMUNITY TOLERANCE (IMPACT) LIMITED''], Companies House (via CompanyCheck.co.uk), 2015 (accessed 18 April 2015).</ref>

===Withdrawal of government funding===
STREET, Siraat and IMPACT initially all received significant income (estimated by the ''Daily Telegraph'' to be nearly £1.3 million) through the counter-terrorism funding stream administered by the Office for Security and Counter-Terrorism (OSCT).<ref name="ASL884">Duncan Gardham, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/8319780/Counter-terrorism-projects-worth-1.2m-face-axe-as-part-of-end-to-multiculturalism.html ‘Counter-terrorism projects worth £1.2m face axe as part of end to multiculturalism’], ''Daily Telegraph'', 11 February 2011 (accessed 17 April 2015).</ref>

By February 2011 all three had their government grants cut by OSCT as part of a shake-up of the government's ‘Preventing Violent Extremism’ - or PREVENT - strategy.<ref name="ART119">Communities and Local Government Committee, [http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmselect/cmcomloc/65/65.pdf ''Preventing Violent Extremism: Sixth Report of Session 2009-20''], HMSO, 16 March 2010 (accessed 22 April 2015).</ref>

==Exposure and post-exposure issues==
:''For a more detailed account, look out for the forthcoming page [[Bob Lambert Exposure and Post-exposure]]''

Having worked undercover as ‘Bob Robinson’ from early 1984 until late 1988 without being exposed, Lambert came out of the shadows somewhat in the mid-2000s in his new role as head of the Muslim Contact Unit. Whilst as a Special Branch officer he was not a wholly public figure, his community engagement work did see him make some public statements at least as far back as 2006.<ref name="POLEXTREAT">Martin Bright, [https://web.archive.org/web/20070704182706/http://www.policyexchange.org.uk/images/libimages/176.pdf ''When Progressives Treat with Reactionaries''], Policy Exchange (via archive.org), July 2006 (accessed 18 March 2014).</ref><ref name="CAQ31">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda In London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', C Hurst & Co, 2011, p31 plus notes 2-5, p308.</ref><ref name="AWB246">Catriona Mackie, [https://web.archive.org/web/20081010011127/http://www.cityoflondon.police.uk/CityPolice/Media/News/NewsArchive/2006/guidetoislam.htm ‘City Police launch 'Guide to Islam'’], ''City of London Police'', July 2006 (accessed via Archive.org 18 April 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL882">unknown author, [http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-394172/Police-officers-issued-guide-Islam.html ‘Police officers issued with guide to Islam’], ''Daily Mail'', 5 July 2006 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB235">Press Association, [http://www.24dash.com/news/communities/2006-07-05-Police-given-Guide-to-Islam-to-improve-relations-with-London-Muslims ‘Police given 'Guide to Islam' to improve relations with London Muslims’], ''24dash.com'', 5 July 2006 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> At the same time as his police career was winding down, his academic work began to take off. By November 2007, he had been publicly lauded in person by both the Muslim Council of Britain<ref name="ASL181"/><ref name="AMD007">Robert Lambert, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/rl40.html Staff profile page], Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, University of St. Andrews website, 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB223">Hadi Yahmid, [http://www.onislam.net/english/news/3341/443575.html ‘True Islam Image in London Conf.’], ''On Islam'', 24 November 2007 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB222">unknown author, [http://www.islamictourism.com/news_E.php?country=84&width=&id=3367 ‘Islam Expo 2008: Building Bridges of Understanding’], ''Islamic Tourism'', July 2008 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> and the Islamic Human Rights Commission.<ref name="AWB182">Innovative Minds, [http://www.inminds.co.uk/ihrc10years.php ‘Islamic Human Rights Commission 2007: A Decade of Fighting Injustice’], ''Innovative Minds'', November 2007 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref>

Having retired from the Met, he seemed to fully embrace the public acknowledgement of his work (both positive and negative), and accepted invitations to speak at academic and political events as an expert on subjects such as community engagement policing or islamophobia. Whilst Lambert's past as an officer with the Metropolitan Police, and specifically with the [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch|MPSB]], was to some degree known as he built up his academic reputation, Lambert did not publicise his own close involvement in its undercover operations. Indeed, in his book, discussing the work of fellow Special Branch officer-turned-academic and private sector consultant Lindsay Clutterbuck in analysing MPSB files from the 1880s, he noted disapprovingly that from its inception the Branch had favoured covert spying tactics over transparent interaction with particular communities: “Infiltration rather than community partnerships were the popular hallmarks of an elite police department first established in 1883 to combat the threat to the capital posed by Irish republican bombers.”<ref name="ABK077p241">Robert Lambert, ''Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership'', Hurst & Company, 2011, p241.</ref>

It was after seeing videos of Dr Robert Lambert speak at anti-racism events that several former London Greenpeace campaigners determined that the ex-Special Branch officer-turned-academic was the same person as the animal rights activist they had known as ‘Bob Robinson’ in the 1980s. A group of them then decided to attend a Unite Against Fascism/One Society Many Cultures anti-racism conference at Congress House in Central London where Lambert was scheduled to speak on 15 October 2011, and publicly exposed him as a police spy.<ref name="Indymedia">London Greenpeace, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/10/486877.html ‘Undercover police agent publicly outed at conference’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 October 2011 (accessed 15 March 2014).</ref><ref name="AMD039">Stopinfiltration@mail.com, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/media/2011/10//486878.odt ''The truth about Bob Lambert and his Special Branch role''], Indymedia UK, 15 October 2011 (accessed 23 April 2014).</ref><ref name="UCexposed">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, pp59-61; 331-332.</ref>

===‘Apologies’ by Bob Lambert===
Since his exposure in October 2011 as a former undercover police spy, Bob Lambert has made only a handful of public statements in relation to his time in SDS. Each of these can be seen to include only the barest admissions necessary at that time, with his words chosen extremely carefully.

We list and summarise each of them below:

*'''Lambert's reply to Spinwatch open letter (23 October 2011)'''
Following his public exposure, Spinwatch - which noted that it had “shared platforms with Bob Lambert...at public meetings and at academic conferences”<ref name="AWB268">David Miller, [http://www.spinwatch.org/index.php/blog/item/271-statement-spinwatch-stands-in-solidarity-with-the-infiltrated ‘Statement: Spinwatch stands in solidarity with the infiltrated’], ''Spinwatch'', 2 November 2011 (accessed 29 April 2015).</ref> - published an open letter to Lambert calling on him to confirm or deny “the specific allegations so far made public...give an account of what you now think of your previous activities...disavow any previous activities [and] publically apologise to the activists who you allegedly betrayed.<ref name="AWB267">David Miller, [http://www.spinwatch.org/index.php/blog/item/269-an-open-letter-to-bob-lambert ‘An open letter to Bob Lambert’], ''Spinwatch'', 20 October 2011 (accessed 29 April 2015).</ref>

Lambert's response was to “apologise unreservedly for the deception I therefore practiced on law abiding members of London Greenpeace [and] for forming false friendships with law abiding citizens and in particular forming a long term relationship with [Name of person removed] who had every reason to think I was a committed animal rights activist and a genuine London Greenpeace campaigner.” However, he justified his actions by saying that he had been “deployed as an undercover Met special branch officer to identify and prosecute members of Animal Liberation Front who were then engaged in incendiary device and explosive device campaigns against targets in the vivisection, meat and fur trades,” and needed “the necessary credibility to become involved in serious crime”. He makes no specific mention of the Debenhams case, nor of the extended infiltration targeting London Greenpeace members by subsequent SDS officers such as [[John Dines]] or [[Jim Boyling]], which he was at least in part responsible for supervising.<ref name="AMD001">Robert Lambert, [http://www.spinwatch.org/index.php/issues/more/item/270-bob-lambert-replies-to-spinwatch Bob Lambert replies to Spinwatch], Spinwatch, 23 October 2011 (accessed 16 April 2014). He does, however, remember to plug his book, and to claim that “the vast majority of Met special branch undercover officers never made the mistakes I made [and] have no need to apologise for anything”. He acknowledges the relationship he had with Belinda Harvey.</ref>

*'''Response to ''The Guardian'' (23 October 2011)'''
The same day as Lambert's reply to Spinwatch was published, ''The Guardian'' also published a story based on “a statement” from Lambert “after the Guardian contacted him”. All direct quotations attributed to Lambert appear to be identical to sections of the Spinwatch reply, which is also referenced, which may imply that Lambert did not respond separately or differently to ''The Guardian''.<ref name="ASL505">Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/oct/23/police-spy-tricked-lover-activist ‘Police spy tricked lover with activist 'cover story'’], ''The Guardian'', 23 October 2011 (accessed 16 November 2014).</ref>

*'''‘Rebuilding Trust and Credibility’ (1 February 2012)'''
Styled by Lambert as his own “preliminary commentary” on his role as a full-time police mole within London Greenpeace and other groups, ‘Rebuilding Trust and Credibility’ was a brief text which he placed on his profile page on the St. Andrews University website. In it he again plugged his book, points to his earlier public apology, and adds that he hopes to continue in his work with Muslim communities. He makes reference to “The recent trial of two members of a gang that murdered Stephen Lawrence in 1993” which “serves to remind us of the self inflicted damage the Metropolitan Police has had to overcome when seeking to rebuild trust with minority ethnic Londoners” - but of course says nothing about his own key role in facilitating the flow of secret intelligence from spies in the Lawrence family camp to the team leading the Met's whitewashed response to the Macpherson Report. He alludes to his relationship with Belinda Harvey, but due to the civil litigation by then begun, he rows back to “alleged”.<ref name="AMD002">Robert Lambert, [http://www.scribd.com/doc/81363913/Robert-Lambert-MBE-Rebuilding-Trust ‘Rebuilding Trust and Credibility: A preliminary commentary reflecting my personal perspective’], Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence profile page (via Scribd), February 2012 (accessed 16 April 2014).</ref>

*'''Interview with ''Channel 4 News'' (2-5 July 2013)'''
By the time of his first onscreen television interview since his exposure, the mother of the child whom Lambert fathered whilst undercover - Jacqui - had come forward, so now he admitted to having had four relationships with women whilst deployed in the field. Besides Jacqui and Belinda Harvey, nothing is publicly known about the other two. Lambert apologises to Jacqui and Belinda, but insists that he fell in love with them both. He refuses to say whether senior officers knew that he had fathered a child whilst undercover, but indicates that he will offer a full account to “the investigation team”, by which he presumably means Operation Herne. He denies that he was involved “in the planting or the ignition” of the Debenhams incendiary device. He admits that “on occasions” he was arrested as ‘Bob Robinson’ and implies that he used that identity more than once in court. He admits to co-authoring the McLibel leaflet, but denies knowing if McDonald's were aware of police involvement in the document. He again claims that his behaviour should not reflect negatively on his SDS colleagues, “the overwhelming majority” of whom “behaved impeccably at all times”.<ref name="VID016">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/stephen-lawrence-bob-lambert-smear-metropolitan-police ‘Interview: Ex-Met's Bob Lambert on Stephen Lawrence smear’], ''Channel 4 News'', Channel 4, 2 July 2013 (accessed 15 April 2014).</ref><ref name="VID017">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/bob-lambert-undercover-police-met-exclusive-video ‘I'm sorry, says ex-undercover police boss’], ''Channel 4 News'', Channel 4, 5 July 2013 (accessed 15 April 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB183">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/stephen-lawrence-bob-lambert-smear-metropolitan-police ‘'We did not target Stephen's family', says undercover boss’], ''Channel 4 News'', 1 July 2013 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB184">Andy Davies, [http://www.channel4.com/news/undercover-police-bob-lambert-exclusive ‘I was weak and cruel, admits ex-undercover police boss’], ''Channel 4 News'', 5 July 2013 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref>

*'''Article in ''Critical Studies on Terrorism'' (7 April 2014)'''
Whilst rather illuminating in the way that he discusses - if somewhat opaquely - his work in SDS, early on in the article Lambert explains that he “will not write my own full account in response to [the Evans/Lewis book] ''Undercover'' and [Paul Lewis' television documentary] ''Dispatches'' until I have first discharged my legal obligations to the investigations and court proceedings”. Accordingly, there are no further specific apologies to allegations, only that he “accept[s] blame for mistakes I made as an undercover police officer in the 1980s” and that he has “made public apologies for them”. He states that he does “not accept the pejorative account of my role in undercover policing” by Evans and Lewis.<ref name="ASL029">Robert Lambert, [http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17539153.2013.847262 ‘Researching counterterrorism: a personal perspective from a former undercover police officer’]. [http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rter20/7/1 ''Critical Studies on Terrorism''] Volume 7 Number 1, pp165-181 (2014).</ref>

==Supporters and critics of Lambert==
:''See forthcoming page [[Bob Lambert - support and criticism]] for detailed examination of topic''

Since his exit from the Metropolitan Police, Lambert has received both positive and negative acknowledgement of his work. Around the time of his retirement, he was presented with first a ‘Friends of Islam’ award by the Muslim Council of Britain,<ref name="ASL181"/><ref name="AMD007">Robert Lambert, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/rl40.html Staff profile page], Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, University of St. Andrews website, 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB223">Hadi Yahmid, [http://www.onislam.net/english/news/3341/443575.html ‘True Islam Image in London Conf.’], ''On Islam'', 24 November 2007 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB222">unknown author, [http://www.islamictourism.com/news_E.php?country=84&width=&id=3367 ‘Islam Expo 2008: Building Bridges of Understanding’], ''Islamic Tourism'', July 2008 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> and then a trophy from the Islamic Human Rights Commission “In appreciation for his integrity and commitment to promoting a fair, just and secure society for all, which, is a rarity and will be greatly missed”.<ref name="AWB182">Innovative Minds, [http://www.inminds.co.uk/ihrc10years.php ‘Islamic Human Rights Commission 2007: A Decade of Fighting Injustice’], ''Innovative Minds'', November 2007 (accessed 3 February 2015).</ref> He was also inducted as a Member of the Order of the British Empire “for Services to the Police” in June 2008, enabling him to style himself ‘Dr. Robert Lambert MBE’.<ref name="ASL873">HMSO, [https://www.thegazette.co.uk/London/issue/58729/supplement/19 ‘The London Gazette of Friday 13 June 2008: Supplement No. 1’], ''The London Gazette'', 14 June 2008 (accessed 9 March 2015), p19.</ref> A ‘Dialogue and Building Bridges’ award followed the next month courtesy of the Cordoba Foundation, at that year's Islam Expo.<ref name="ABK077"/><ref name="AMD007">Robert Lambert, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/staff/rl40.html Staff profile page], Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, University of St. Andrews website, 2012 (accessed 19 April 2014).</ref>

However, following his exposure by London Greenpeace activists in October 2011, Lambert has been targeted by a number of protests. On 9 February 2012 animal rights activists disrupted a public seminar at St. Andrews University which Lambert was scheduled to speak at,<ref name="AWB233">Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, [http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cstpv/calendar/eventslisting.html ‘Events listing (2011/12)’], ''St. Andrews University'', 2011 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> reportedly leaving him “startled” as he was heckled over his activities as an undercover police spy. Leaflets detailing his infiltration were also distributed.<ref name="AWB231">off the pig, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2012/02/492284.html ‘Bob Lambert talk disrupted’], ''Indymedia UK'', 11 February 2012 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref>

Then in February 2013 two online petitions were started, one calling for Lambert to apologise and face disciplinary action from his then-employer St. Andrews University, the other demanding that he be stripped of his MBE.<ref name="AWB224">unknown author, [http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/petition-for-robert-lambert-to-face-a-disciplinary/ ‘Petition for Robert Lambert to face a disciplinary hearing and issue an apology’], ''iPetitions'', February 2013 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB225">Steve Manthorp, [https://www.change.org/p/uk-government-honours-committee-withdraw-the-mbe-awarded-to-bob-lambert-in-2008 ‘Withdraw the MBE awarded to Bob Lambert in 2008’], ''change.org'', February 2013 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> To date, neither has drawn significant support.

Next, in October 2013 a preview of a documentary film on the subject of police infiltration of political activist groups was shown at St. Andrews University, and students leafleted to inform them of Lambert's past.<ref name="ASL539">Laura Abernathy, [http://www.thesaint-online.com/2013/10/st-andrews-lecturer-should-not-be-teaching-%EF%BF%BCbecause-of-life-as-undercover-spy/ ‘St Andrews lecturer “should not be teaching” because of life as undercover spy’], ''The Saint'' number 176, 24 October 2013 (accessed 25 November 2014).</ref> This followed a number of articles published in student magazine ''The Saint'' which outlined Lambert's role as a police spy.<ref name="ASL536">Pete Stebbing, [http://www.thesaint-online.com/2011/10/lecturer-revealed-as-former-police-spy/ ‘Lecturer revealed as former police spy’], ''The Saint'' number 156, 27 October 2011 (accessed 25 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL537">Pete Stebbing, [http://www.thesaint-online.com/2012/02/the-spy-who-loved-me-undercover-lecturer-fathered-lovechild/ ‘The spy who loved me - undercover lecturer fathered lovechild’], ''The Saint'' number 159, 16 February 2012 (accessed 25 November 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL538">Kirsty Paton, [http://www.thesaint-online.com/2012/06/st-andrews-lecturer-accused-of-planting-firebomb/ ‘St Andrew lecturer accused of planting firebomb’], ''The Saint'' (online only), 15 June 2012 (accessed 25 November 2014).</ref>

By March 2014 the London Metropolitan University branch of Unison had voted to support [[Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance]], which works to publicise and resist police infiltration of political movements.<ref name="AWB234">London Met Unison, [http://www.londonmetunison.org.uk/2014/04/claire-locke-elected-agm/ ‘AGM elects Claire Locke as Chair and pays tribute to Bob Crow’], ''London Met Unison'', 4 April 2014 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> This was then followed by a “packed public meeting” on the subject hosted by Unison at London Met in November.<ref name="AWB229">London Met Unison, [http://www.londonmetunison.org.uk/2014/11/cops/ ‘Packed public meeting debates ‘The Truth About Britain’s Political Secret Police’’], ''London Met Unison'', 17 November 2014 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB230">COPS, [http://campaignopposingpolicesurveillance.com/2014/10/25/cops-public-meeting/ ‘COPS Public Meeting’], ''Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance'', 25 October 2014 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> Later that year saw the creation of a group called [[https://islingtonagainstpolicespies.wordpress.com/ Islington Against Police Spies]].<ref name="ASL392">Tom Foot, [http://www.islingtontribune.com/news/2014/oct/holloway-road-uni-defends-crime-lecturer-former-cop-who-had-undercover-affair ‘Holloway Road uni defends crime lecturer former cop who had undercover affair’], ''Islington Tribune'', 31 October 2014 (accessed 8 November 2014).</ref> Comprising residents from the area around the university as well as those who studying or working in it, IAPS called for a series of pickets at London Met, describing Lambert as “a known liar, spy and exploiter of women - not in any way a fit person to be trusted teaching students at this University”, and with the aim of keeping up “pressure on London Met until they fire him”.<ref name="AWB140">Islington Against Police Spies, [http://theoccupiedtimes.org/?p=13640 ‘Sack Bob Lambert’], ''The Occupied Times'', 24 November 2014 (accessed 21 November 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB226">Douglas Bolton, [http://islingtonnow.co.uk/2014/12/04/protest-at-london-met-at-undercover-cop-job/ ‘Protest at London Met at undercover cop job ’], ''Islington Now'', 4 December 2014 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL874">Jon Dean, [http://www.islingtongazette.co.uk/news/politics/protesters_demand_holloway_university_sack_former_policy_spy_1_3874622 ‘Protesters demand Holloway university sack former policy spy’], ''Islington Gazette'', 4 December 2014 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL875">Geoffrey Sawyer, [http://islingtonnow.co.uk/2014/12/04/protest-at-london-met-at-undercover-cop-job/ ‘Fresh protests over ‘police spy’ lecturer working at Holloway Road university ’], ''Islington Tribune'', 5 December 2014 (accessed 9 March 2015),</ref><ref name="ASL876">Jon Dean, [http://www.islingtongazette.co.uk/news/crime-court/campaign_to_sack_holloway_university_s_former_police_spy_hits_tv_1_3926787 ‘Campaign to sack Holloway university’s former police spy hits TV’], ''Islington Gazette'', 22 January 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB228">COPS, [http://campaignopposingpolicesurveillance.com/2015/01/19/sack-bob-lambert-picket-friday-30-january/ ‘Sack Bob Lambert - Picket Friday 30 January’], ''Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance'', 19 January 2015 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref> This then led to wider coverage of the issue in the national media.<ref name="ASL881">Nick Cohen, [http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/dec/21/why-tolerate-police-spies-in-our-midst ‘Why must we tolerate police spies in our midst?’], ''The Guardian'', 21 December 2014 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL879">Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2015/jan/06/university-under-pressure-to-sack-controversial-former-undercover-spy-bob-lambert ‘University under pressure to sack controversial former undercover spy Bob Lambert’], ''The Guardian'', 6 January 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="AWB227">unknown author, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-30908597 ‘Ex-Met Police spy Bob Lambert 'should be sacked' as lecture’], ''BBC News'', 20 January 2015 (accessed 22 March 2015).</ref><ref name="VID140">Alex Bushell, [http://youtu.be/v-0aznWWHSk ‘Critics call for London Metropolitan University to sack Bob Lambert’], BBC London News, 20 January 2015 (accessed 21 January 2015).</ref> London Met's management was then forced to defend Lambert publicly,<ref name="ASL880">Koos Couvée, [http://www.islingtontribune.com/news/2015/feb/holloway-road-university-pledges-stand-undercover-cop-turned-lecturer ‘Holloway Road university pledges to stand by undercover cop turned lecturer’], ''Islington Tribune'', 6 February 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref> whilst a handful of individuals - notably the aforementioned fellow John Grieve Centre senior lecturer [[Tim Parsons]], academic colleague Stefano Bonino<ref name="ASL877">Stefano Bonino, [http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/comment/opinion/why-a-controversial-undercover-cop-should-keep-his-academic-post/2018046.article ‘Why a controversial undercover cop should keep his academic post’], ''Times Higher Education'', 22 January 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="BONINO">Whilst Bonino acknowledges, in the biography following his opinion piece in ''THE'', that “As a scholar whose research includes the study of terrorism, he knows Robert Lambert in a professional capacity,” he does not mention that in October 2011 he co-organised a public lecture at the University of Edinburgh which not only featured Lambert on the panel, but was followed by a reception and signing event to publicise Lambert's book. See resumé on [http://www.law.ed.ac.uk/other_areas_of_interest/events/view_event?id=2139145579 Bonino's page] on the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research website.</ref> and Finsbury Park Mosque's Mohammed Kosbar<ref name="ASL878">Koos Couvée, [http://www.islingtontribune.com/news/2015/mar/university%E2%80%99s-former-spy-cop-had-role-forcing-extremists-finsbury-park-mosque ‘University’s former spy cop had role forcing extremists from Finsbury Park Mosque’], ''Islington Tribune'', 6 March 2015 (accessed 9 March 2015).</ref><ref name="ABK077"/> - have offered Lambert their public support.

==Court cases==
In December 2011 Lambert was named in legal proceedings brought by eight women - one of whom was Belinda Harvey - who had had long-term relationships with undercover officers.<ref name="AWB265">Police Spies Out Of Lives, [http://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/the-case-overview/ ‘The Case - Overview’], ''Police Spies Out Of Lives'', 2012 (accessed 29 April 2015).</ref><ref name="ASL883">Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2011/dec/16/legal-action-over-police-spies ‘Women start legal action against police chiefs over emotional trauma - their statement’], ''The Guardian'', 16 December 2011 (accessed 27 November 2013).</ref> The Metropolitan Police faced separate litigation from Jacqui, the unwitting mother of Lambert's ‘undercover son’. The Met settled this second suit out-of-court in October 2014 for £425,000.<ref name="AMD003">Bindmans, [http://bindmans.com/news-and-events/news-article/under-cover-police-sexual-relationship-legal-claim-settles-jacqui ‘Under cover police sexual relationship legal claim settles - “Jacqui”’], solicitor's statement/press release, 23 October 2014 (accessed 22 November 2014).</ref>

== Additional Undercover Research resources ==

* [[N81]]
* [[N81: Profile from the Ellison Report]],
* [[N81: Meeting with the Lawrence Review Team]]
* [[N81: File Notes SDS]]
* [[N81: IPCC investigation]]
* [[Lawrence Review Team]]

* [[Richard Walton]]

==Notes==
<references/>

Rob Harrison (alias)

2025-10-02T06:52:30Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN18'|Alias=Rob Harrison|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Rob-harrison-headshot.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2004-2007|Targets=International Solidarity Movement (London branch), State of Emergency Collective, No Borders London, Globalise Resistance, rampART.}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''Rob Harrison''' is the alias of a [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated a number of London left-wing / anarchist groups including State of Emergency Collective, No Borders London, Globalise Resistance, rampART and the International Solidarity Movement from 2004 to 2007.<ref name="email.ucpi.11Dec2018">Email to core participants, '20181211-UCPI_to_all_CPs-publishing _HN18', ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 December 2018, referencing update of the webpage [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ UCPI.org.uk/cover-names].</ref><ref name="AW.article.13Dec2018">Asa Winstanley, [https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/asa-winstanley/police-spy-infiltrated-palestine-activists Police spy infiltrated Palestine activists], ''The Electronic Intifada'', 13 December 2018 (accessed 17 December 2018).</ref>

The officer is also referred to by the cipher '''HN18''' for the purposes of the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for details of the N-numbers cipher system see the [[N officers]] page).

* [[Rob Harrison: timeline]]
* [[Rob Harrison: benefit gigs]]
* [[Rob Harrison: Undercover Policing Inquiry]]

==As an undercover==

===Description===

[[File:Rob-harrison-spy-1.jpg|thumb|right|Rob Harrison DJ'ing at a Halloween party, ca. 2004<ref>Asa Winstanley, [https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/asa-winstanley/revealed-uk-police-spy-who-infiltrated-palestine-solidarity Revealed: UK police spy who infiltrated Palestine solidarity], ''Electronic Infitada'', 10 July 2019.</ref>]]

Rob is described by people who know him as in his mid-thirties, tall and medium built, with long, dark hair, mixed with grey, that he wore in a ponytail.<ref name="misc.comm"/><ref>First full images of Rob Harrison released in the article: Asa Winstanley, [https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/asa-winstanley/revealed-uk-police-spy-who-infiltrated-palestine-solidarity Revealed: UK police spy who infiltrated Palestine solidarity], ''Electronic Infitada'', 10 July 2019.</ref> He claimed connections with South East London, including claiming to come from Charlton, something supported by his accent.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/> Activists who met him later during his deployment noted he always had a beard of the same colour which he kept short and neatly trimmed, or as stubble, never either clean shaven or with a bushy beard. He also wore an earring.<ref name="misc.comm">Undercover Research Group: miscellaneous communications from those who encountered Rob Harrison.</ref> One campaigner recalled that - though he didn't talk about it - Rob clearly worked out and was more muscular than those around him.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/>

He had a working class accent, and came across as a quiet person, well-dressed with good manners.<ref name="misc.comm"/> However, others recall him as a bit of a sleaze and some women considered him flirtatious in a creepy way.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/><ref name="misc.comm"/> In one quote, he was described as a 'nervous loser'.<ref name="aw.ie.13Dec2018">Asa Winstanley, [https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/asa-winstanley/police-spy-infiltrated-palestine-activists Police spy infiltrated Palestine activists], ''The Electronic Intifada'', 13 December 2018 (accessed 13 February 2019).</ref>

Asa Winstanley, an ISM activist who knew Rob throughout his deployment, described him as a 'cheery, cheeky chappie' type who was friendly and engaging with a generous personality, always ready to help. He was sociable, going to the pub with campaigners a lot and buying people drinks, though without being flash with money. Asa, however, thought that he came across as more mainstream than other activists, something he talked about himself saying he felt under-educated and unconfident. This had a disarming effect which led people to opening up and confide in him.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/> He was also a regular visitor to the homes of fellow campaigners, including one housing cooperative in Islington where a lot of peace activists then lived.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/><ref name="aw.ie.13Dec2018"/>

Marcia, another London ISM activist, recalled him as 'a bit of a hanger-on who was on the fringe of things rather than being in the centre, and who was gauche and flakey', and generally neutral on issues.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Marcia' (alias), an ISM activist, 27 February 2019.</ref>

He seemed to have a good job and always had money.<ref name="misc.comm"/> He also had a car, possibly dark blue, which he offered to London ISM to cart merchandise and to provide lifts to people. This included lifts to the airport on trips to Palestine or home after meetings.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with Asa Winstanley, 13 December 2018.</ref> Campaigners in other groups targeted noted that he used his vehicle to drive them and equipment to protests;<ref name="sb.tw.13Dec2018"/><ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/> one of them described the car as not a big one, a four seater which you wouldn't give a second look at,<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> possibly a Golf or Polo.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/>

On occasion he would claim to be unable to do things as he was out of London, visiting his unwell mother.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/>

London ISM activists recalled that he was regularly at the home of other activists. One of whom, Kerry, noted that that it was not so much he was specifically invited, but he was the kind of person who just turned up for social visits. Her house had a number of political activists living there at the time and he was there quiet a bit. Rob came across as friendly and helpful, at one point painting their kitchen, which made her housemates warm to him. This led to him DJ'ing at their house parties, and possibly even at her 30th birthday.<ref name="k.p.6May2019">Undercover Research Group: phonecall with 'Kerry' (alias), a London ISM activist, 6 May 2019.</ref>

London ISM people do not appear to have gone to his home and say he was vague about where he lived, intimating it was somewhere on the outskirts of London.<ref name="k.p.6May2019"/><ref name="aw.i.Jan2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with Asa Winstanley, January 2019.</ref> However, after he moved to Roman Road, people from other groups did visit his place (see below).

He does seem to have discussed politics a bit more than other undercover contemporaries, but it was still hard to pin his actual politics down. He told London ISM members he was sceptical of anarchism, while in a conversation on rap music, he was critical of Public Enemy over their support of Louis Farrakhan.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/> <ref>He also posted regarding rap music and Louis Farrakan on Urban75's forums. See: [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/my-mother-calls-it-crap-music.5845/page-2#post-269182 My Mother calls it cRAP music (thread)], ''Urban75.net'', 16 May 2004 (accessed 28 April 2019).</ref> Others recalled that he was quite reluctant to give an opinion on anything, even on human rights abuses against Palestinans,<ref name="jnp.i.20June19"/> while with No Borders and State of Emergency he was not involved in debates and generally avoided having opinions on things.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/>

Alex, a London activist met Rob a few times at London No Borders meetings during 2006. His recollection of Rob was as a capable, normal bloke with personality, who drove and was a DJ. In his memory, Rob was politically astute enough to understand political differences around tactics, and that Rob usually came down in favour of taking direct action over reformist approaches.<ref name="alex.i.1Apr19">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Alex' (alias), 1 April 2019.</ref>

London No Borders people had different experiences with him to some degree, though it was noted that this was perhaps because it was a group more dominated by women generally. They thought of him as a polite but aloof character, who didn't really make friends within the group, though he was happy to give people lifts. He seems to have struggled to be accepted within this scene, as he often did not match in terms of dress or personality. He was also richer than they were as he had a paying job. One person recalled that he was not creepy or interested in women, but did come across as a predator.<ref name="c.p.12May2019"/>

State of Emergency seems to have had a different experience of him again. A number of those involved remember him as a wallflower. In meetings he tended to speak only when spoken to, or when he had to. He rarely offered political opinions and went with what others said, usually following the greater consensus in the group. However, he readily jumped into things and offered access to his car. This, along with his willingness to DJ and do fundraisers, allowed him to place himself at the centre of things, though all the same he struggled to be fully accepted.<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Jane' (alias), an activist with State of Emergency, 12 October 2019.</ref><ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/> His behaviour, lack of fitting in and his access to resources, though placing him at the centre of things eventually gave rise to suspicion and he was eventually asked to leave (see below).<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/><ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/><ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> People familiar with the various groups he targeted noted that the particular nature of State of Emergency meant he would have stuck out more and that people in SoE were in general more vocal about such issues.

Jane summed up what others said, noting 'he was hard to place socially and politically' and that it was not clear what his motivation for being in the group was. He was not as easy to get along with as others, and he lacked a shared interest and passion that bound others together. She also noted he occasionally asked inappropriate questions and recalled one incident at the State of Emergency benefit at the Vortex (March 2007) that he was probing about her life and family and felt that he was trying to make a pass at her.<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>

Both Jane and Sonia in particular recalled feeling uncomfortable around him and, though he wasn't threatening, described him as creepy in the way he tried to ingratiate himself.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Anita' and 'Sonia' (aliases), 1 June 2019.</ref><ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>

Others who just met Rob in passing at the end of his deployment, described him as coming across as a friendly, working class bloke, not great on politics but who had something suspect about him.<ref name="steve.24Oct2019"/>

===Legend building===
[[File:Rob-harrison-spy-2.jpg|thumb|right|Rob Harrison DJ'ing at a Halloween party, ca. 2004]]

A key part of his legend as an undercover was that he was significantly into music. He DJ'ed using the moniker 'Boogie Knight', and played at various benefit nights for groups he targeted, including organising some of them. He certainly had a reputation as a good DJ within campaigning circles and played at private house parties also. Multiple people in the different groups he targeted all recalled him talking of being a professional DJ. Fred noted that Rob had all the right equipment at his house<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> while Asa felt that this aspect of his cover was probably genuine.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/>

Both No Borders & State of Emergency activists said that his main contribution to their groups was organising benefit gigs. He had DJ equipment in his vehicle and contacts with musicians. They felt that he was more into the social scene and fundraising than other aspects of their campaigning, and he is barely recalled being present at demonstrations or other protests (though he did attend, and drive people them).<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/>

Several people noted that he spoke of working with a New Cross-based sound engineer,<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/><ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/> whom he implied was some kind of father figure. He also said he was staying with this person for some months, on and off, while looking for a place to live.<ref>Undercover Research Group: information provided anonymously, July 2019. This person has been identified as a sound engineer involved with New Cross-based studios, London Music Solutions Ltd (MusicRoomLondon.com), which as of time of writing (October 2019) has no identified connection with activist music scene.</ref>

He was a regular poster on the online bulletin boards Urban75.net where he used the handle 'Boogie Boy',<ref>'winjer', [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/undercover-policing-enquiry.338874/page-16#post-15847321 Undercover Policing Inquiry (thread, page 16)], ''Urban75.net'', 15 December 2018 (accessed 28 April 2019).</ref> and was known in particular for his posts on music among general comments.<ref name="urg.s.jan2019"/>

In one post he made on Urban75.net, dated 17 September 2005, Rob claimed to be doing a part-time course at Birkbeck College, and suggested doing a meet up of Urban75 contributors also at Birkbeck.<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/birkbeck-university.60339/ Birkbeck university (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 17 September 2005 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> He may have supported Newcastle United.<ref>[https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/newcastle-united-2008-2009-thread.179650/page-48 Newcastle United 2008-2009 Thread]], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', Summer 2008 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>

On 4 April 2007, he posted to Urban75:<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/stolen-b-w-602-s3.130797/ Stolen B & W 602 S3 (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 4 April 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: Last night some nice person decided to smash my car window and steal a single B & W 602 speaker (series 3 - black), a Technics record bag containing a Rotel amp and various cables and cds. And my favourite green jacket.
:: Leaving the other speaker in the car. Which was parked outside of the London Action Resource Centre (LARC).<ref>It would appear his car was at LARC as the venue had hosted a State of Emergency film night on the 3 April. See: [https://web.archive.org/web/20070503020441/http://www.stateofemergency.org.uk/ StateOfEmergency.org.uk], snapshot of website, captured by Archive.org taken 3 May 2007.</ref>
:: FFS!!!:mad:
:: BB is seriously upset......so if anyone gets offered a single such speaker it might just be mine.....

A benefit dinner was organised for 11 April to 'reimburse him because he used to often ... drive people/gear to protests.'<ref name="sb.tw.13Dec2018">'scumbly blythe' (@piombo), [https://twitter.com/piombo/status/1073364460495097856 tweet thread on Rob Harrison], ''Twitter.com'', 13 December 2018 (accessed 30 April 2019).</ref>

===Contact details===

Contact details:
:: Mobile: 07795 825 413
:: Email: rspharrison@yahoo.co.uk & boogie@riseup.net

The Yahoo account appears to have been explicitly disabled in 2013 when it started causing bounces from internal mailing lists from a group he was active in. Asa also noted that his email gave his full name, Robert Harrison, something thought at odds with the security culture in the International Solidarity Movement at the time.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/> Other material indicates that the Riseup account was used for a substantial period of time after the unit for which Rob worked was closed down.<ref name ="urg.pc"/>

He is also recalled as having a Facebook account at the time, which no longer exists.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/>

He originally appears to have lived in Holloway, north London, but around 2006 he moved to an address in east London:<ref>Undercover Research Group: around July 2006, Rob Harrison sent his new address to someone he had met on Urban75 as part of the CD music swapping project, Urburn.</ref>
:: Flat 23, Dennis House, 551 Roman Road, Bow, London, E3 5ER

Fred who visited it on several occasions, including for meetings related to the State of Emergency group, recalled that that the flat did look lived in.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/>

===Relationships===
Rob Harrison is known to have had at least one sexual relationship while undercover, with 'Maya' (pseudonym) who he met through London ISM.<ref name="mitting.3May2019">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/20190307-ruling-core_participants_28-RLR_22-costs_21-final.pdf Core Participants Ruling 28 / Recognised Legal Representatives Ruling 22 / Costs of Legal Representation Ruling Awards Ruling 21], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 May 2019 (accessed 3 May 2019).</ref> Another London ISM campaigner recalled that he had 'chased' someone in their group for a relationship. Rob also mentioned that his family were really racist so he had previously had a black girlfriend to spite them, and that he liked black women in general.<ref name="k.p.6May2019"/>

==Targets==
[[File:Rob-harrison-spy-3.jpg|thumb|right|Rob Harrison at party, ca. 2004]]
Other than Globalise Resistance (see below), the majority of Rob's time as an undercover focused on an amorphous network of anarchist and anti-war activists. The groups he focused most on were London International Solidarity Movement, London No Borders and State of Emergency, though he touched on quite a number of others. Kerry noted that it was through London ISM that he would have gained contact with No Borders and State of Emergency.<ref name="k.p.6May2019"/> All three groups overlapped in terms of people, and it seems Rob actively used this crossover to facilitate moving among them. Thus, through this network of people he gained entry to different groups and places, and partake in a number of protests and actions.

Rob also had contacts with the groups that had emerged out of the WOMBLES, in particular with people in various squatted social centres in London, such as The Square, rampART, Vortex, etc.

===Globalise Resistance===
As yet, Rob's role in this group is not known. In August 2004, [[Simon Wellings (alias)|Simon Wellings]], the undercover who had targeted the group, was exposed and subsequently vanished. The group was at that point very focused on plans for protests around the 2005 G8 Summit in Scotland, which all other known undercovers of the time are known to have attended.

It is not known if Rob went to the G8 protests; London ISM activists who were present have said Rob was not with them.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/><ref name="k.p.6May2019"/>

===London International Solidarity Movement===
* ''See also [[Rob_Harrison: timeline#London_ISM | London ISM timeline]]''

The International Solidarity Movement, founded in 2001, is an international network which supports activists traveling to Palestine to act in solidarity with the struggles there. Left wing in orientation, it is described as having a mixed bag of politics, not aligned with any particular group or party. It espoused non-violence ethos and tactics.

The London branch of the ISM was active throughout the 2000s, with most of its members going to Palestine, as well as engaging in various peaceful protests in the UK. In 2003, not long before Rob Harrison targeted the group, ISM volunteers, Rachel Corrie and Tom Hurndall had been killed by Israeli forces while acting as human shields. This led to a campaign against Caterpillar, a British company providing machinery used by Israel to clear Palestinian homes for illegal settlements.

Other issues the group was involved in during Rob's time included campaigns against the Israeli Wall and companies such as the Rafael Arms firm and Carmel Agrexco. They put on film nights and vigils in memory of ISM activists killed or wounded in Palestine; while members also took part in events put on by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign - where they often did stalls.

At the time London ISM provided regular training weekends for those planning to travel to Palestine to do solidarity work here, and also debriefs from those returning. As the group was the only one in the UK then holding these training sessions it became quite influential. These sessions would have 10-20 people from across Britain every month or so.

Rob appears to have joined the group towards the end of 2004, and went on one training session around then.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/><ref name="k.p.6May2019"/>

The group was quite informal with a flat internal structure; it organised through monthly meetings using consensus decision-making. Meetings initially took place at Bonnington Square, Vauxhall, but in October 2005 moved to Islington. Marcia, an ISM activist, said her memories of him came mainly from the Islington meetings and that 'he was just around all the time from then' including attending many of the monthly meetings of the group over the next year or so - though he is not recalled attending other training sessions.

He tended to hang back in meetings, mainly being just there and blending in, saying he just wanted to help out.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/> <ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/><ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/> He was more likely to have private conversations. Though at points he did get involved in discussions, including in drafting a set of principles for the London ISM group. He was also active in the group's internal email list, at one point was forwarding to the email list threads from Urban75 which were critical of London ISM.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/><ref name="aw.e.13Feb2019"/>

Asa Winstanley, who encountered Rob through London ISM, said that he was not a main character in the group and came across as 'kind of forgettable' for all that he was helpful.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/> Likewise, Marcia described him as not being an entity in the group, but as someone you wouldn't necessarily notice.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/>

As pretty much everyone else active in the group at the time had either gone or was going to Palestine (as one put it: 'Rob was the anomaly in this'<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/>) this meant there was little reason to be involved in the group otherwise, so people did not understand why he was active with them.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/><ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/>

Asa and Kerry remember that Rob was clear about not going to Palestine from the beginning, saying he was scared and didn't want to do frontline stuff, but wanted to help out on the London end of things with campaigning, fundraising and organising.<ref name="k.p.6May2019"/><ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/>

This he mainly did through organising fundraisers for the group on his own initiative. He DJ'ed at all ISM parties and benefit gigs, often being the main DJ and getting other DJs involved. As such, he was the driving force behind the benefits held at rampART.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/>

At the time London ISM was quite security conscious, albeit more worried about being spied upon by the Israeli Government rather than the UK state. Thus, the group worked on a 'need to know' basis and plans kept vague, and people didn't go into their backgrounds.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/><ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/> Generally people used only first names, which is why it was unusual that Rob used his full name in his email address.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/>

While the group was doing the Caterpillar campaign, it had made up t-shirts to sell on protests or stalls in Trafalgar Square. Rob offered to store the t-shirts at his house and to take care of mailing out them and other items which were part of the group's fundraising efforts. This would have been an ideal way of obtaining addresses. His offers to drive people to the airport when they traveled to Palestine did strike some people as strange as at the time the practice was to just go without telling others for security reasons.<ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/> Otherwise, he appears to have avoided raising suspicion.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/>

Marcia recalled that he was one of a small number of the group's members to go on a pro-Palestine march.<ref>Which march is not clearly recalled, but is probably either the one of 20 March 2006 or the 9 June 2007</ref> On the march, she introduced Rob to quite a few other people. The group did a roving stall in Trafalgar Square selling t-shirts, and afterwards they hung out in the pub. She recalled him taking pictures of the event and banking the money they had raised, so clearly he knew the bank account details by that stage. In particular she recalled ribbing him about not going to Palestine and that he had been sheepish and sensitive about it. This was the last time she recalled seeing him.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/>

He is not recalled as having any particular exit strategy from the group, he just was no longer around sometime in 2007.<ref name="aw.p.13Dec2018"/><ref name="aw.i.Jan2019"/> People were not overly bothered as he had not been doing much with the group by that stage.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/>

Several people spoken to expressed concern that information obtained by Rob Harrison was passed on by British security services to the Israeli government. By 2008 the latter government appeared to have good information on the group UK activists, and began to stop its activists from entering the country. The relatively sudden blocking of key people going to Palestine in the late 2000s damaged the group, as it limited its main reason for existing.<ref name="m.i.27Feb2019"/><ref name="aw.ie.13Dec2018"/>

Asa also noted that Rob’s email address remained on London ISM internal mailing lists until 2013, indicating ongoing access by police to the group’s discussions.<ref name="aw.e.13Feb2019">Undercover Research Group: email from Asa Winstanley, 13 February 2019.</ref>

===No Borders London===
[[File:No borders banner 7 October 2006 march.jpg|thumb|300px|No Borders banner on 'March for Migrant Rights', 7 October 2006, London]]
* ''See also [[Rob_Harrison_timeline#London_No_Borders | London No Borders timeline]]''

The No Borders network in Europe began in 1999, with a transnational meeting in Amsterdam in December that year. The network focused on opposing immigration controls in Europe and anti-deportation campaigns, targeting those companies who profited from it, as well as series of camps and convergences across Europe and later the Americas.<ref> No Border Campaign, [http://www.tacticalmediafiles.net/campaigns/6406/No-Border-Campaign-_-Network No Border Campaign], undated (last accessed 2 March 2019)</ref>. In Europe, one of the largest of these camps was in Strasbourg, France in 2001, which UK activists cited as the inspiration for setting up groups across the UK.<ref>'Indy_mind', UK Indymedia,[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/07/36502.html No Border Camp Strasbourg]21 July 2002,(last accessed 2 March 2019)</ref><ref>Undercover Research Group, Interview with 'Jack Sheppard' (alias), 2 March 2018</ref>.

Work on No Border issues took place at the 2004 European Social Forum and the 2005 Make Borders History protest during the G8 Summit in Scotland. On 2 April 2005, campaigners organised a protest in London, and it was from this organising committee that the London No Borders group emerged.<ref name="ldn.history.5Dec2011">[http://london.noborders.org.uk/history London NoBorders: history], ''London.NoBorders.org.uk'', 5 December 2011 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref>

The first national meeting occurred in London, in March 2006, and by the end of 2007 there were seven local groups across the UK.<ref> No Borders UK, [http://noborders.org.uk/aboutnoborders about no borders], no date (accessed 2 March 2019)</ref> Among their first activities was galvanising support for the second and biggest of the UK-based No Borders camps in the UK, taking place near Gatwick Airport, Sussex in 2007.
[[File:Stop Deportations banner for 7 October 2006.jpg|thumb|300px|Stop Deportations banner from London No Borders on the 'March for Migrant Rights', 7 October 2006, London]]
Local radical groups fighting migration control used the banner of 'No Borders' in the UK until around 2012, when it began to fall out of use. However, successor groups such as the Anti-Raids Network continued their work, while small NGOs adopted its radical immigration control abolitionist position. 'No Borders' also gained significant purchase within academic and other critical writing.

The London group organised numerous protests and pickets at detention centres as well as practical support for those who were detained as well as those on hunger-strike; it also ran campaigns to prevent specific deportations, including of some of its members.<ref>See, for example, [http://london.noborders.org.uk/whoweare London NoBorders: who are we?], ''London.NoBorders.org.uk'', undated (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref> A specific Detainee Support Group was set up within it, which worked along side its campaigning aspects. As a result the group often had close links to those inside detention centres and were able to report disturbances and resistance from within the centres - which were not otherwise receiving mainstream attention. Through its detention support work, it built links within communities of asylum seekers and migrant workers (e.g. Latin American Workers Association), trade unions (T&GWU), and other migrant struggles (Justice for Cleaners campaign).

Rob joined London No Borders in 2005, a time when the group was still quite small but was starting to grow, and was also attracting a high level of police surveillance.<ref name="c.p.12May2019"/> It held mostly weekly meeting at Transport House, Theobalds Road - the headquarters of the Transport & General Workers Union (T&GWU). Initially, these were joint meetings with the No One Is Illegal group. Several people recalled Rob attending meetings there,<ref name="f.e.5Sept2019">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Francis' (alias), an activist with London No Borders, 5 September 2019.</ref> though it was not clear at that point that Rob was a member of London No Borders.<ref name="alex.i.1Apr19"/> Some meetings also took place at The Square squatted social centre where much of LNB's activities were taking place. Later on they moved to the London Action Resource Centre (LARC).<ref name="alex.i.1Apr19"/><ref name="c.p.12May2019">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'C', a London No Borders activist.</ref><ref name="s.e.Sept19"/> Minutes of meetings and emails show that Rob attended London No Borders meetings in these venues.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

At the beginning of the London No Borders group there was a small overlap in membership with that of State of Emergency, though many from both groups knew each other.<ref name="s.e.Sept19">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Sonia' (alias), 16 September 2019.</ref> Rob showed little, if any, interest in the No One Is Illegal campaign,<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/> which was less engaged in direct action than No Borders, though it did take part on occasion and did support it.

Once active with LNB, Rob regularly attended meetings,<ref name="alex.i.1Apr19"/><ref name="c.p.12May2019"/> and joined people going to the pub afterwards.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/> He also drove for much of its activities. However, in general he remained on the periphery of the group,<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/> as one London No Borders activist remembers:<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from C, a campaigner with London No Borders, 18 December 2018.</ref>
:: [he] was a bit strange and we did not really understand what motivated him to join No Borders, he did not seem to fit in as such; then he disappeared all of a sudden, saying he was leaving the group but without giving any explanation on why he was leaving.

A notable incident was a discussion that took place when he was helping paint a No Borders banner for the 7 October 2006 protest at rampART. He took the position that Islam was inherently authoritarian which was at odd with the ethos of the group. Anita recalled that his position was very unnuanced for the milieu he was in and the discussion grew heated, however, it felt at the time that they were reaching out to him.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/><ref>Undercover Research Group: while this might be a case for clumsy political postioning on behalf of a undercover police officer, there is also apossibility that he opned the debate on Islam with the intention to create a wedge within the group.</ref>

(Earlier in June 2006, Rob had taken part in a discussion about Islam on Urban75.net where he put forward the argument that in order to understand Islam, people should read the Qu'ran first.<ref>[https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/islam.96440/ Islam (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 2006 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>)

Several No Borders activists remembered that Rob took home money amounting to several hundred pounds raised from a post-Gatwick camp benefit gig, but disappeared from the group without depositing it in any No Borders bank account.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/><ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/> This is likely the Anarchist Bookfair after party / joint benefit with rampART which took place on 27 October (see [[Rob_Harrison:_benefit_gigs#27_October_2007:_No_Borders_post_Anarchist_Bookfair_benefit|Rob Harrison: benefit gigs]] for more details).

He was recalled at the time as saying goodbye to the group as he was quitting as an activist, though without giving a reason. Why he left was as unclear why he had joined.<ref name="c.p.12May2019"/>

====Activities with No Borders London in 2006-2007====
[[File:Rob Harrison at Colnbrook demonstration(10Feb2007).jpg|150px|thumb|Rob Harrison at the Shut Harmondsworth & Colnbrook Detention Centres demonstration of 10 February 2007. © Jason N Parkinson]]
Rob was participating on the London No Borders email list by May 2006 and was active there until at least October 2007. His emails show him taking a proactive role within the group and carrying out a number of functions on their behalf. A number of these focus on his role in putting on benefit events at Vortex or rampART. Others show him chivvying people along to come to decisions on the booking of venues. It is clear he was readily taking on jobs to contact people in relation to issues that were coming up. It would also appear from the emails that Rob did the group's minutes for 21 June and 19 July 2007.

A number of emails are process-focused, such as discussions points for meetings or problems of people claiming to be No Borders but not attending meetings to partake in decision making.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB">Undercover Research Group: several people have shared with us email communications Rob Harrison sent to London No Borders using his 'boogie@riseup.net' & 'rspharrison@yahoo.co.uk' accounts. We are publishing only excerpts from these in order to protect the privacy of people named in them.</ref>

Emails of May and June 2006 show his increasing involvement in the group, seeking to attend events and meetings. In May he talks of attending a meeting at The Square (a squatted social centre in central London). While on 22 June 2006 he turned up at Communications House on Old Street, London, a reporting centre for asylum seekers, were he had expected there to be demonstration in support of migrants<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/> This site was at the time the subject of semi-regular protests by London No Borders and other asylum seeker support groups, as well as a campaign by the Marxist group Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! (whose members were on occasion active alongside London No Borders and attended meetings which Rob took minutes for<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>).

He takes the minutes for the meeting of 13 July 2006 at Theobalds House, distributing them on 25 July. In them he takes on reaching out to rampART to check for available dates for fundraising events. A few days later he complains that someone had left them and other documents were left in a restaurant where a worker spotted them and got in touch wit him to say they had been kept safe. Ironically in hindsight, he writes:
:: ...but can I also ask that people are a bit more careful - I don't like my e-mail details being left around...<ref>Rob Harrison, 'Was it you?', No Borders London (email list), 28 July 2006.</ref>

Curiously, in relation to a draft leaflet on Climate Change, Rob emails:<ref>Rob Harrison, Re: Re: [noborderslondon] draft climate change leaflet, No Borders London (email list), 1 November 2006.</ref>
:: Absolutely agree with that, I think that it is also still used by Globalise Resistance, and I'm not sure that we want to be associated with an SWP dominated organisation.

:: I'm going to have another read and post up a few further thoughts, I'm looking at the phrase 'over-industrialised' and the suggestion that this part of the world is inherently safe from the effects of global warming, when it clearly isn't, it is the degree of the likely impact that separates the two.

Emails indicate was one of those involved in drafting a leaflet on migration and climate change<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/> for London No Borders to hand out at the 4 November 2006 National Climate March organised by Campaign Against Climate Change to mark the COP12 talks in Nairobi.<ref>[https://www.campaigncc.org/node/299 National Climate March 2006], ''Campaign Against Climate Change'' (campaign website), undated (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref> The text of leaflet can be found at the [http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/climate-change-demo London No Borders website].<ref>[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/climate-change-demo Climate Change demo], ''London No Borders'', 3 November 2006 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref>

Examples from 2007 demonstrate similar examples of helpfulness and general involvement in the affairs of the group, such as ensuring beer is available at one of the group's film nights.

For the 7 May 2007 demonstration 'March for Migrants & Refugee Rights', a newspaper ''Papers for All'' had been printed by a coalition of groups (including people from London No Borders) as part of an intervention in the National Day of Action and Celebration of Justice for Migrants called the same day by civil society groups including London Citizens. Rob offered to help out with his car with the picking up of the papers.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

In June 2007, when a journalist sought to join the mailing list, Rob took a lead in objecting to her being on it, writing:<ref>Rob Harrison / 'Boogie', email to London No Borders, 19 June 2007.</ref>
:: I would be cautious in allowing a journalist on to the list, especially when (from what you have written) she has not 'declared' her apparent involvement with [''national broadcaster''] - if indeed this is the case. This isn't to say that all journalists are neccessarily devious or self-seeking but bitter experience elsewhere makes me suspicious.

:: Perhaps we could invite her to attend a few meetings, just to allow her the opportunity to introduce herself, and to determine the authenticity of her interest?
::Boogie
:: xx

Minutes of the group shortly after note that there was concern at the circumstances in which the subscription had been made and it was agree Rob would write to the journalist 'explaining that at this time subscription to the list would be inappropriate.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

One of his last known activities where he associates himself with one of his target groups is a posting to Urban75 on 25 November 2007. In it, Rob described himself as a member of No Borders 'for some time', and asked for a copy of an article by someone active in another anarchist group critical of the LNB's political strategy.<ref>[https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/we-want-a-tank-for-dsei.140743/page-7#post-4638058 We want a Tank for DSEi! (thread)], ''Urban75.net'' 25 November 2007 (accessed 28 April 2019).</ref>

====Harmondsworth demonstration (10 February 2007)====
[[File:Close Detention Centres 7 Feb 2007 demo flyer (front).jpg|thumb|300px|Front of flyer for the 7 February 2007 protest at Harmondsworth & Colnbrook detention centres called by London No Borders which Rob Harrison was involved in the organisation for.]]

On 10 February 2007, the No Borders network organised the 'Shut Harmondsworth & Colnbrook Detention Centres!' demonstration.<ref name="f.e.5Sept2019"/><ref name="ldn.history.5Dec2011"/><ref>[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/february-10th-demonstration-latest February 10th Demonstration Latest], ''London No Borders'', 17 January 2007 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref><ref name="lnb.22Dec06.2">[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/shut-harmondsworth-and-colnbrook-detention-centres Shut Harmondsworth and Colnbrook Detention Centres], ''London No Borders'', 22 December 2006 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref> London No Borders organised coaches for this,<ref>[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/close-harmondsworth-and-colnbrook Close Harmondsworth and Colnbrook], ''London No Borders'', 9 February 2007 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref> with 200-250 attending, including local MP John McDonnell.<ref>[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/harmondsworth-demo-pictures Harmondsworth Demo Pictures], ''London No Borders'', 15 February 2007 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref><ref>'one of noborders', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/02/361897.html First Report from the NoBorders Demo in Harmondsworth], ''Indymedia UK'', 10 February 2007 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref><ref>'John O', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/02/361996.html?c=on#c166530 They shall not pass - demo @ kalyx/Colnbrook 10th February 2007], ''Indymedia UK'', 11 February 2007 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref><ref>Jason N. Parkinson, [https://jasonnparkinson.com/2007/02/10/police-wrestle-no-borders-protestors-from-road/ John McDonnell MP Speaks at Migrant Rights Demonstration], JasonNParkinson.com (personal website), 10 February 2007 (accessed 10 May 2019).</ref><ref>Various images of the protest, unfortunately many indistinct can be found in Indymedia references for this demonstration. More are also available in archives of the [https://www.webarchive.org.uk/wayback/archive/20091202210356/http://www.ncadc.org.uk/pics-6/WideHFeb07/Gallery/index.html NCADC.org.uk website].</ref> [https://jasonnparkinson.com/2007/02/10/police-force-no-borders-protestors-off-road/ There is a video of the policing of the protest (via. Jason N. Parkinson)]

Rob Harrison is known to have attended and been photographed on this protest, the first known images of him following being named an undercover officer coming from it.

He was also involved in the organisation of the demonstration. Emails also show that by early November 2006 (not long after the decision to call the protest) Rob was part of the group which put together a leaflet to advertise the day, and he circulated draft texts to the London No Borders list. <ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

The organising group for the day met weekly at the T&GWU Offices, Theobalds House, Holborn,<ref name="lnb.1Dec06.1">[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/weekend-resistance-and-solidarity Weekend of Resistance and Solidarity], ''London No Borders'', 1 December 2006 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref><ref>[http://london.noborders.org.uk/news/february-demonstration February Demonstration], ''London No Borders'', 17 December 2006 (accessed 7 February 2019).</ref> and Rob appears to have attended a number of them. In particular, he took minutes for a meeting on 6 January 2007 at the which note the mobilisation was initially conceived by London No Borders Detainee Support Group but grew from there; also at the meeting were representatives of Brighton No Borders. The minutes of this meeting show a discussion on inviting local MP John McDonnell to attend. The minutes record that Rob took on a number of jobs, including ascertaining availability of DJs for a social event connected with the demonstration, and as part of outreach to build towards the day took on contacting LARC, rampART and The Info Shop.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

At this meeting Rob also took on providing a PA system, which was significant as one of the objectives of the day was to broadcast voices of detainees from within the centres to address the demonstration on their struggles and the conditions inside the centres.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

[[File:Close Detention Centres 7 Feb 2007 demo flyer (back).jpg|thumb|300px|Back of flyer for the 7 February 2007 protest at Harmondsworth & Colnbrook detention centres called by London No Borders which Rob Harrison was involved in the organisation for.]]

Two days before the demonstration he emails:<ref>Rob Harrison, No PA, No Borders London (email list), 8 February 2007.</ref>
:: I got a call today regarding the supply of the small PA that I was expecting for use on Saturday. I've been told that it isn't now available - it appears that it has now been hired out for use by someone else. I'm gutted about this - but for numerous reasons there is very little that can be done.

A number of London No Borders activists involved noted that he failed to sort the PA system and that this had caused problems. In the end the phonecalls from the detainees were managed to be broadcast using small microphones but the quality was poor as a result.<ref name="thomas.p.Sept19"/>

A post-demonstration debrief in London was due to be held, Rob being involved in sorting a venue for this, one of the times he chivies people to make a decision on. There was also a follow-up social event / benefit gig that night.<ref>No Borders London, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/01/359647.html Shut Harmondsworth & Colnbrook Detention Centres! Feb 10 2007], ''Indymedia UK'', 10 January 2007 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref>

====LNB & the Heathrow Climate Camp (August 2007)====

From 14-21 August the second Camp for Climate Action took place at Heathrow Airport. The groups Rob targeted were not directly involved in the camp, though there was clearly shared interests and a significant overlap of people involved. Both LARC and RampART were venues used at different times by groups in the Climate Camp.

Rob showed active interest in the Camp. In June 2007 he volunteered to act as a point of contact with the camp for London No Borders, particularly with a view to doing a workshop there.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/> He also subscribed to the email list for the London Climate Camp.<ref name ="urg.pc">Undercover Research Group: private communications, May 2019.</ref>

In June, Rob offered to contact Climate Camp to discuss options including doing a workshop on No Borders. Later emails show such a workshop was taking place and he puts out the idea moving the upcoming weekly group meeting to the camp as it was due to take place on the same day as the talk.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

In an email dated 21 August 2007, Rob wrote:<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>
:: Today I managed to visit the Climate Camp again to try and help out and find out what we, as a group, can do to help prepare for the NB [''Gatwick''] camp next month. I think it is important that people recognise that, despite some political differences regarding the Climate Camp which might exist within the group, it is absolutely essential that we come together to help out with the taking down of tents and identifying 'tat' that might be required for our camp.

The camp was also attended by the NPOIU undercover [[Mark Kennedy]], [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] and [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]], the former two being involved in organising for it.

====Gatwick No Borders Camp (September 2007)====
[[File:No Borders FilmNight Camberwell 22Aug2007.jpg|300px|thumb|Flyer for No Borders Camp film night of 22 August 2007 at the Camberwell ('Black Frog') Squat, which Rob Harrison volunteered to present at]]
In Summer 2007, the group was focused on planning for the No Borders camp planned for Gatwick later that year. August 2007 emails show that Rob was being active in the organising for the Gatwick No Border Camp. In particular, on 17 August he was pushing an announcement for an upcoming planning meeting for the camp to be held on 19 August at the London Action Resource Centre - emailing several lists and posting the notice on Birmingham Indymedia (as boogie@riseup.net) and Urban75.net.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/><ref>'boogie', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/birmingham/2007/08/378570.html Next No Border Camp Meeting], ''Indymedia (Brum)'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 10 May 2019).</ref><ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/next-meeting-for-uk-no-border-camp.146645/ Next Meeting For UK No Border Camp], ''Urban75.net'' 25 November 2007 (accessed 28 April 2019).</ref>

In August 2007, Rob Harrison takes a lead in the organisation for a No Borders night taking place in a squat in Camberwell on 22nd, including speaking on the Gatwick camp and making arrangements for any film showing.<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>

Subsequent emails from Rob show that he was taking on roles in terms of organising for the Gatwick camp within the London group, including :<ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/>
* attending national organising meetings, including in Brighton;
* encouraging people to go to the Camp for Climate Action to identify useful equipment and to pick up useful skills for the Gatwick camp.
* distributing promotional material;
* offering to transport equipment;
* booking rampART as a venue for a camp debrief session to be held on 10 November, including going as far as to book the space.

It is also know that he attended pre-camp organising meetings including one in Brighton<ref name="thomas.p.Sept19"/> which took place on 5 August 2007 at the Cowley Club.<ref>[http://www.nobordersnottingham.org.uk/all-articles/no-borders-camp-at-gatwick/ No Borders camp at Gatwick], ''No Borders Nottingham'', 17 July 2007 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref>

The camp took place 19-24 September 2007, despite the owner of the original site pulling out of hosting it having come under pressure from police.<ref>The Gatwick No Border Camp press group, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/381250.html The Gatwick No Border Camp forced to change location after police harassment], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 September 2007 (accessed 11 October 2019).</ref> Rob was due to attend but pulled out, saying he had to go to Derby to be with his mother - something considered strange at the time as it was the first mention he had made of Derby.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018"/> However, NPOIU undercover police officer [[Marco Jacobs]], then active in No Borders South Wales, is known to have attended the camp.<ref>Stroppyoldgit, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472388.html?c=on#c264207 ‘@ @rchie’], ''Indymedia UK'', 3 February 2011 (accessed 19 January 2019).</ref>

===State of Emergency Collective (Sack Parliament group)===
* ''See also [[Rob_Harrison_timeline#State_of_Emergency | State of Emergency timeline]]''

State of Emergency was a London based direct action group which emerged from the anarchist milieu in mid 2006 to protest the UK's government involvement in wars. A key moment in its formation was a large meeting of the anti-war Lebanon Assembly group, from which the core of the group came together. The collective had the aim to grow anti-war protest beyond just holding large A-to-B marches, for instance through interventions during large Stop the War Coalitions protests. In late 2006 the group was better known as Sack Parliament, so named for its protest of 9 October 2006.<ref name="sp.org.13Sept06">[https://web.archive.org/web/20060913210936/http://www.sackparliament.org.uk/ SackParliament.org.uk], snapshot of website, captured by Archive.org taken 13 September 2006.</ref>

The group had come together by early summer 2006, and settled into a pattern of meeting every Tuesday at the London Action Resource Centre. According to its website, SackParliament.org.uk (October 2006):<ref name="sp.org.6Oct06">[https://web.archive.org/web/20061006011616/http://www.sackparliament.org.uk:80/ SackParliament.org.uk], snapshot of website, captured by Archive.org on 6 October 2006.</ref>
:: Emerging as a response to the renewed state terror attacks in the Middle East, STATE OF EMERGENCY was formed. STATE OF EMERGENCY is a call to action, a common banner to organise our resistance to the aggressive military actions carried out in the guise of the "war on terror". The "war on terror" is nothing more than the latest campaign in the continuous war of the powerful states and Capital on the interests of people. It has meant accelerated militarisation of society (pervasive surveillance, biometric ID cards, increased police power, repression of dissent, "anti-terror" raids) with the same government imposing tyranny on Iraq & Afghanistan imposing it here too.

[[File:Sticker for SackParliament protest of 9 October 2006.jpg|thumb|300px]]

Following the Sack Parliament demonstration, continued its weekly meeting and changed its website to StateOfEmergency.org.uk.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20070503020441/http://www.stateofemergency.org.uk/ StateOfEmergency.org.uk], snapshot of website, captured by Archive.org taken 3 May 2007.</ref> It focused on anti-arms trade and army recruitment protests, and also linked to the campaign against EDO MBM in Brighton. In 2007 it wrote:<ref name="soe.12Oct07">[https://web.archive.org/web/20080410193112/http://www.stateofemergency.org.uk:80/ StateOfEmergency.org.uk], snapshot of website, captured by Archive.org taken 10 April 2008.</ref>
::STATE OF EMERGENCY seeks to highlight and take direct action against the causes and effects of the War on Terror. We stand in solidarity against military and economic oppression by defending ourselves against the ever increasing domination of the state. We recognize that the state of emergency in which we live will continue for as long as our obedience enables them to control us.

The group was active mid 2006 to late 2007, with its last action been a demonstration at a Defence Industry Dinner on 31 October 2007.<ref>The group was involved in hosting a public meeting on 3rd December, and the name resurrected for another Defence Industry Dinner demonstration held on 12 November 2008. It's last recorded appearance was on 12 November 2008 for a repeat of the Defence Industry Dinner picket. See: [https://web.archive.org/web/20090504234233/http://www.stateofemergency.org.uk:80/?q=node/13 StateOfEmergency.org.uk], snapshot of website, captured by Archive.org taken 4 May 2009.</ref>

Fred noted that the group had quickly come to police attention<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> while others remembered that police Forward Intelligence Teams (FIT) were regularly outside meetings of the group at LARC, taking photos of those coming and going.<ref name="g.e.17July2019">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Gina', campaigner with State of Emergency.</ref><ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>

Fred, a State of Emergency campaigner recalled that once Rob arrived on the scene, he was very active in the group. Given the overlapping interest in Palestine related issues with London ISM, it is likely he was introduced to the group through this route.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Fred' (alias), a campaigner active in State of Emergency, 18 April 2019.</ref>

Rob's appearance in the group was relatively early on.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> He attended many of the meeting of the group which took place at the London Action Resource Centre on Fieldgate Street, and went to the pub with them afterwards.<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>

He took minutes for the group's meeting at LARC on 15 August 2006, at which plans for the Sack Parliament protest of 9 October were discussed. From the minutes, Rob's contribution was to take the lead in putting on a fundraising event which took place on 16th September.<ref name="minutes.soe.15Aug06">Minutes of State of Emergency Collective meeting held at the London Action Resource Centre, 15 August 2006, taken by Rob Harrison and distributed him by email on 21 August 2006.</ref><ref name="imc.bd.11Sept2006">'part', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/leedsbradford/2006/09/350485.html Latest news from the rampART], ''Indymedia (Leeds-Bradford)'', 11 September 2006 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref>

He is not recalled as having little involvement with the SackParliament demonstration itself.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/><ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/>

The night before the Sack Parliament protest, a planning meeting was clearly targeted for surveillance (Rob was not at this). However, the next day while police blockades hampered some people from getting to the protest, they seemed unaware of people traveled by London bus into Parliament Square, so passing through police lines into Parliament Suare without interference.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/>

Following the 9 October demonstration, the group solidified into the State of Emergency Collective.

The group was very informally organised, mainly from meeting to meeting, which took place in different venues including LARC and rampART. It also had an internal email list which Rob was on and contributed to, though he is not recalled as coming up with ideas. Some meetings may have occurred at his house.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/>

The ethos of the group was that people did not tend to talk about their background, but instead focused on what they were doing; politics in the group was assumed rather than discussed. This made it easier to blend in.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> Rob did not stand out in the group or was particularly memorable, though several people recalled that he did go to most meetings. On occasion he would do minutes and he also offered to drive for things.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/><ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/><ref name="fred.e.19Apr2019"/>

Among the group's actions and protests Rob is known to have been involved in are:
* drove for Carmel Agrexco actions.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/><ref name="g.e.17July2019"/> One campaigner recalled he drove for a number of these blockades, transporting people, though possibly also people, and that on one such blockade he disappeared for a while to get food for the group.<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>
* drove to do stenciling in Brighton as part of the campaign against the arms firm EDO MDM. He drove campaigners to other protests and actions relating to this campaign.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/><ref name="steve.24Oct2019"/>
* the paint-bombing of election offices, for which Rob drove one of the groups taking part. The second group was unable to go, and Rob got very angry over their not taking part, causing a wedge between people.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/>

It is notable that Rob would have had access to the Smash EDO campaign through joint activities State of Emergency did with that group.<ref name="g.e.17July2019"/><ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/>

====Suspicion of Rob and impact on the group====

Rob was viewed with suspicion within the State of Emergency Collective and a number of people came to believe he was police. This was exacerbated by the sense of creepiness female activists had around him and the accusation he had groped a friend of someone active in State of Emergency during a party, something he strenuously denied.<ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/><ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/>

The process of suspicion played out over time and memories of those involved cover different parts and has been only partly reconstructed.

From what we have been able to piece together from interviews, suspicions began in earnest around the time of the second planned State of Emergency benefit gig at Vortex in March 2007 and played out through the rest of the year. It appears it was just after Vortex was evicted that a meeting was called without him to discuss concerns about his behaviour and the possibility he was police; this lead to an awkward discussion that did not come to resolution as there was a split in opinions.<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>

Though it was not the only issue the group faced, the stuff around Rob impacted the group, and dislike and suspicion of him contributed to people leaving it in the wake of the meeting. Up to that point the group had been averaging around 20 people at meetings, but this fell off sharply, partly because it had cost the group part of active members.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/><ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/>

Some time before August he was told by some people in the group they thought he was a cop.<ref name="g.e.17July2019"/><ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> Though professing upset at being accused of being an undercover, Rob continued his involvement, including having meetings at his house.<ref name="Jane.p.12Oct2019"/><ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/> and attended the final meeting of the group when it was wound up in late 2007 (after DSEi in September that year).<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/><ref name="fred.e.19Apr2019">Undercover Research Group: emails from 'Fred' (alias), 19 April 2019.</ref><ref name="RH_emails_to_LNB"/> He vanished soon after.

===rampART===
[[File:Ramparts-squat.jpg|300px|thumb|rampART squatted social centre, Whitechapel, London]]

RampART was a squatted social centre at 13-17 Rampart Street, Whitechapel, London. Opened on 1 May 2004, it lasted five years before being evicted on 15 October 2009.<ref name="mudlark">Mudlark121, [https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/10/15/today-in-london-squatting-history-rampart-squat-social-centre-evicted-whitechapel-2009/ Today in London squatting history: RampART squat social centre evicted, Whitechapel, 2009], '''PastTense (blog)'', 15 October 2018.</ref> It was noted at the time as a host for benefit gigs and other events, and as an important resource for a loose-knit network of anarchist, anti-war and environmental organisations active throughout the mid-2000s. The space was organised by a non-hierarchical collective, which had emerged from the WOMBLES's 'Grand Banks' squatted social centre. The political activity it hosted soon attracted police attention, with Forward Intelligence Teams monitoring it during the European Social Forum in late 2004.<ref>rampart, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2004/12/302689.html?c=on#comments sixth months of autonomy], ''Indymedia (London)'', 12 December 2004 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref>

The groups targeted by Rob Harrison all used the venue at one point or another. This included ISM trainings in 2005.<ref>SquatNews, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/05/311159.html Something maybe beautiful...], ''Indymedia UK'', 12 May 2005 (accessed 13 February 2019).</ref> Likewise London No Borders also held events and meetings at it, while a number of benefit gigs for both these organisations and also State of Emergency.

Rob was involved in organising a number of benefit gigs at it, though he does not appear to have been part of the organising collective or the specific sub group which managed bookings. However, to have put on events there, he would have had to attend meetings to put his benefit nights forward as proposals. As such he would have come to know the key people there.<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Geoff' (alias), one of the people who ran the rampART space, Spring 2019</ref> He also was involved with contacting the venue when State of Emergency wanted to use the space for other purposes.<ref>In an email dated 7 September 2006, Rob writes to State of Emergency list: 'Request for rampART for training has been made for all three dates'.</ref>

RampART is notable for the degree it was used by other groups known to have been targeted by undercovers. Disarm DSEi and London Rising Tide used it as a venue at times, as did Clown Army, Women's Anarchist Nuisance Cafe and the Rhythms of Resistance samba band (which used it for its weekly practice). It also hosted activists and events during the 2004 European Social Forum, 2005 anti-G8 mobilisation (Dissent Network), the 2006 / 2007 Camps for Climate Action and the 2009 G20 protests.<ref>[https://www.squatter.org.uk/2005/05/rampart-social-centre-birthday/ Rampart Social Centre Birthday], ''Advisory Service for Squatters (Squatter.org.uk), 19 May 2005 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref><ref name="imc.bd.11Sept2006">'part', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/leedsbradford/2006/09/350485.html Latest news from the rampART], ''Indymedia (Leeds-Bradford)'', 11 September 2006 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref><ref>rampART, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/05/341290.html rampART 2 Years Birthday Anniversary Celebration], ''Indymedia UK'', 24 May 2006 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref><ref name="imc.12May2005">SquatNews, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/05/311159.html Something maybe beautiful...], ''Indymedia UK'', 12 May 2005 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref><ref name="imc.uk.23Oct07">rampart, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/10/384311.html Crash space for the bookfair], ''Indymedia UK'', 23 October 2007 (accessed 26 February 2019).</ref><ref>Records of Rampart.co.nr website held at Archive.org, viewed 26 February 2019).</ref> In particular, [[Mark Kennedy]] and [[Dave Jones (alias)|Dave Jones]] can be placed at it. It was also not far from the London Action Resource Centre.

===Urban75===
Urban75 is a popular, independent online community that has existed since 1995. It covers a wide range of topics, but is generally left wing and anarchist in outlook. Rob Harrison was active on the community's bulletin boards under the moniker '' "Boogie Boy" '' joining in 9 January 2004, with his last post 22 May 2009<ref name="u75.boogieboy"/>. Moderators of the site were able to confirm this after his cover name was released by the Undercover Policing Inquiry.<ref>Winjer, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/undercover-policing-enquiry.338874/page-16 Undercover policing enquiry], ''Urban75.net'', 15 December 2018 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>

Most of his posts are about music and being a disk jockey, including a mention of bands such as Public Enemy. He also mentioned books he had read, such as Peter Gelderloos' ''How Nonviolence Protects The State''.

A particular aspect Rob was involved with was the ''Urburns'', where members of the site made compilations of music on CD and exchanged them with each other. He took part in three and organised another three. He also set up swaps of music CDs with individual members of the forum. Through this he would have learned identities of posters as well as where they lived. However, it also revealed his address to them (see above).

He took part in Urburn 4 (March 2005), Urburn 5 (June 2005) and Urburn 7 (March 2006). He signed up for Urburn 6 (September 2005) but did not participate. Subsequently, he took on coordination of Urburns 9 (September 2006), 10 (February 2007) and Urburn 11 (July 2007).<ref name="urg.s.jan2019">Undercover Research Group: search of posts on Urban75.net, January 2019.</ref> In November 2007 he said he would organise Urburn 12 but that would be his last one.<ref>[https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/urburn-12-the-last-boogie.156846/page-2#post-5238050 Urburn 12 - The Last Boogie! (thread)], ''Urban75.net'', 11 November 2007 (accessed 28 April 2019).</ref> It does not appear to have happened, however.<ref>Undercover Research Group: messages from 'BristleKRS' (alias), December 2018.</ref>

In October 2006, in light of having recently met by chance a former, regular poster on Urban75, he reflected:<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/pickmans-model.108620/ Pickman's Model], ''Urban75.net'', 7 October 2006 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: was just amused at the fact that the internet offers the chance to be who you want to be (or see yourself as being), as distinct from the reality of who we are.

The following year, on 10 November 2007, in response to the question 'What do you find comforting in this crazy mixed up world?' he wrote:<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/comforts.156640/page-2#post-5231915 Comforts (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 10 November 2007.</ref>
:: The moments of completely honest, non-judgemental human interaction, usually accompanied by a smile. And the feeling of excitement when you finish a book knowing that it will lead you to pick up another.
::And Yorkshire Puddings with hot thick gravy poured over them.
::True comfort!

Though his deployment ended in 2007, he continued posting on Urban75 for more than a year and a half. His last post was on 22 May 2009,<ref name="u75.boogieboy">[https://www.urban75.net/forums/members/boogie-boy.6503/ Boogie Boy (members)], ''Urban75.net'', undated (accessed 28 April 2019)</ref> and he apparently did not log in after this. However, a second profile, 'Boogieknight', was created on 8 December 2009, though was active for a day only without posting.<ref>[https://www.urban75.net/forums/members/boogieknight.46737/ Boogieknight (members)], ''Urban75.net'', undated (accessed 7 September 2019)</ref>

===Jean Charles de Menezes campaign (2005)===
[[File:Justice4Jean-campaign-banner.jpg|thumb|300px|Banner of the Jean Charles de Menezes family campaign]]
Brazilian electrician, Jean Charles de Menezes was shot dead at Stockwell tube station in a police operation on 22 July 2005. The Metropolitan Police said they had mis-identified him has one of the suspects in the 21/7 London bombings. However, they came in for considerable criticism for having a 'shoot-to-kill' policy.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death_of_Jean_Charles_de_Menezes Death of Jean Charles de Menezes], ''Wikipedia'', 2019 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> A justice campaign, Justice4Jean,<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20070818194057/http://www.justice4jean.com/about_campaign.html Archive of Justice4Jean.com], family justice campaign website, made by Archive.org 18 August 2007.</ref> was launched and run by family members, and supported by civil rights and justice campaigners such as the Newham Monitoring Group.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20070823051253/http://www.justice4jean.com/about_campaign_who.html Who we are( Archive of Justice4Jean.com)], family justice campaign website, made by Archive.org 18 August 2007.</ref>

Rob Harrison was clearly interested in the campaign. He attended its official launch on 10 October 2005 at London School of Economics (LSE) where speakers included MP Matthew Taylor, the family lawyer Gareth Pierce, journalist Yvonne Ridley, justice campaigner Asad Rehman and celebrity Bianca Jagger.<ref>Rob, [https://londonist.com/2005/10/de_menezes_fami de Menezes Family Campaign Launch And Rally], ''Londonist.com'', 7 October 2005 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> Also contributing from the floor was was the mother of Azelle Rodney, a young man killed in April 2005 also in a police shooting.<ref name="u75.63396"/>

On 11 October 2005, Rob posted some thoughts about the meeting on Urban75.net:<ref name="u75.63396">'Boogie Boy', [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/jean-charles-de-menezes-meeting-tonight-reminder.63396/ Jean Charles de Menezes meeting tonight (reminder)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board), 11 October 2005 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: I have to agree that anyone at the meeting had to have been struck hard by the quiet humility and dignity of the family. Their expression of thanks for the support during these difficult times was absolutely gut wrenching.

In the same thread, when it was noted that LSE had charged an extra £700 above the normal fee of £500 for the room hire, citing 'security reasons', Rob replied:<ref name="u75.63396"/>
:: Absolutely - it was a fucking disgrace - what did they think was going to happen? Did they think that there was going to be a riot?
:: Someone at the LSE should be called to account.

In mid-January 2006 he took part in a discussion at Urban75 about the shooting, writing among other things, in response to criticism of coverage of the issue by ''The Guardian'':<ref>'Boogie Boy', [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/israeli-officials-criticise-de-menezes-shooting.76110/ Israeli officials criticise De Menezes shooting!], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board), 15 January 2006 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: I stand by what I wrote, and I guess to [...] that makes me a moaning left winger who really ought to feel grateful that the police are working so hard to protect us by shooting innocent civillians. We should just accept that as part of the supposed 'war on terrorism' -in much the same way that we should just accept the killing of innocent Iraqi civillians or Palestinians, for that matter.

One person close to the heart of the family justice campaign did not recall the undercover but noted the campaign was a small, tight group and though Rob may have kept tabs on them, he did not get inside the campaign group as such.<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from Kevin Blowe, 17 December 2018.</ref>

===Tony Blair protest (September 2006)===
On 9 September 2006, when Tony Blair and other New Labour politicians gave talks at the Progress Conference, which took place at the TUC's Congress Hall, a number of demonstrators turned up to protest against Britain's involvement in the Iraq War. Three of them were arrested, apparently having been singled out by the police, and taken to Kentish Town police station. They were released on bail later that night.

Rob emailed London Indymedia saying:
::Hi guys,
:: I posted up a comment relating to the arrest of three activists outside of the TUC Congress Hall this morning - and my e-mail address is shown. Can that be removed - I use that for work too so would rather NOT have that being made public. Sorry for the fuck up.
:: R

This appears to be the following post, the detail of which implies he was present on the day or close to those who were:

::'''And they clapped and they clapped...'''
::''09.09.2006 16:17''
::So Mr Blair, what have you done today in the continuing 'fight against terrorism', your mantra to justify the illegal entry in to Iraq, your government's actions in Afghanistan, and your standing by whilst hundreds of innocent Palestinias have been killed by Israeli millitary agression?

::The answer, as ever, is nothing. You chose to attend a meeting at the TUC Congress Hall where Labour Party members had paid up to £20 for the 'privilege' of hearing you speak. And where you could enter and leave a building to the closely choreographed and staged clapping of witless and gutless acolytes, who slavishly continue to allow you to bask in the sun of your own illusions and lies. And where, instead of attending to answering the many questions posed by your government's foreign policy, you huff and puff in an entirely meaningless theatrical display, all the while espousing a free leadership election contest.

::Your 'war on terror' resulted in three activists being arrested and detained (currently at Kentish Town Police Station), one of whom for doing little more than standing by and observing what was happening.

::And your acolytes clapped outside in an attempt to drown out the questions being shouted at you, as the public space is the only area where real questions can be asked of you, as Parliament sleeps redundant.

::So Mr Blair, what did you do today to justify your non-existant war on terror today?

::r

===Monday Love & Peace Not War===

Rob Harrison was a visitor to at Peace Not War and Monday Love events, were he DJ'ed on occasion.<ref>Jason N. Parkinson, [https://twitter.com/JasonNParkinson/status/1149235707854163968 Photos of #SpyCops #RobHarrison revealed, who infiltrated #ISM, #NoBorders and also believed to have attended and DJed at #PeaceNotWar and #MondayLove events.], ''Twitter.com'', 11 July 2019 (accessed 13 July 2019).</ref>

Monday Love was a successful political weekly film and music night in North London. It began in late 2006, at the Mau Mau Bar, Portabello Road in Notting Hill, organised by people connected to Indymedia and the IFIwatchnet<ref>'video', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/10/353886.html monday love! music and movies in portobello], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 October 2006 ((accessed 11 July 2019).</ref> Later it was held at The Good Ship on Kilburn High Road and The InSpiral Lounge, Camden Lock. Many of the themed nights focused on topics Rob and fellow undercovers were active in, such as Palestine, global peace and environmental issues. Resident DJs also turned up to play at other music fund-raisers and parties which Rob was involved in.<ref>See for example: Monday Love Crew, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2006/11/355324.html Monday Love Continues...], ''Indymedia (London)'', 5 November 2006 (accessed 11 July 2019).</ref><ref>Phill, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/01/284195.html Peace Not War Press Release], ''Indymedia UK'', 21 January 2004 (accessed 11 July 2019).</ref>

Video journalist Jason Parkinson recalled that Rob on occasion attended Monday Love when it was held at The Good Ship, where it was hosted during 2006 and into 2007, and that everyone seemed to know him there.<ref name="jnp.i.20June19">Undercover Research Group: interview with Jason N. Parkinson, 20 June 2019.</ref>

Peace Not War was a collective founded in 2001 to promote anti-war music. In particular, it released CDs of anti-war / pro-peace music during the second Iraq War and put on various benefit nights.<ref>[https://www.peace.fm/ Peace.fm (wesbite)], ''Peace Not War'', undated (accessed 11 July 2019).</ref><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20080120222841/http://www.peace-not-war.org/events/index.php Peace-Not-War.org (archive.org capture of website)], ''Peace Not War'', undated (accessed 11 July 2019).</ref> It also organised regular residency nights, including at Brixton Jamm in 2006.<ref>Hugh, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2006/02/333179.html Peace Not War Residency @ Brixton Jamm], ''Indymedia (London)'', 6 February 2006 (accessed 11 July 2019).</ref> As with Monday Love, a number of the artists that Peace Not War worked with would also appear at benefit gigs played at or organised by Rob Harrison.

===Reclaim the Future 4 (March 2007)===
[[File:Flyer for Reclaim the Future IV (March 2007).jpg|thumb|300px|Flyer for Reclaim the Future IV]]
Reclaim the Future was an irregular all-day event put on by people from the anti-capitalist / anarchist scene in London. The fourth such event took place in at a squat in Holloway Road, north London, on 31 March 2007. It featured numerous talks on a variety of political issues including climate change, squatting, Faslane, DSEi and G8 (see [http://rts.gn.apc.org/rtf4workshops.pdf workshops list]).<ref>[http://www.rts.gn.apc.org/benefits.htm Reclaim the Future IV], ''Reclaim The Streets'', 2007 (accessed 30 August 2007).</ref> The large after-party / benefit gig which took place at the same venue attracted several hundred people.<ref>'rtf', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/03/364387.html?c=on#comments Reclaim the Future 4, London March 31st.], ''Indymedia UK'' 5 March 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>

A police CCTV was parked across from the venue most of the day. During the evening party a large police presence turned up, blocking Holloway Road and hassling those attending.<ref>'Lu-Key', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/04/366729.html Reclaim the Future...Riot vans at the gate], ''Indymedia UK'' 1 April 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> At one point the police violently cleared the street from party-goers outside the venue despite the peaceful nature of the event<ref>rikki, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/04/366737.html RTF4 pics], ''Indymedia UK'' 1 April 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> and arrested four people.<ref>'wronger', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/04/366727.html?c=on#comments Riot cops at RTF4], ''Indymedia UK'' 1 April 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> [https://jasonnparkinson.com/2007/04/01/arrests-at-reclaim-the-future-squat-party/ Video of police operation via Jason N Parkinson]
[[File:Flyer for Reclaim the Future IV - back (March 2007).jpg|thumb|300px|Back of flyer for Reclaim the Future IV]]
Rob posted on Urban75 he had been present at the event:<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/reclaim-the-futures.128230/page-3#post-4264372 Reclaim The Futures (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 1 April 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: Nice to finally meet some of the peeps from here.....including peeps who have sent me cds in the last few 'Uburns'. Good to know you all got home safe and sound. My head really really really hurts though.........

Rob appears to have also attended a 'warm-up' gig for Reclaim the Future, which took place on 6 March 2007 at the Damaclot squat in east London.<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/reclaim-the-futures.128230/ Reclaim The Futures (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 29 March 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> A number of the same musicians were involved in both events, and in both cases food was provided by CoMutiney Gardeners.<ref>'mark r', [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/reclaim-the-futures.128230/ Reclaim The Futures (thread)], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 15 March 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> Damaclot (Dame Colet House on Ben Johnson Road, Stepney Green) also hosted other political events including in May 2007 a fund-raisers for the Camp for Climate Action.<ref>'Windymiller', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2007/07/375481.html?c=on#comments Power Up! Benefit Party], ''Indymedia (London)'', 10 July 2007 (accessed 30 April 2019).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Freedom-2007-05-05.pdf Social Centres Network], ''Freedom (newspaper)'', 5 May 2007 (accessed 30 April 2019).</ref>

===Camberwell Squat / 'Black Frog' (2007)===
[[File:Booty_Rebel_flyer_31Aug2007.jpg|300px|thumb|Flyer for Booty Rebel dance night at the Camberwell Squat to be held on 31 August 2007. The night never went ahead as the venue was evicted the previous day.]]
The Camberwell Squat, also known as Black Frog, was a squatted social centre at 190/192 Warham Road, Camberwell that lasted for about six months through 2007.<ref>mudlark121, [https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2017/08/30/today-in-london-squatting-history-camberwell-squat-centreblack-frog-evicted-2007/ Today in London squatting history: Camberwell Squat Centre/Black Frog evicted, 2007], Past Tense (blog)'', 30 August 2017 (accessed 25 October 2019).</ref>

As well as having a residential part, it had a very active social space hosting three or four events a week throughout its existance, many political in nature. By April 2007, State of Emergency were holding meetings there, and it was also host to No Borders film nights.<ref name="black.frog.archives">Archives of Black Frog / Camberwell Squat, held at 56A Info Shop, viewed 24 October 2019. See also capture of the project's website at [https://web.archive.org/web/20070501133344/http://www.56a.org.uk:80/warhamcal.html Archive.org].</ref>

Rob was friends with some of the people active there and visited it on various occasions.<ref name="steve.24Oct2019"/> In particular, he was involved in speaking at at No Borders Camp film night there on 22 August 2007 (see above under London No Borders).

Rob was involved in preparations for the 'Booty Rebel' DIY dance night at the Camberwell Squat ('Black Frog).<ref name="black.frog.archives"/> This was prevented from taking place when the squat was evicted on 30 August 2007.<ref>Black Frog, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/380082.html Events at Camberwell Squatted Centre postponed], ''Indymedia UK'', 1 September 2019.</ref> However, he is believed to have been present for another, similar night called 'Disco Rebel', for which he may have provided equipment.<ref name="steve.24Oct2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Steve' (alias), 24 October 2019.</ref><ref name="steve.e.27Oct2019">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Steve' (alias), 24 October 2019.</ref><ref>A 'Disco Rebel' event took place at the Camberwell Squat on 28 April 2007 - see 'black frog', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2007/04/368899.html Camberwell Squatted Centre - Full Weekend Programme], ''Indymedia UK''', 26 April 2007 (accessed 27 October 2019).</ref>

===G8 Summit, Germany (June 2007)===
The 2007 G8 Summit took place in Heiligendamm / Rostock in north Germany from 6-8 June. Over 100,000 people attended to protest which in places led to clashes with the police.

Rob Harrison and other protestors travelled together by coach to Hamburg on Thursday, 31 May. From there Rob took the train, needing helped with as he did not speak German. The following day, Rob arrived at the Reddelich camp which hosted around 5000 protestors. With other UK people, he took part in the protest march on Saturday 2 June through the town of Rostock. He stayed at the camp until Friday, 8th June, leaving saying he wanted to get back to London, but also implying he had fallen out with fellow activists there. He also intimated that he had been fighting with police in Rostock at one point. The encounters his fellow activists had with him at the camp were all relatively brief meetings rather than him being part of a particular group of people and doing things with them.<ref name="r.e.24Dec2018">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Ryan' (alias), a campaigner from No Borders, 24 December 2018.</ref><ref name="sb.tw.13Dec2018"/>

One of his activities there was to do the minutes for No Borders workshop held in the town of Rostock on , something which enabled him to get himself on various European wide mailing lists.<ref name="thomas.p.Sept19">UndercoverResearch Group: phonecall with 'Thomas' (alias), September 2019.</ref> This workshop took place on Sunday, 3 June and was attended by several hundred people and was facilitate in part by people from London No Borders.<ref>Budge, [http://forwardyouth.blogspot.com/2007/06/ Rostock, Heiligendamm and the G8], ForwardYouth (blog), 25 June 2007 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref>

In late 2007 he chatted with Francis, a London No Borders activist, showing considerable interest in them having both been at the G8 protests that year, though they had not encountered each other there. Both had been at the the pro-migrant March for Freedom of Movement and Equal Rights for all, which took place in Rostock on 4 June 2007, and attracted 10,000 people.<ref>Guido, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/06/372642.html Rostock demonstration for global freedom of movement and equal rights for all.], ''Indymedia UK'', 5 June 2007 (accessed 13 September 2019).</ref><ref>((i))uk-de, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/05/371754.html G8 Protest: Summit Blockaded From All Sides], ''Indymedia UK'', 5 June 2007 (accessed 13 September 2019).</ref> The protest itself was divided in two groups, one being led by No One Is Illegal, and was subject to police harrassment and attack throughout the day. Francis had been at the front of the demo where he had helped people who had fallen or been hurt by a police charge as two separate marches tried to join up.<ref name="f.e.5Sept2019"/>

During the conversation Rob talked about battles with the police during the day and claimed to have personally thrown rocks / broken paving slabs down on police from a height. He specifically asked Francis what he thought of that. The other campaigner was surprised by the conversation, particularly that Rob was so open about such activities with someone he did not know that well. He responded that he didn't like the idea of setting out to hurt anyone. In hindsight, Francis felt Rob was clearly fishing for information and perhaps assessing how radical he was.
<ref name="f.e.5Sept2019"/>

It is known that NPOIU undercovers [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] and [[Mark Kennedy]] took part in some of the protests, Marco also being at the Reddelich camp.

===Disarm DSEi (September 2007)===
[[File:DisarmDSEI-2007-campaign-flyer.jpg|right|300px]]
Rob Harrison is confirmed to have been arrested during the protests against the 2007 DSEi arms fair protests. Defence & Security Equipment International exhibition is a bi-annual events, often taking place at the ExCel Centre in Docklands, east London. It has been the focus of considerable protests activity from the Campaign Against the Arms Trade and Disarm DSEi amongst others. The latter group had emerged from of Reclaim the Streets, and was targeted from 1999 to 2005 by the SDS undercover [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]].

The 2007 event took place 11-14 September at the ExCel Centre.

Disarm DSEi organised several public meetings were organised including during the 2007 Camp for Climate Action at Kingsnorth on 15 August<ref name="dd.cca.12aug2007">Disarm DSEI, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378066.html DISARM DSEi meeting @ Climate Camp], ''Indymedia UK'', 12 August 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> and at rampART on 1st September. The flyer for the latter noted police photographers were expected outside the meeting.<ref>Disarm DSEI, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/379889.html Disarm DSEi Public Meeting @ rampART London 1st September], ''Indymedia UK'', 29 August 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> A further information and training day took place on 9 September, again at rampART,<ref>Disarm DSEI, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/380409.html DISARM DSEi Information and Action Training Day], ''Indymedia UK'', 6 September 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> with workshops including: 'introduction to DSEi, affinity group and action training including legal support, medic training and banner making'.<ref>LX365, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/disarm-dsei-information-and-action-training-day-9th-september.148902/# DISARM DSEi Information and Action Training Day, 9th September], ''Urban75.net'', 6 September 2007 (accessed 28 February 2019).</ref>

The 2007 demonstrations were was heavily policed and spaces associated with the protesters were subject to a round-the-clock presence, including rampART. According to a contemporary report from one person at rampART:<ref>'neck', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/380911.html Cops at Rampart], ''Indymedia UK'', 12 September 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: I spoke to a few of the officers there, and they were saying they had information that suggested that people at rampart were planning some sort of direct action. That was their reason for so many officers, vans, and of course, the damn fit team.

Another report spoke of arrests at rampART, with police searching vehicles and knocking on neighbour's doors.<ref>rampart, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/381004.html DSEi related arrest in Rampart Street, London], ''Indymedia UK'', 13 September 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>

The various protests also saw a number of arrests.<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/actions/2007/dsei/ DSEi 2007 (aggregate page)], ''Indymedia UK'', September 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref><ref name="imc.10Sept07.streets">'streets', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/380691.html News from the streets - SMS news during DSEi], ''Indymedia UK'', 10 September 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>

The 10 September was the most intense day of protest.<ref>Angela Saini, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/london/content/articles/2007/09/17/newham_armsfair_video_feature.shtml Defence fair under attack], ''BBC Online'', 11 September 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> Rob Harrison was with a group of twenty people who at 7.20am accessed the car-park at the ExCel Centre, aiming to prevent the buses carrying delegates from getting in.<ref name="ea.canary.4Oct18">Emily Apple, [https://www.thecanary.co/uk/2018/10/04/hidden-in-a-risk-assessment-is-evidence-of-a-spycop-arrested-on-an-anti-arms-trade-protest-2/ Hidden in a risk assessment is evidence of a spycop arrested on an anti-arms-trade protest], ''The Canary'', 4 October 2018 (accessed 28 February 2019).</ref> A report on the day said:<ref>val, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/380746.html?c=on#c180804 security breached at Dsei (comment)], ''Indymedia UK'', 13 September 2007 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref><ref>Val, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/381038.html Dsei security not fit for purpose], ''Indymedia UK'', 14 September 2007 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref>
:: DSEi invaders broke through two security cordons, and came close to reaching the Excel building in this early morning move which appeared to take police and security by surprise.
:: Activists breached the two manned security cordons at the East entrance to the Excel site just before eight o'clock as delegates and staff were arriving. The gates were opened to allow access to traffic, and the activists were able to simply run past the security guards.
:: Police had to rugby tackle protesters to the ground to prevent them reaching the East entrance and the loading bays to the rear of the building. One of the police present was heard to comment, "What happened to the security? They were crap!"
:: In fact the grey-suited and rather rotund figure who seemed to be in charge of security at the two gates panicked when he saw around 16 black clad figures heading towards him. He started screaming to the guards, "stop them, stop them, don't let them through!", and in his haste to get to the second inner cordon, fell flat on his arse, his clipboard and papers flying around him.
:: As it was, only the intervention of four vans of TSG doing hand-break turns across the car park prevented the activists reaching the Excel building. Which is not so good for a location which was supposed to be on heightened 'terrorist' alert. Heads will roll for this one.

The protest was organised on a need-to-know basis with people only given details if they were definitely taking part. Participation was done through word of mouth and many there were friends of friends, though there were a number who had been active with State of Emergency. The ad hoc group met the night before, staying together at a squat in Stepney Green. On the day, police protecting at the venue did not seem to know of the action in advance as they appeared not to expect the protestors for this particular action.<ref name="fred.i.18Apr2019"/><ref name="ans.i.1June2019"/>

Fifteen of them were arrested for breach of the peace,<ref>Tim Weber, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/6988666.stm Protesters arrested at arms fair], ''BBC Online'', 11 September 2007 (accessed 2019).</ref> including Rob. A number had their charges dropped early on, while others were kept in custody for the day and charged with aggravated trespass. One person had to have stitches, being injured on their face.<ref name="imc.10Sept07.streets"/> Those arrested on this action were bailed to appear at Stratford Magistrates Court on 21 September.<ref>'g', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/380746.html?c=on#c180804 arrested court date info (comment)], ''Indymedia UK'', 13 September 2007 (accessed 28 September 2019).</ref> However, the charges against them were soon dropped.<ref name="ea.canary.4Oct18"/>

According to one poster on Twitter those arrested were bailed from speaking to each other, and there was at least one court hearing at which Rob Harrison appeared alongside the other defendants before the case was discontinued. The poster went on to say:<ref>'scumbly blythe' (@piombo), [https://twitter.com/piombo/status/1075145848793776129 tweet thread on Rob Harrison], ''Twitter.com'', 18 December 2018 (accessed 30 April 2019).</ref>
:: "Rob Harrison" was one of number of DSEi defendants who were unrepresented at court, this led to me sharing communications I was having with solicitors with him.

Documents from the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]], show that Rob Harrison's arrest was a source of friction within the Special Demonstration Squad. In particular, the summary is presented in the risk assessment conducted for Rob's cover officer, [[HN30]] stated:<ref name="hn30.ra.28Aug2018">Adrian Baxter, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/11-20180831-HN30-Gisted_Risk_Assessment.pdf N30 - Risk Assessment (gisted)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 28 August 2018 (accessed 2 October 2018, via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Although she was a supervisor and had been a cover officer for N18 [Rob Harrison], [[N72]] was the operational [Detective Inspector] and took responsibility for the matter. N30 stated that in her opinion senior management used the perceived mismanagement of this arrest to close the unit.

===Bash the Rich (November 2007)===
[[File:Flyer for bash the rich protest (2007).jpg|300px|thumb|Flyer for the Bash the Rich protest, 2007.]]
Bash the Rich was a march from Portabello Road Market to the Notting Hill house of then prime minister David Cameron, organised by former Class War founder Ian Bone. It took place on 3 March 2007, with 80-100 people attending, and a commensurate number turning up to observe rather than take part. A meeting to promote the event was held at the 2007 London Anarchist Bookfair.<ref>[https://bashtherich.wordpress.com/ BashTheRich.wordpress.com], campaign website, 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> There was a significant police presence on the day, including Forward Intelligence Teams, with three arrests - all charges dropped.<ref>Ian Bone, [https://ianbone.wordpress.com/2007/11/04/bash-the-rich-some-thoughts/ Bash the Rich - some thoughts], IanBone.wordpress.com (blog), 4 November 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref><ref>'imc-er', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2007/11/385002.html?c=on Bash the rich? In yer dreams maybe...], ''Indymedia (London)'', 3 November 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> A low resolution film of the protest is also available at [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2007/11/385209.html Indymedia].

It appears that Rob Harrison attended both the Anarchist Bookfair workshop and the march, speaking of both in postings on Urban75.net and saying:<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/bash-the-rich.148708/page-13 Bash the Rich!], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 5 November 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>
:: The cops were all over us, lots of FIT and plenty of TSG too. Lots of them and not enough of us perhaps.

The 2007 London Anarchist Bookfair took place at Queen Mary & Westfield College, Mile End Road, E1 on 27 October.<ref>[http://www.anarchistbookfair.org.uk/images/posters/2007.jpg 2007 Lonodn Anarchist Bookfair poster], AnarchistBookfair.org.uk (viewed 19 April 2019).</ref> The [http://www.thesparrowsnest.org.uk/collections/public_archive/PAR0117.pdf programme] for the Bookfair shows a Bash the Rich workshop took place at 2pm, hosted by Ian Bone. London No Borders also held a workshop at this boofkfair at 3pm, while London Rising Tide had a stall there.

===Other activity===

6 October 2007: Antifa holds annual Cable Street commemoration gig at Chat's Palace, Hackney to raise awareness of anti-fascism. [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/cable-street-anniversary-gig.192030/ Flyer for event]. From a posting on Urban75.net, Rob appears to have attended.<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/antifa-cable-street-beat-6th-october-hackney.151868/#post-5043466 Antifa Cable Street Beat, 6th October, Hackney], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 7 October 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref>

1 December 2006: he subscribed to ''IraqFocus'', the email newsletter of the Iraq Occupation Focus (IOF).<ref name ="urg.iof">Undercover Research Group: communication with Iraq Occupation Focus, 10 May 2019.</ref> Though IOF was an anti-war group, it was of a different nature to the other campaigns he was targeting at that point in time, and he does not appear to have otherwise participated in it. As such, it is likely that the subscription to the newsletter was a specific tasking from Special Branch as part of their wider monitoring of peace and other anti-war groups.

At some point in 2007, Rob went to a benefit gig at the Area 10 squat in Peckham.<ref>Area 10 was a noted squatted art space that from 2002 to 2010 took over a warehouse at Eagle Wharf, Peckham Hill Street; mosty focused on contemporary arts projects, it also put on political events.</ref> He is recalled at this because the DJ decks were supposed to be open to everyone there, but Rob took over the event to become the DJ for the evening.<ref name="steve.24Oct2019"/>

On 4 October 2007: Rob re-posted on Urban UK a call-out for a 'die-in' action at Total Oil in central London for the following day.<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/solidarity-die-in-and-demo-in-london-on-friday.152368/ Solidarity Die-in and Demo in London on Friday], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 4 October 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> The action was part of a [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Global_Day_of_Action_for_Burma Global Day of Action for Burma] called for 6 October 2007 in response to the military suppression of the peaceful monk's uprising in the country.<ref>At the time, the Burmese military regime was making headlines globally, leading some UK campaigners to focused on Total Oil's role in propping up the regime. The text posted by Rob was from their initial call-out, and the event was the first of a number of protests over the following year targeting Total Oil's headquarters and petrol garages. It was followed up with a national day of action on 24 November. See: 'dv', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/world/2007/11/386179.html TOTALitarian Oil Out of Burma - demos this week], ''Indymedia UK'', 20 November 2007 (accessed 10 May 2019).</ref> It is unclear if he attended events called by the group, and Rob does not appear to have been otherwise involved in Burma Campaigns UK.<ref>Undercover Research Group: emails from Burma Campaign UK, June 2019.</ref>

19 November 2007: posts contact details of solicitors Hickman & Rose on Urban75. This was in response to a thread where a squatted social centre was under attack and needed assistance. Later in the discussion he added in 'it might be worth getting some form of mobilisation started.'<ref>Boogie Boy, [https://www.urban75.net/forums/threads/urgent-24-hr-advice-number-for-squatters.157744/ Urgent - 24 hr advice number for squatters], ''Urban75.net (bulletin board)'', 19 November 2007 (accessed 28 March 2019).</ref> The firm had previously represented some of the people who had been arrested with him at the DSEi action two months earlier.<ref name ="urg.pc"/>

One of the last identified encounters with Rob was when he turned up for an archiving night at the 56A Info Shop in Elephant & Castle, were he was remembered his very clumsy attempts to ask questions of a long term volunteer there.<ref name="steve.24Oct2019">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Steve' (alias), 24 October 2019.</ref>

==Role within Special Demonstration Squad and related issues==

===Closure of the SDS in 2008===
[[File:Last-years-of-sds-chart-1.png|700px|Structure of SDS in its last years]]
Rob Harrison's arrest at DSEi appears to have precipitated events leading to the closure of the Special Demonstration Squad. According to documents relating to Harrison's supervisor and cover officer, [[HN30]]:<ref>Adrian Baxter, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/11-20180831-HN30-Gisted_Risk_Assessment.pdf N30 - Risk Assessment (gisted)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 28 August 2018 (accessed 2 October 2018, via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Although she was a supervisor and had been a cover officer for N18 [Rob Harrison], N72 was the operational [Detective Inspector] and took responsibility for the matter. N30 stated that in her opinion senior management used the perceived mismanagement of this arrest to close the unit. Elsewhere, the assessment notes: the closure of the unit in 2008 by N314 and N275 was, in the opinion of N30, unfair and the cause of some friction with the remainder of the management team.

It is not entirely clear but according to HN30 and another of the unit's managing officers, [[HN72]], that the unit's senior officers were intent on closing it down. The arrest of Rob Harrison was used to support this move.<ref>Dónal O’Driscoll, [https://undercoverresearch.net/2019/01/15/the-last-years-of-the-special-demonstration-squad-insight-from-hn30/ The last years of the Special Demonstration Squad – insight from HN30], ''Undercover Research Group'', 15 January 2019 (accessed 30 August 2019.</ref>

That undercovers broke the law and even appeared in court as a defendant was relatively common. According to the second [[Operation Herne]] report, some 24 undercovers were arrested - some more than once.<ref>Mick Creedon, [https://www.met.police.uk/SysSiteAssets/foi-media/metropolitan-police/priorities_and_how_we_are_doing/corporate/operation-herne---report-2-allegations-of-peter-francis-operation-trinity Operation Herne - report 2: Allegations of Peter Francis (Operation Trinity)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', March 2014, sections 19.1 & 19.2.</ref> However, with some exceptions, participation in illegal activities had to be authorised in advance.<ref>See, for example, Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/operation-aeroscope-reexamination/ Operation Aeroscope – a re-examination], ''Undercover Research Group'', 7 November 2018, and in particular the file: [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/operation-aeroscope-files-overview/ 4 NPOIU Aeroscope Disclosure Review and Authorization of UCO133 Deployment], via ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk''.</ref>

This would also imply that his participation in the DSEi action was not authorised, or at least he was not granted to partake in anything which would lead to his arrest. Given the reluctance of the SDS/NPIOU to let their officers anywhere near the judicial system Harrison's appearance in court, one of a very rare number of arrests leading to a court appearance, would be a significant breach of this policy. It is as yet not known if his entire participation in the action was on Harrison's own initiative, or his presence there was sought by handling officers.

* ''For further details see [https://undercoverresearch.net/2019/01/15/the-last-years-of-the-special-demonstration-squad-insight-from-hn30/ The last years of the Special Demonstration Squad – insight from HN30], Undercover Research Group.''

===Overlap with other undercovers===

[[File:Mid-2000s spycops chart RH.png|700px]]

Rob Harrison was one of the last undercovers deployed by the [[Special Demonstration Squad]]. His initial deployment appears to have been into Globalise Resistance. Up until August 2004, this had been the target of another undercover [[Simon Wellings (alias)|Simon Wellings]]. However, that month, Wellings exposed by the group and had to leave, though according to the Undercover Policing Inquiry, he would remain active into 2007 targeting anarchist groups.

A number of other SDS undercovers were coming to the end of their deployments around the time Harrison was placed in the field. These include [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] and [[Jackie Anderson (alias)|Jackie Anderson]] who were active in some of the same radical left / anarchist milieu Harrison targeted, particularly the social centres such as London Action Resource Centre (LARC). Bishop had also been very active in the protests around DSEi and targeted a number of the same people who were later arrested with Harrison.

Another SDS undercover contemporary to Rob was [[Dave Jones (alias)|Dave Jones]], who spent 2005-2007 infiltrating social justice and environmental group, London Rising Tide (also spied on by Mark Kennedy). The group was a regular user of LARC and rampART.

Also around at the time were SDS operatives [[Dave Evans (alias)|Dave Evans]], targeting by then animal rights / anti-fur protestors and [[Carlo Neri (alias)|Carlo Neri]], active in anti-fascist organising. Two other undecovers whose deployments were concurrent with Harrison have not had their details released, while another, [[Ross MacInnes (alias)|Ross McInnes]] was in 2007 sent into the far right United British Alliance.

Rob Harrison also overlapped with a number of [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]] undercovers - [[Mark Kennedy]], [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] and [[Marco Jacobs]]. Of these, it is Jacobs who is would have likely encountered while deployed, as Marco was active in Smash Edo in 2005, and in 2007, while spying on No Borders South Wales, attended the Gatwick No Borders camp.

* ''For further details see under individual profiles of the undercovers''.

===Police chain of command===

'''2004-2007'''
*Commissioner of Metropolitan Police: [[John Stevens]], [[Ian Blair]] (from 2005).
:* Assistant Commissioner for Specialist Operations: [[David Veness]], [[Andy Hayman]] (from 2005) - both also heading up [[Association_of_Chief_Police_Officers_(Terrorism_and_Allied_Matters)|ACPO's Terrorism and Allied Matters Committee]] which oversaw the NPOIU.
::* Deputy Assistant Commissioner, Security & Protection: Suzanna Becks.
:::* Commander of Special Branch: Colin Black (T/Cmdr in 2004) Janet Williams & [[Phil Gormley]].

'''2006-2007'''
In October 2006, Special Branch and Anti-Terrorism Branch merged to form SO15 / [[Counter Terrorism Command]].

::* Deputy Assistant Commissioner, heading SO15 / CTC: [[Peter Clarke (Police officer|Peter Clarke]].
:::* Commander of Operations, SO15 / Deputy National Coordinator of Terrorist Investigations: John McDowall.
::::* Detective Chief Superintendent (Intelligence): Alan Mitchell, formerly of the NPOIU.

[[File: SDS chain of command(2003-2007) - v3.jpg|700px]]

==Notes==
<references />

Simon Wellings (alias)

2025-10-02T06:51:43Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=HN118|Alias=Simon Wellings|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Simon_Wellings.2a.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2001-2007|Targets=Globalise Resistance, arms trade & anti-globalisation protestors, Socialist Workers Party, Dissent! network}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''Simon C. Wellings''' is the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated anti-globalisation group 'Globalise Resistance' and the Socialist Workers Party. He was exposed when he accidentally caused a debriefing session with his police handlers to be caught in a recording on a telephone answering machine in 2004, and left the group. However, he continued as an undercover until 2007, with a second deployment targeting the Dissent! network,<ref name="ucpi.covername"/>.

On 19 January 2017, the Undercover Policing Inquiry confirmed that 'Simon Wellings' was an undercover police officer who had served with the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]].<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Press Notice: Update on anonymity applications – N118 (“Simon Wellings”)], UCPI.org.uk, 19 January 2017 (accessed 19 January 2017).</ref> As such he is also referred to by the [[N officers|cipher]] ''HN118''.

Much of the material on his first deployment comes from Guy Taylor, an activist who knew Simon through Globalise Resistance.<ref name="gt.i.1-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Guy Taylor, January 2016.</ref> It later emerged that during infiltration of Dissent!, Wellings had been interviewed several times by a fellow campaigner, Patrick McCurdy, as part of the latter's PhD research. This provided considerable insight into his activities, both in how his story in relation to Globalise Resistance changed, but also his activities around Dissent!. We are grateful to Dr. McCurdy for sharing some of his material, which we present for the most part on a separate page, as it provides an account in words of the undercover himself.

* See [[Simon Wellings: McCurdy Interviews]]

''This page is a work in process and we welcome additions and corrections, particularly confirmation whether Wellings was present at various Globalise Resistance protests. [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net Contact us here].''

'''++++ Last updated in July 2020 ++++'''

==Background & Personality ==

Simon turned up out of nowhere in 2001 / 2002. His accent was southern English and he presented a story of having just been deported from Australia for overstaying his visa, but that he had a child there.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Speaking to the press, Guy Taylor said, 'he didn't have much of a back story. We never met any of his friends of his family.'<ref name="guardian-17.3.11"/> He was a practical dresser rather than going for stylish outfits. He was described by Guy Taylor as 'not the sort of bloke who would naturally stick in your mind'.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

He was keen, generally available and flexible, ready to help out. The fact that he also had a car which he was willing to use, also endeared him to those he was targeting. Guy Taylor described him as a 'caring, empathic bloke. He was gentle and someone you could confide in - and people did. You could turn to him to moan or let off steam.' He soon became friendly with activists, and was very interested in gossip, including that related to the Socialist Workers Party. After Globalise Resistance steering committee meetings, it was usual for members to go for a drink afterwards and Simon would always be there. However, he did not get particularly drunk.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

When he later moved to the Dissent! Network, he continued the same approach, being described as 'friendly and approachable, but not necessarily someone you would remember.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Patrick McCurdy, 2 November 2018.</ref>

He was generally quiet when it came to political discussions within his circles, shying away from debates around Palestine or the anti-capitalist movements. He would become more lively when it came to marches or direct action; seemingly the more provocative or confrontational an idea was, the better.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Like other undercover officers, Simon had a good phone and up-to-date gadgets, such as his Discman.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> He rapidly became the unofficial photographer for the group, though as was noted, he had many photos of other members, but they had few of him.<ref>Meirion Jones & Anna Adams, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12867187 Undercover police work revealed by phone blunder], ''BBC News Online'', 25 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> He was generally reluctant to be photographed.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, at the G8 summit, during his infiltration of the Dissent! Network he had a laptop with wireless internet, which at the time was unusual and expensive.<ref name="McCurdyTweets">Patrick McCurdy, [https://twitter.com/bristolnoborder/status/1054871678294130688 'Welling' Tweets], 22 October 2018 (accessed 24 October 2018).</ref>

===Occupation===

Simon said he worked installing security systems, particularly turnstiles and swipe card set-ups. As a result he would be away on contracts for set amounts of time.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, in Dissent!, this occupation would switch 'to the installation of fibre optic cables ‘across the world’.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/>

During his interview with McCurdy, he spoke of having a cubicle at work, where he would monitor Indymedia and Urban75, nominally as part of his interest in press coverage of the mobilisation against the 2005 G8 Summit.<ref name="Interview1"/>

===Suspicions===

'J' who also encountered Wellings at Globalise Resistance, met him a number of times recalled him as a chummy, friendly bloke who mainly came to meetings. He did not try to push the group into carrying out radical / illegal activities, but seemed in retrospect to be mainly about intelligence gathering. However, he did feel at the time there was something out of place about him. There was a bit of a joke that he was a plant of some kind and a little suspicion, mainly based on both his background story and politics being vague, but there was no evidence to back it up.<ref>Undercover Research Group: phone call with JS, 6 January 2016.</ref>

===Relationships===

Simon is not known to have been in any relationships while undercover, though he was constantly bemoaning the fact that he could not get a girlfriend. He did on occasion mention previous relationships.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Residencies===

He lived at various addresses in London, including Peckham and Colliers Wood. The place in Peckham was a room in a shared house.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Later, he appears in the Electoral Roll as Simon C. Wellings at Norfolk Road, Colliers Wood, SW19 2HE for the period 2003-2005.<ref>Undercover Research Group: search conducted April 2016.</ref> where he lived by himself. In 2004 he invited activists back to this flat after Aldermaston march (see below). It was recalled by Guy Taylor as being 'very sparse with activism related stuff everywhere, and nothing personal, such as photos; it looked like activism was the only thing in his life.'<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Email===
Wellings used the following three email accounts, the first being his primary contact for Globalise Resistance

* simon_wellings@hotmail.com
* simonwellings@gmail.com
* stealyourface@riseup.net

The latter email address appears to taken from the name of an album name by the 'The Grateful Dead'.<ref>[https://www.discogs.com/Grateful-Dead-Steal-Your-Face/master/18527 Grateful Dead* ‎– Steal Your Face], ''Discogs.com'' undated (accessed 3 November 2011).</ref><ref>Undercover officer [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] also used a band's album title for his e-mail address when deployed - Holy Face by The Oysterband.</ref>

==Target: Globalise Resistance (2001-2004)==

<youtube size="medium" align="right" caption="Video footage of Simon Wellings with Globalise Resistance during protests for the G8 in Geneva (June 2003) and the visit of George W Bush to London (November 2003). Footage courtesy of [http://reelnews.co.uk/ Reel News]">8n3qX6KbEbk</youtube>

Simon's first target was Globalise Resistance, a group involved in the then strong anti-globalisation movement. According to its website (Resist.org.uk) 'Globalise Resistance brings together groups and individuals opposed to the global growth of corporate power.' He also had some interest in the Socialist Workers Party.

September 2000 saw major demonstrations at the World Bank / International Monetary Fund Summit in Prague, with protestors coming from across Europe under the anti-globalisation banner. At this and other related events, links were built between socialists and other left wing / environmental groups with the idea of creating a single organisation to co-ordinate protests.<ref name="pearce">Timothy Pearce, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=odCKCwAAQBAJ European Social Movements and Muslim Activism: Another World but with Whom?], Springer, 2015.</ref>

Inspired by the Prague protests, a series of eight conferences were held across the UK in February 2001 to start the mobilisation for the July 2001 G8 Summit in Genoa. It was out of these conferences that Globalise Resistance emerged as a UK network, as it became clear that they had tapped into a growing political momentum and were capable of being a sizeable organisation in its own right. Guy Taylor, one of its organisers, believes that it was at this point the state started showing interest in its activities - though by then he himself had already been subject to police surveillance for previous involvement in protests.

Taylor noted that strange activities began to happen around the group that indicated that they had been placed under surveillance by the state.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Two initial attempts at having national conferences at Imperial<ref>Notification of the conference at Imperial University can be found here: Globalise Resistance, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/01/1228.html Globalise Resistance], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 January 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> and Goldsmith Universities in London fell through when the universities withdrew permission. However, with the support of leading green journalist George Monbiot in ''The Guardian''<ref>George Monbiot, [http://www.monbiot.com/2001/02/01/power-hides-from-the-people/ Power Hides from the People], ''The Guardian'', 1 February 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> (a speaker at various GR events; in 2001 he would also become a founding member of GR's steering group),<ref>[http://web.archive.org/web/20010408062949/http://www.resist.org.uk/r1p2.pdf Come Together], ''Resist'' (the newsletter for Globalise Resistance), Issue 1, 2001 (archived by the Wayback Machine).</ref> the group was able to hold its first activist conference on 13 May 2001. By this stage it already had local groups established in Scotland, Birmingham, Southampton, London and Leeds. At the May 2001 conference, a steering group of 16-20 people was created.

Early on an office was established in a tiny room in a business centre in Mile End. During this time, they became aware they were being watched when they were leaked a screenshot of an internal Shell website 'NGO Watch' which held details of the office. This was notable, as at that point only a handful of people knew where the office was.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16">Undercover Research Group: email from Guy Taylor, 29 April 2016.</ref>

[[Image:GR_orange_tank.jpg|200px|thumb|Replica orange tank built by Globalise Resistance activists, including Simon Wellings.]]

Early on, GR attracted controversy, with the anarchist wing of the anti-capitalist / alter-globalisation movement arguing that it was a front for the Socialist Worker Party which dominated its steering group.<ref>See for example the comments at mango, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/02/1518.html?c=on Globalise Resistance Tour], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 2 February 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref><ref>[http://www.schnews.org.uk/monopresist/monopoliseresistance/monopoliseresistancebuiltbookletonlinecopy.pdf Monopolise Resistance], schNEWS, September 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> Asked about this, Guy Taylor responded that while individuals overlapped, they tended to be considered to be among the more maverick members of the SWP and that, as it grew and developed, it broadened out with others coming in to join the steering group.<ref>This has been echoed in other accounts of Globalise Resistance, e.g. Timothy Pearce ''vide infra''.</ref>

From its start, Globalise Resistance maintained informal links with various prominent NGOs such as World Development Movement,<ref>Barry Coates of World Development Movement (now called Global Justice Now) was a strong early supporter of Globalise Resistance appearing on its platform during the February 2001 tour. See for example: [https://socialistworker.co.uk/art/35296/Globalise+Resistance Globalise Resistance], ''Socialist Worker'' </ref> War on Want, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Green Party and the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, sharing numerous platforms with them, promoting their various events or attending protests organised by or in conjunction with them. This would subsequently extend to the Campaign Against Climate Change, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the Stop the War Coalition. GR's website, and its newsletter, ''Resist'', would consistently list and encourage its members to attend their events and note that there would be GR contingents on their large marches. GR would also be strongly focused on international summit protests, Mayday marches in London and played a leading role in organising and mobilising for the European Social Forum and World Social Forums.

As part of the 2001 Genoa G8 Summit mobilisation, GR organised a French train to take British and other protestors to the Italian city. Though French authorities sought to force its cancellation, it did go ahead.<ref>zuky serper, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/07/7088.html The cancellation of Globalise Resistance train to Genoa], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 July 2001 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20010724222737/http://www.resist.org.uk/genoafri.html Report from Genoa, Friday 20 July], Resist.org.uk, 2001 (Wayback Machine archive of website made on 7 October 2001).</ref> In Italy, GR linked up with other leading European anti-globalisation groups such as ATTAC for protests. Following the death of protestor Carlo Giuliani, who was shot by Italian police during protests in Genoa, a demonstration was also called by GR to take place at the Italian embassy in London.<ref>[http://web.archive.org/web/20010724222745/http://www.resist.org.uk/genoapress.html Globalise Resistance Shocked and Outraged at Police Killing, Calls Monday Protest], Resist.org.uk, 2001 (Wayback Machine archive of website made on 7 October 2001).</ref>

===Protest activities===

It is thought that Simon turned up on the scene soon after the Genoa protests.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> He therefore missed GR's first activist conference in May 2001. However, by 2002 he was active enough in the group to be accompanying them to various international mobilisations.

One individual who associated with Globalise Resistance and to whom Wellings appeared to be close (see below), was [[Martin Hogbin]].<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Hogbin would be exposed in 2003 as a corporate spy who was targeting the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, where he had been active since 1997 and appointed its 'National Campaigns and Events Co-ordinator' in 2000.<ref>Campaign Against the Arms Trade, [https://www.caat.org.uk/about/spying 2005 CAAT Steering Committee statement on spying], CAAT.org.uk, July 2005 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

* ''For protests Globalise Resistance was involved in or supported, but where it is not known if Wellings was active or participated, see [[Simon Wellings (alias): appendix|this appendix]]. If you are able to confirm his role in any of these [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in contact]. Likewise if anyone can shed light on his participation in the Dissent! network.''

====2002: World Economic Forum, New York====

[[Image:Simon Wellings at WEF protest, New York 2002.jpg|200px|thumb|Simon Wellings at World Economic Forum protest, New York City, 2002.<ref>Image source: [https://twitter.com/signsofrevolt/status/822093889150427136 Twitter feed of Noel Douglas], 19 January 2017 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>.]]

In February 2002, Simon was one of twelve GR campaigners to travel to Manhattan to take part in protests against the World Economic Forum there.<ref>Guy Taylor, [http://web.archive.org/web/20030625071113/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/misc/NYC2Feb.html Report from New York Protests against the World Economic Forum] Resist.org.uk, February 2002 (accessed via the Wayback Machine archives).</ref> They stayed in a flat in the Upper West Side with activists from Syracuse University.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

====2002: Seville EU Summit====

From 21-23 June, the Spanish city of Seville hosted the European Union Summit, as part of the 2002 Spanish Presidency. The presence of the Summit was marked with large scale protests, including a General Strike on Thursday 20th. Further large protests took place on 21st and 22nd.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/european-union/seville-2002/sevilla-libera/ Sevilla Libera!], Resist.org.uk, 19 March 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

According to Guy Taylor, Wellings travelled to Spain with other activists from Globalise Resistance, staying with them on the camp-site provided for international protestors. However, he camped by himself, away from other GR activists.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Simon also delivered quotes for Issue 6 of Globalise Resistance's magazine 'Resist':<ref>Chris Blake, [https://web.archive.org/web/20040515224748/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r6p1.pdf Worldwide protest on war and poverty], Resist, Issue 6, 2002 (archived by Wayback Machine).</ref>
:: Simon Wellings from Globalise Resistance said: "The situation in Seville was incredible. People jammed every street and filled several parks. Despite the heavy police presence there was a carnival atmosphere, stilt walkers mingled with the crowds. The majority of the demonstration was Spanish, mainly striking trades unionists, but people from other countries were a very significant minority."
:: ...but Wellings insisted most protesters did not object to the EU per se. "We're objecting to specific policies," he said. "We're protesting against the neo-liberal agenda, the swing to the right and the erosion of asylum rights. You can support all of these causes without being anti-Europe."
:: Wellings added: "Each one of these huge demonstrations helps to swell our ranks."

Guy Taylor recalled, that while they group was passing through Madrid someone attempted to pick their pockets by first causing a distraction; it was noticed that Simon immediately responded by grabbing his pockets, which stood out as an unusual on-the-ball action.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

It is thought Wellings may well have been at the earlier Barcelona protests on 14-16 March 2002,<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> called in response to Spain taking up the Presidency of the European Union.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/european-union/barcelona-2002/barcelona-anti-eu-protests-2002/ Barcelona Anti-EU protests 2002], Resist.org.uk, 19 March 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

====2002: Ariel Sharon protest, London====

On 12 June 2002 the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign held a protest against Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon who was passing through the UK while returning from a visit to George Bush. A last-minute demonstration was called at Downing Street, which saw several hundred people take part. Simon Wellings wrote a report of the protest for Issue 6 of Resist in which he said:<ref>Simon Wellings, [https://web.archive.org/web/20051103112439/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r6p23.pdf Ariel Sharon gets furious welcome], Resist, Issue 6, 2002 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref>
:: It seems that the number of demonstrators took the police by surprise. As ever the entirely peaceful crowd was forced into an area behind a number of metal barricades; but the police had to call for extra barricades to be brought up twice. This was cheered by the noisy and energetic crowd.

====2002: Palestine demonstration at Selfridges====

Wellings attended a protest at Selfridge's flagship store on Oxford Street in London on 3rd August. The protest was called by Direct Action Against War Now, and supported by GR along with other groups such as Campaign for Palestinian Rights, Rhythms of Resistance. Jews Against Zionism, the WOMBLES, CND and various anarchist groups.<ref>Anna Hoyles, [https://web.archive.org/web/20051103112650/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/resistmag/r7p23.pdf Selfridges under siege as protesters block doorways], Resist, Issue 7, 2002 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref><ref name="imc.3-9-2002">A couple of participants, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/08/37506.html Chaos in Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 3 August 2002 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

Around 200 people took part, with various small affinity groups causing disruption in the store itself. Wellings was part of one of the groups that sought entry and he was among those ejected by security.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

There was a large police presence at the demonstration and two people were arrested. It was also reported that two of Selfridges' security guards had been present, undercover, at an open planning meeting a few days before (1 August at the London Action Resource Centre<ref>DAAWN, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/08/37271.html Hundreds occupy Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 August 2000 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>), where they had posed as potential participants. DAAWN itself, was a group formed in March 2002, and which actively campaigned against Selfridges due to the department store's selling of goods from illegally occupied Palestinian territories. It worked closely with the Campaign for Palestinian Rights and Rhythms of Resistance in carrying out previous actions at the Oxford Street store.<ref name="imc.3-9-2002"/><ref>DAAWN, [http://mob.indymedia.org.uk/en/2002/07/36194.html August 3rd: Occupy Selfridges], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 July 2002 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>

====2003: 15 February Stop the War global protest====

[[Image:GR_orange_banner.jpg|200px|thumb|Globalise Resistance's 'People not profit, peace not war' orange banner, taken at a 2007 anti-war protest. See Z Pavlov, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/02/363601.html People not profit, peace not war], ''UK Indymedia'', 26 February 2007 (accessed 18 January 2017).]]

15th February 2003: Simon Wellings was on the large anti-war march as part of a Globalise Resistance contingent.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> GR's profile on the day was prominent as they had a 10 meter orange banner reading 'People not profit, peace not war'. Wellings was one of the many carrying it.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

Wellings had previously put his name to a call out to the European left to mobilise against the forthcoming Iraq war. This call-out was presented at a preparatory meeting for the European Social Forum, that had taken place in Brussels on 7th-8th September 2002. It is not clear if Wellings was at this particular meeting, though GR helped coordinate the call-out, being a point of contact for it. <ref>[http://la-paix.org/mobilisationcontrelaguerreenIraq.htm Mobilisation contre la guerre Iraq], ''La-Paix.org'', 2002 (accessed 28 July 2017). Most of those from Globalise Resistance who supported this call-out did so in the name of that organisation, though Wellings did not.</ref>

====2003: DSEi====
[[Image:Globalise_Resistance_orange_tank_DSEi2003.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Globalise Resistance orange tank being used at the 2003 DSEi protests<ref name="imc.picdesk2003">'Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>]]

7 - 12 September 2003 saw a wide range of protests against the DSEi arms fair in London Docklands area, mainly led by the Disarm DSEi group (to which GR formally affiliated<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/london/2003/06/273334.html?c=on [DSEi] Globalise Resistance Communique], ''Indymedia London'', 28 June 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>) which encouraged autonomous actions, and the Campaign Against the Arms Trade.<ref>Hugo Jones, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031203073854/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/dsei03/index.html Stop the Arms Fair!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref> A convergence centre was opened and saw numerous workshops around the arms trade issue, as well as advice for activists. A number of actions were planned, not just at the ExCeL exhibition centre, but at arms industry related offices around London, and included train blockades.<ref>'researcher', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/276066.html?c=on Full list of anti- DSEi arms fair events - september 5-12th], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 25 August 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref><ref>Campaign Against the Arms Trade, [https://www.caat.org.uk/events/dsei/2003 DSEI 2003 Protests], CAAT.org.uk, undated (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> The convergence centre itself, in nearby Bromley-in-Bow, was placed under heavy overt surveillance by police [[Forward Intelligence Teams]].<ref>'PiGWATCH', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276680.html?c=on Cops @ Disarm DSEi Convergence Centre], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

The protests were met by a large police operation, led by Deputy Assistant Commissioner [[Andy Trotter]], which cost £1 million and saw a total of 144 arrests. Civil rights group Liberty responded with a court case against Home Secretary [[David Blunkett]] and Police Commissioner [[John Stevens]], challenging the use of draconian powers banning protests granted under the Terrorism Act and the use of stop and search powers under the same act.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/3101886.stm Police questioned over terror act use], ''BBC News Online'', 10 September, 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref><ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/sep/09/military.armstrade £1m police operation guards London arms fair], ''The Guardian'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

[[Image:Globalise Resistance protest DSEi2003.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Globalise Resistance and Campaign Against the Arms Trade protests assembling in Cundy Road Recreational Ground during the 2003 DSEi protests<ref name="imc.picdesk2003">'Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 11 November 2017).</ref>]]

Globalise Resistance focused primarily on a public protest for the opening of the arms fair on 9th September,<ref>resista, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/275597.html Globalise Resistance DSEi Protest + Prop Making Weekend], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 12 August 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> for which they built a 15ft replica tank made of cardboard, painted orange.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/3143062.stm Thousands stage Iraq demo], ''BBC News Online'', 27 September 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> Around 500 people from GR and CAAT marched from the Cundy Road Recreational Ground to Victoria Dock on that day.<ref>Indymedia Picturedesk, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/09/276829.html Globalize Resistance DSEI Demonstration Photos], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> The ''Daily Telegraph'' characterised the GR protest, again including their orange tank, as peaceful.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/1440961/Arms-show-protests-muted.html Arms show protests muted], ''The Telegraph'', 9 September 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

It is known that Simon Wellings was involved in preparations in the run up to the events of the week, including the building of the tank<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/> and that he took part in reconnaissance for other actions.<ref name="david.e"/> It is also of note that Martin Hogbin was a spokesperson for CAAT in relation to the week of protests, appearing in the ''Guardian'' when he called the police response an over-reaction.<ref>Rebecca Allison, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/sep/06/antiwar.londonLondon police braced for violent protests at Europe's biggest arms fair], ''The Guardian'', 6 September 2003 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref>

Later, he would tell Patrick McCurdy that he had been involved in a couple of actions at DSEi, including at the DLR trains, but 'kind of in the end we got bungled off the trains by the cops ... not arrested but detained for a while and then escorted off the train service'.<ref name="Interview1"/>

Press reports from the time note that an action was held on 11 September at the Docklands Light Railway, in which two men were arrested for climbing on a train at East India Quay station and locking themselves on to the roof.<ref>James Tapsfield, Arms fair protests 'bigger than we'd hoped' - activists, ''Press Association'', 12 September 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Curiously, press carried a story on 10 September that the DLR was a 'possible target' for the protests, though police refused to discuss tactics, but did confirm they were sending more officers to police the arms fair.<ref>'DLR 'possible target' for arms fair protestors, ''UK Newsquest Regional Press / This Is Local London'', 10 September 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

====2003: Evian G8====

The annual G8 Summit took place at Evian in France from 1st-3rd June. As with previous years, it was met with large scale international protests and a massive police presence. A sizable contingent from Globalise Resistance attended,<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031011163606/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/evian/evian.html G8 Illegitime!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref><ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030720233330/http://www.resist.org.uk/ You are 8... We are 6 Billion!], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archived at Wayback Machine).</ref> with activists, including Simon Wellings, making their own way there. Wellings is known to have camped with others from GR at the Geneva camp, which was based at a local sports stadium. On the first night the sprinkler system went off, damaging tents and causing people to switch places. As a result Wellings and Martin Hogbin camped close together.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> Video footage shows him participating in a march and chanting through Geneva with others from Globalise Resistance. He also is known to have taken to a megaphone during this protest.

====2003: George Bush protests====

[[Image:Simon Wellings.3.png|thumb|200px|Wellings as he appeared at the George Bush protests, November 2003]]

From 19-21 November, George Bush was on a state visit to the UK, which prompted calls for protest by the Campaign Opposing Climate Change and Stop the War Coalition (StWC). Globalise Resistance was involved in promoting and providing materials for various protests. News reports from the time noted that the protests, along with the general terrorist threat level, were causing the police concern so that heightened security measures were put in place.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3282465.stm Bush sets out 'mission for freedom'], ''BBC News Online'', 19 November 2003 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> Thousands of extra police were drafted in for an operation headed by DAC [[Andy Trotter]] and which cost £5million.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/november/18/newsid_4141000/4141126.stm 2003: High security as Bush visits UK], ''BBC Home / On This Day'', undated (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3279179.stm Bush arrives for state visit], ''BBC News Online'', 18 November 2003 (accessed 2 May 2016).</ref>

Globalise Resistance activists were present at a demonstration at Buckingham Palace on 19 November, where George Bush was being formally welcomed, and at the main StWC demonstration on 20 November, which involved a march from Malet Street to Trafalgar Square.<ref>Guy Taylor, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031207130326/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/bush/index.html Bush Not Welcome] & Stephane Popovic, [http://web.archive.org/web/20031229213645/http://www.resist.org.uk/reports/archive/bush/steph.html Who can honestly say protesting is a useless form of civil participation???], both articles Resist.org.uk, 2003 (accessed via Wayback Machine archive).</ref>

After the main StWC protest, a tip-off was received that Bush's cavalcade would be heading from Buckingham Palace to the US Ambassador's residence in Hyde Park. Protestors who had gone to local pubs in the west end as the main demonstration of the day was over, swarmed out and gathered at Hyde Park Corner, Wellings among them. Police subsequently kettled them. Wellings avoided being caught in this, but was seen urging those trapped to fight their way out through police lines.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

In his interview with McCurdy, Wellings stated:<ref name="Interview1"/>
::But when Bush came here in November, I was involved with the organising of the-the Resist Bush Tea party. I was actually involved with the plot-planning of that action. It was a very you know, it was a very fluffy you know sort of action and it was just completely demonised [in the media].

For one of the public meetings ahead of the protests, Wellings told an ancedote of a mainstream media journalist turning up at it, pretending to be a trade union employed, and later .<ref name="Interview1"/> This would appear to have been Laura Peek, of ''The Times'' who wrote an article, ''How I infiltrated hard core of the protest movement'' on 19 November 2003 in which she describes having been to a meeting at the anarchist London Action Resource Centre discussing plans to protest the President's visit.<ref>Laura Peek, How I infiltrated hard core of the protest movement, ''The Times'', 19 November 2003 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Welling was critical of her article for sensationalising the threat demonstrators posed.<ref name="Interview1"/>

====2004: Aldermaston====

In the following April, 400 protestors set off on a four day march from London to Aldermaston, the headquarters of the UK's nuclear weapon research, in commemoration of two historic peace marches. The march was organised jointly by CND, the Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp and Slough4Peace. Simon Wellings used his car to drive three other Globalise Resistance activists to join the final section of the march.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

Thames Valley Police were quoted as having 'praised the conduct of the demonstrators and said there had been no arrests', though earlier they had complained that protestors had been irresponsible for not applying for expensive road closures.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/3618123.stm Marchers protest at nuclear base], ''BBC News Online'', 12 April 2004 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

It is of note that the Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp had been infiltrated by undercover officer [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] until just before March 2004, when she moved to Leeds.

====2005: G8 Summit organisation====

July 2005 saw the G8 Summit return to Britain, taking place in early July at Gleneagles, Scotland. It saw a series of large protests by three separate counter-mobilisations: Make Poverty History, G8 Alternatives and Dissent! Make Poverty History was mainly NGO / civil society led, while the Dissent! network was at the other end of the spectrum, drawing from Earth First! and anarchist groups (see below).

G8 Alternatives was the main banner for groups situated in the traditional left, and was the one Globalise Resistance associated itself with. The Scottish Socialist Party played a significant leading role in it, though the list of supporters include a wide range of left wing and trade union organisations, anti-war groups and other campaigns, many of which were based in Scotland.<ref name="g8alternatives-whoweare">A full list of G8 Alternative's supporters was given on their website as: Centre for Human Ecology, Dundee Trades Union Council, Edinburgh CND, Edinburgh Stop the War Coalition, Freequal (conscious clubbers), Ethical Company Organisation, Friends of the Earth Scotland, Glasgow Campaign to Welcome Refugees, Globalise Resistance Scotland, GOOSHING, Iraq Occupation Focus, Justice Not Vengeance, Muslim Association of Britain, NUJ Glasgow, Scotland Against Criminalising Communities, Scottish CND, Scottish Human Rights Centre, Scottish Socialist Party, Scottish Socialist Youth, Spinwatch, Stirling University Anti-War Group, TGWU 7/151 Branch, TGWU Glasgow District, WDM Scotland, YWCA Scotland, Stop the War Coalition, Glasgow City UNISON, Campaign for press and broadcasting freedom, CND. See, G8 Alternatives, [https://web.archive.org/web/20050314141619/http://www.g8alternatives.org.uk/admin/test/g8Mambo/content/view/14/47/ Who are we?], G8Alterantives.org.uk, 2005 (archived on 14 March 2005 by Archive.org).</ref>

Mobilisation under the G8 Alternatives banner began in summer 2004,<ref>Gil Hubbard, [http://www.resist.org.uk/global/g8-g20/gleneagles-2005/message-from-the-organisers-of-g8-alternatives/ Message from the organisers of G8 Alternatives], 'Resist.org.uk, 11 July 2005 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> with the participation of Globalise Resistance. In particular, Simon Wellings travelled to Scotland to organising meetings there where he acted as GR's representative, using the pretext of visiting his ex-girlfriend living there.<ref name="david.e">Undercover Research Group: email from 'David', a Globalise Resistance activist, August 2016.</ref> Though he would only have a chance to attend a few early meetings before being exposed.<ref>Undercover Research Group: several leading organisers with G8 Alternatives were contacted in late 2016 but they did not recall if Welling had been at meeting with them. The first mention of G8 Alternatives meeting publicly is in late September 2004 - [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/3704490.stm Modern thistle picked as G8 logo], ''BBC News Online'', 30 September 2004 (accessed 25 October 2016).</ref>

During the Summit itself, Globalise Resistance would take part in various protests. Events included the march through Auchterarder, a protest at Dungavel detention centre, and the G8 Alternatives Conference in Edinburgh.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [http://www.resist.org.uk/category/global/g8-g20/gleneagles-2005/ Gleneagles 2005], Resist.org.uk, 2005 (accessed 8 September 2016).</ref> As he had been exposed prior to it, Wellings did not travel there with GR, though he is likely to have been involved behind the scenes with the policing of the protests.

===Globalise Resistance Steering Committee===

Archives of the Globalise Resistance website list the members of the group's Steering Committee from May 2001 onwards. Simon Wellings makes his first appearance on the committee in May 2003,<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20030822045454/http://www.resist.org.uk/about/steering.html Globalise Resistance Steering Group], Resist.org.uk, 2003 (archive of page made on 22 August 2003 by Wayback Machine).</ref> having been elected at that year's annual conference (however, Guy Taylor recalls him as being close to the Steering Committee from 2002<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>). He was re-elected at the April 2004 conference, though he is removed by October 2004. His affiliation is given as that of the Socialist Workers Party.<ref>Globalise Resistance, [https://web.archive.org/web/20040814203808/http://www.resist.org.uk/about/steering.php Globalise Resistance Steering Group], Resist.org.uk, 2004 (archive of webpage made on 14 August 2004 by Wayback Machine).</ref>

The steering committee is of wider concern because, although Socialist Worker Party members made up the largest constituent, it consisted of a wide variety of individuals who connected into other campaigns and groups. Wellings would have been in a position to learn more about them, particularly in post steering committee meeting drinks.

Groups represented by individuals on the committee include: ''Workers Power, Green Party, ATTAC<ref>ATTAC: Association for the Taxation of financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens.</ref> (LSE branch), International Solidarity Movement, Communications Workers Union, Progressive Muslim Network, Workers Power, Iranian activists, Unison (Lambeth Branch), Stop the War Coalition, Respect Party''.

==Exposure within Globalise Resistance==

[[Image:Simon Wellings.1.png|thumb|200px|Image of Simon Wellings as he appeared on ''Newsnight''.]]

''Unless otherwise cited, all material in this section comes from the account of Guy Taylor.''<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===The voice-mail recording===

In late January 2004, Guy Taylor received a call from a fellow activist, M, who told him there was a strange message on her answer-phone, which had been left at 1.48pm on Friday, 16th January 2004.<ref>Undercover Research Group: the recording of the answer-machine message clearly identifies the day, date and time it was left at.</ref> As she has only just heard it, it was about to be timed out and deleted. Taylor in turn contacted another friend who made a recording of it.

It seemed that whoever it was had accidentally caused their phone to ring M, who by chance was out so the call ended up being recorded. From the background noise, it is apparent it captured a debriefing in a police station. On it, a man is being asked to identify people on demonstrations from photographs supplied by CO11, the Metropolitan Police's public order unit. At one point he identifies a woman as a girlfriend of a campaigner, and discusses her sexuality and hair colour.

It became immediately apparent to Taylor and others there was a police spy in their circles, but initially they struggled to identify the voice on the recording. Taylor played the recording to quite a few different people, including Simon Wellings, but nobody recognised the voice.

===The confrontation===

In August 2004, Guy Taylor was working in the GR office and listening to music when Simon Wellings rang to ask about an upcoming meeting for a protest working group. Guy muted the music and spoke to Wellings. After the phone call, he put the music back on, but it had progressed to playing the recording of the voice-mail message, which Guy had put on the same device. It was at that point the realisation dawned - the person on the recording was Wellings. He re-played the message others in the group, and they agreed this time: it was Simon's voice in the recording.

The meeting that Wellings had rang about went ahead. It was a Friday evening in August, at 7pm on the 5th Floor of the Royal Festival Hall. Wellings turned up to find six people from Globalise Resistance waiting for him. He was the last to arrive and was greeted with the statement: 'Simon, you've been rumbled, fuck off.'

According to Taylor, Wellings started sweating and became panicky. He told them it was a mistake. They said he could hear the recording, but as his Discman was out of batteries, he asked if he could go and buy new ones. To their surprise he came back; he then cried and 'laid it on some more'. However, he was told the phrases used by the speaker in the recording were all ones he used and that he could no longer be trusted.

Afterwards people were shaken and emotional. Others refused to believe that he had been spying on them. As there were fears they had been mistaken, the group did not pursue it other than to tell people in other campaigns that might have been affected, such as Palestine Solidarity Committee and the Campaign Against Climate Change. They would continue to keep an eye out for him in case he turned up elsewhere, but at the time were wary of inflaming paranoia or be accused of being irresponsible.

On Sunday 22nd August 2004, not long after, Wellings sent an email to various people saying they had got it all wrong, and mentioned the importance of Globalise Resistance organisation around the upcoming European Social Forum and the following year's G8 Summit. A copy of the email is below, edited to protect people's identities. Other than the email, Wellings vanished after the confrontation, though one member of the GR steering committee did subsequently bump into him.

===Email on being exposed===

(Some details redacted)

Date: Sunday, August 22, 2004 9:57 pm From: Simon Wellings <simon_wellings@hotmail.com>
<table style="background-color: #eeeeee">
<tr>
<td>
:: I haven't really slept since Friday night trying to figure this out and I am completely freaked by this so I'm just going to write it as it comes up to the surface - all that I ask is that you read this message - I think that you all owe me that.

:: Firstly, like I said to you at the meeting Guy, this is the recording that you discovered late last year, or early this year (whenever...) I remember that you 'phoned me about it at the time, more than once I think. We also spoke about it when I was in the office one day, helping out. I just never got to hear it - I think because it was in an mp3 format that wouldn't play or something - I remember you telling me a few bits about it - the point I'm trying to make is that if I had spoken to the police, if that was me on the recording, you would have been warning me that I had been discovered. Do you not think that I would have taken the opportunity to get away?

:: Also, you must have listened to it then, again and again and presumably didn' think it was me. Why are you so willing to believe it's me now? (Like I said on Friday I concede that one of the voices on the recording does sound, in places, like me, or someone trying to sound like me, or something that has been fabricated to sound like me...)

:: Guy, I can remember you telling me, that [M.] had told you, that she was seeing someone at the time that she got the message, who had told her that he was M.I.5. Surely there is a connection here! That recording just happening to turn up on her 'phone at the same time! Have you actually spoken face to face with [M.] and got to the bottom of this?

:: The other thing is that you know that I know [X], that I know her boyfriend - (just about the only clear bit I could make out in the two times that I listened to that recording was her name and her being described as an 'out and out lesbian') Why on earth, if it was me , or it was genuine, and for some reason I was chatting away to the pigs, would I describe her like that?

:: I want you all to know that I have wracked and wracked my brains over this and I firmly believe that this is the state fucking with our heads.

:: Think about it please, we've got ESF about to happen, rolling in to G8, think of the impact and damage we can make over the next year. The state is upping the ante - the oldest trick in the book, divide and conquer. This recording is someone impersonating me - or a complete fabrication. Are you seriously telling me that you don't think the state is technically capable of such a deception or vicious enough to carry it out? (The only thing I can't work out is why get it into the open that way - on her phone - all I can think is that if they just dropped it, all crisp and shiny, on a disc in the post to the office - that you would have been a bit less quick to believe it.)

:: You said to me on Friday Guy that the trust was gone and that whatever I said it could never be brought back. Well I say this to you, to all of you, that that trust should have worked both ways. I have trusted you, trusted you all and if you think that I could have been wandering around for months looking you straight in the eye - after I had sold people out - then you must be off your heads. I cannot believe that you are all so willing to believe it. I am your friend and I absolutely swear to you that I have never ever talked to the pigs. I mean, why would I? Why? It doesn't make sense - it's just totally freaking me out.

:: This has absolutely broken my heart - Its not me and I am going to do everything that I can to prove it.

:: Simon.
</td>
</tr>
</table>

===Continued targeting of Globalise Resistance?===

In 2012, Guy Taylor obtained his police file following a Data Protection Act request. This included material from the National Domestic Extremism Database, and he discovered the police had recorded him at 27 separate protests, which included anti-racism, anti-war and climate change. They even noted he had done a stall with Globalise Resistance at the Glastonbury Festival in 2009, saying 'this stall was selling political publications and merchandise of a XLW [extreme left-wing] anti-capitalist nature' - it was selling t-shirts, badges, books and DVDs; the file also recorded the name and telephone number of the person who had booked the stall. This has led to speculation that a second officer had been sent into infiltrate GR after Wellings had been exposed.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/music/2012/jul/15/glastonbury-festival-police-spy-operation Glastonbury festival: how police spied on political campaigners], ''The Guardian'', 15 July 2012 (accessed 26 April 2016).</ref><ref>Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2012/jul/18/police-surveillance-glastonbury-festival How did police spy on campaigners at Glastonbury Festival?], ''The Guardian'', 18 July 2012 (accessed 26 April 2016).</ref> Though Guy Taylor noted that it would have been strange to log the person who booked the stall rather than the people who actually did the stall at the festival. This would seemingly indicate that the information is more likely to have come from an intercepted email or someone directly involved in Glastonbury Festival.<ref name="gt.e.29-4-16"/>

==Target: Dissent! Network (2004-2007)==

[[Image:WellingsG8McCurdy.jpg|200px|thumb|Simon Wellings in 'black bloc' dress for G8.]]

The Dissent! Network was a mobilisation among the anti-authoritarian / anarchist wing of the anti-globalisation movement in the mid-2000s. It emerged in 2003 from anarchist groups based around Earth First! and the WOMBLES, with the aim of creating a mobilisation against the 2005 G8 Summit of world leaders, to take place at Gleneagles, Scotland. It was the subject of a huge policing operation of which part was the considerable targeting of protest groups by undercover police, including [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]], [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]], [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] and [[Mark Kennedy]].

Throughout 2004 and 2005 it held a series of national meetings held in various cities around the UK. A key organising event was the ''Festival of Dissent'', held in Lanarkshire in April 2005.<ref name="FestDiss">'T', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306295.html Festival of Dissent], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 7 March 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> During the Summit, with tens of thousands of protests arriving, it organised a series of convergence points in Glasgow and Edinburgh and a large campsite in Stirling (the 'Eco-Village' / 'Hori-zone'). Large scale protests were also organised, including the 'Carnival For Full Enjoyment' in Edinburgh and 'black bloc' marches during the summit itself.<ref>Undercover Research Group: personal knowledge and miscellaneous conversations with those involved.</ref><ref name="reinventing.dissent">Alex Trocchi, Giles Redwolf, and Petrus Alamire, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/324061.html Reinventing Dissent: The Unabridged Story of Resistance against the G8 Summit in Scotland, 2005], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 24 September 2005.</ref>

Though the peak of its activity focused on the 2005 event, it continued to be active over the following few years as UK based campaigners attended mobilisations taking place in other countries where the Summit was being hosted.

The 2005 mobilisation was also a key focus of Globalise Resistance, which had aligned itself with the G8 Alternatives network,<ref name="g8alternatives-whoweare"/> and Wellings had been active in that group's preparations prior to his being found out there in August 2004<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/> (see above).

Wellings did not take on a prominent role within Dissent, staying in the background, and is not well recalled by those involved. He was at 'The Festival of Dissent', and attending several workshops; he also stayed on the Stirling Eco-Village (or 'Hori-zone') during the G8 itself. One focus was the Dissent! media team (known as the 'Counter Spin Collective'), which appeared to use as cover. Wellings said he joined one of the 'black bloc' groups and almost without certainly knew plans for direct actions that were not stopped.<ref name="McCurdyTweets"/><ref name="PhD">Patrick McCurdy, [http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/5/1/McCurdy_I_predict_a_riot.pdf ‘I Predict a Riot’ – Mediation and Political Contention: Dissent!’s media practices at the 2005 Gleneagles G8 Summit], March 2009(accessed 23 October 2018).</ref><ref name="pmc.29Apr2020">Undercover Research Group: email from Dr Patrick McCurdy, 29 April 2020.</ref>

[[File:Dissent Banner at Derby M17 protest.jpg |thumb|300px|Dissent! banner at the Derby M17 protest]]

Wellings places himself at the G8 Environment and Development Ministerial Meeting (see below). He also alluded to attending of the TRAPESE Roadshow, held in London on 23 April 2005.<ref>TRAPESE, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/04/308649.html TRAPESE G8 Roadshow, London date], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 8 April 2005 (accessed 18 November 2018.</ref> T.R.A.P.E.S.E was a educational collective which had formed to raise awareness of issues around the G8 and toured giving workshops focused on a popular audience. [[Mark Kennedy]] was the driver on the Ireland part of this tour.

Curiously, in his interview with McCurdy, he defends press coverage of Dissent!, saying that the organisation was not dangerous and press were overhyping the actual situation.<ref name="Interview1"/>

In a follow up interview with McCurdy, Wellings states he had gone to Scotland 10 days before the Summit opened to take part in preparations for the mobilisation. He notes that he was a part of the Counter Spin media collective.<ref name="Interview2"> Patrick McCurdy, 2nd Interview with 'Scott' / Simon Wellings, ''unpublished'', 2 September 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

He gives an account of having been on the Make Poverty History march, where he implies he was with anti-authoritarians:<ref name="Interview2"/>
::And the cops were immediately chasing us down the road, lining up and shields out. It was all pretty silly. And as soon as that happened, it was amazing – the power of the image. There were a couple of tiny scuffles with the cops and I remember seeing an image that was used in loads of papers - that guy with a little stick with a placard - about 1 inch by half an inch of balsa wood. And he was trying to sort of stop the cop hitting him with his bat. Perhaps he was trying to hit the cop, I don't know. But it was just - that was it- bang! Anarchists run amok - we told you it was going to happen. That was the sort of news agenda after that, really.

Wellings also indicated he had been on the camp at Stirling, including discussing the gazebo that had been set up outside the camp to conduct media work (mainstream media not being permitted on site) and his involvement in some of the decision making meetings that took place there.

At the start of the Summit proper, activists left the Stirling Eco- Village (or 'Horizone') during the night to make their way towards Glenaegles Resort where the G8 was being held. Several blockades of the road were successfully mounted, delaying delegates for several hours.<ref name="G8M8Blockade">'imcista', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317077.html G8: Day 1], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 6 July 2005 (accessed 2 November 2018).</ref> Wellings states that he was among the people leaving the camp and going across country to avoid police:<ref name="Interview2"/>
:: I was out [...] - it was fucking a struggle to get out there – to get to the motorway. There were dozens of other groups who had gone out, slept in the woods, slept in ditches and they did take the motorway and they did blockade it. And it was blockaded time and time and time again. You know, for long periods of time. And we were in a good position to see that, from where we were, tramplin' cross-country and wading through streams and muddy fields and getting chased by the cops trying to get there. You know, pursued by helicopters and all that malarkey, and crossing railway lines. And we eventually, you know, pretty much hooked up and it was, you know, I think it was a successful day. I think we showed despite all the limitations and the efforts they go to, to stop us – we can be successful. And there's no doubt people were, you know, radically delayed getting to the conference. Delegates, and perhaps ironically considering what we are discussing, specifically, a lot of the media. It took them 5 hours to make what should have been a 20-minute journey.

However, there is nothing to corroborate Wellings' account. McCurdy states that other than him, Wellings did not seem have any close friends at any of the meeting leading up to the G8, or the mobilisation itself. Wellings' spent the evenings in his tent with the laptop on.<ref name="URGInterviewMcCurdy"/>

===European Social Forum (2004)===

Welling was encountered at the European Social Forum / Beyond ESF events, held in October 2004. The European Social Forum (ESF) was a recurring conference held by members of the alter-globalization movement. In October 2004, it was held at Alexandra Palace in London. For those on the libertarian left, the London ESF became controversial due to the involvement of Ken Livingstone, then Mayor of London<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/10/299642.html European Social Forum Closes with Demonstration and Actions], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 20 October 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref><ref name="ESF">Hilary Wainwright and Oscar Reys, [https://www.redpepper.org.uk/european-social-forum-debating-the/ European Social Forum: debating the challenges for its future], ''Red Pepper'', 1 December 2004 (accessed 3 November 2018).</ref> This lead to the non-hierarchical, particularly those in the milieu around the WOMBLES, setting up the Beyond ESF conference which happened concurrently at the Tottenham Campus of Middlesex University. Among the themes discussed was the G8 mobilisation and the Dissent! network.<ref>WOMBLES, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/10/298783.html?style=screen Beyond ESF - Programme & Timetable], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 8 October 2004 (accessed 4 April 2020).</ref> [[Mark Kennedy]] was active around Beyond ESF and also present at the ESF itself.

Given that his former colleagues in Globalise Resistance were also active in putting on the ESF, and it was not even four months after his exposure within that group, it is remarkable he attended.<ref name="gt.i.1-16"/>

===Derby G8 Enviornmental Ministers protest (2005)===
[[Image:M17 Flyer for G8 environmental ministers protest 2005.jpg|thumb|300px|Flyer for G8 Environmental Ministers meeting protest, Derby, 17 March 2005]]

As part of holding the G8 Summit, the UK held a number of related ministerial level meeting through-out 2005. One of these was the G8 Environment and Development Ministerial Meeting, which took place on 17-18 March at Bearsall Priory, just outside Derby.<ref>SDG Knowledge Hub, [http://sdg.iisd.org/news/g8-environment-and-development-ministers-meeting/ G8 Environment and Development Ministers Meeting], ''International Insitute for Sustainable Development'', 9 February 2005 (accessed 30 October 2018).</ref><ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/derbyshire/4241389.stm G8 Summit on environment future], ''BBC News Online'', 7 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref>

The climate action working group within Dissent! called for protests to take place at it, albeit at quite short notice: Though the details of the meeting were publicised by Dissent from early 2005 and protests gainst other G8 related meetings were taking place<ref>[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/media/2005/02/305036.pdf Dissent Calendar of Events], ''Dissent! Newsletter'', issue 3, Winter 2005.</ref> the call-out for a protest was only made three weeks beforehand, on 27 February.<ref>'DissOne', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306019.html Derby M17: G8 Environment Ministers meeting 17th-18th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 27 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> The demonstration received considerable hype in the media, with tales of anarchists planning to descend on the city to cause mayhem.<ref>Protesters in city chaos pledge, ''Derby Evening Telegraph'', 4 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

[[Image:M17 Flyer for G8 environmental ministers protest 2005 (back).jpg|thumb|300px|Reverse of flyer for G8 Environmental Ministers meeting protest, Derby, 17 March 2005]]

Derbyshire Police posted notices on Indymedia, appealing for organisers of protest to get in touch,<ref>Derbyshire Constabulary, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306014.html?c=on#comments Appeal from Derbyshire police] - comment to 'DissOne', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/02/306019.html?c=on#commenBritain bans protests ahead of international environment summitts Derby M17: G8 Environment Ministers meeting 17th-18th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 27 February 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> and Home Secretary [[Charles Clarke]] imposed bans on marches in the city on 15 March.<ref>'M hor', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306681.html?c=on#comments Scotsman Reports Bans Requested For G8 Protest in Derby on 17th March], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 16 March 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref><ref>Britain bans protests ahead of international environment summit, ''Agence-France Presse, 15 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

In the end, the protest was not widely taken up with only 150 people turning up and as contemporary reports noted being vastly out numbered by police - Derbyshire Constabulary saying it was its biggest operation since the Miners Strike in 1984/5.<ref>Protestors arrested at G8 environment meeting, Xinhua General News Service, 17 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Police spent £1 million on the operation, with over 1000 officers from 23 different police forces, having expected up to 5,000 demonstrators.<ref>Andrew Barrow, G8 Demo: more police than protestors, ''Press Association'', 17 March 2005 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> In charge of policing was Assistant Chief Constable [[Mick Creedon]], who said:<ref>'Ring of Steel round G8 Enviornment Summit, ''Press Association'', 17 March 2005.</ref>
:: If there are unlawful protests we are ready for them, but there is nothing at the moment that suggests there is going to be disorder in the city.

It saw a number of arrests taking place, mainly on the critical mass bicycle protest.<ref>'On-the-scene-special', [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/03/306776.html?c=on#comments Breaking news from Derby G8 protest today], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 17 March 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref> The protest was not considered a success, and it was thought by protestors that the over-the-topic police operation was being treated as a trial run for the G8 Summit itself.<ref>Undercover Research Group: private communication from people active in Dissent!</ref>

Welling notes to McCurdy that he was present for the day of protest, and in this context mentions the extremely heavy policing.<ref name="Interview1">Patrick McCurdy, [https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sEN89PmC4eY1htOF95N0s2dzJmMUNndXFaVmVSSEVvUUM4/view 1st Interview with 'Scott'(Simon Wellings)], 20 March 2005 (accessed 23 October 2018).</ref>

===Counter-Spin Collective (2005)===

The Counter Spin Collective was an autonomous off-shoot of the Dissent! network which did media work around the G8 protests. Given the decentralised nature of the network, it did not speak on behalf of it, but it did liaise with the media and assist those who did wanted to, while acknowledging that there were many that didn't wish to have such engagement.<ref name="reinventing.dissent">Alex Trocchi, Giles Redwolf, and Petrus Alamire, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/324061.html Reinventing Dissent: The Unabridged Story of Resistance against the G8 Summit in Scotland, 2005], ''Indymedia (UK)'', 24 September 2005.</ref><ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref name="pmc.2011">Patrick McCurdy, [https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/39085555.pdf The Fragility of Dissent": Mediated Resistance at the Gleneagles G8 Summit and the Impact of the 7/7 London Bombings], Culture, Language and Representation'', Vol. IX, 2011, pp. 99-116.</ref><ref>Kate Coyer, Tony Dowmunt & Alan Fountain, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wcCsAgAAQBAJ The Alternative Media Handbook], ''Routledge'', 2007.</ref><ref>Christian Scholl, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wtPjR_YWbtIC Two Sides of a Barricade: (Dis)order and Summit Protest in Europe], ''SUNY Press'', 2012.</ref><ref name="pmc.2010"/>

The group initially emerged in February 2005 at the Glasgow meeting of the network to look at ways the protestors could engage with the media while remaining true to their principles. In March 2005, at at Leeds it set up temporarily to deal with media interest around April's Festival of Dissent in April 2005. It became more organised at the May gathering in Nottingham when cogent media strategy was formed, and it acquired it name.<ref name="csc.2005">CounterSpin Collective, Media, Movement(s) and Public Image(s): counterspinning in Scotland, published in David Harvie, Keir Milburn, Ben Trott & David Watts (eds), [https://www.academia.edu/7894782/Notes_on_Movement_and_Uncertainty_in_Shut_them_Down_Autonomedia_2004_pp_263-271 Shut Them Down: The G8, Gleneagles 2005 and the Movement of Movements], ''Dissent! / Autonomedia'', 2005.</ref><ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref>'revolting', [https://libcom.org/forums/nottingham-gathering-minutes-may-2005 Nottingham Gathering Minutes (Nottingham Dissent Gathering)], ''LibCom.org'', 1 June 2005 (accessed 20 April 2020)</ref> Among its activity was working with interested journalists and in some cases filing complaints regarding malicious and false news stories. As such it tended to act as a coordinating group rather than with any particular authority.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1">[https://gipfelsoli.org/Home/Gleneagles_2005/859.html Counter Spin Collective- beginnings of some form of analysis], ''Gipfelsoli.org'', 20 November 2020 (accessed 20 April 2020).</ref>

By the time of the week before the Summit, the originally small core group had expanded to around 20 people. Often people involved had multiple roles within the network as a whole. One role the group found itself in was passing on tips from journalists.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/>

As well as Edinburgh, where it had its own space (visited by Mark Kennedy<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with Jason Kirkpatrick, 24 May 2018. See also Eveline Lubbers, [https://www.pilc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Political-Undercover-Policing-in-Scotland.pdf Political Undercover Policing in Scotland], ''Public Interest Law Centre'', 2018.</ref>) it was also particularly active at the Hori-Zone in Stirling. There it set up a media welcome space just outside the camp gates, and produced press-packs for the media descending on the site.<ref name="gipfelsoli.1"/><ref name="pmc.2011"/><ref name="pmc.2010">Patrick McCurdy, [https://interfacejournal.net/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/Interface-2-2-pp.42-67-McCurdy1.pdf Breaking the spiral of silence: unpacking the "media debate" within global justice movements; A case study of Dissent! and the 2005 Gleneagles G8 summit], ''Interface (journal)'', November 2010, Vol. 2(2), pp. 42-67.</ref><ref name="csc.2005"/>

Simon Wellings was active around the group and present with it in Scotland in the run up to the summit protests both at its spaces in Edinburgh and Stirling. It appears he attended a number of national meetings for it, though it is unclear precisely which ones.<ref name="McCurdyTweets"/><ref name="Interview2"/>

Patrick McCurdy described Wellings' role in the Counter-Spin Collective as not significant, amounting to a few emails on the internal list and generally showing interest. He made it clear he had other interests as well which included going off to check out protests and actions - having knowledge of things planned.<ref name="pmc.29Apr2020"/>

==Exposure by ''Newsnight''==

In 2011, with the Mark Kennedy story breaking and initiating a wave of media interest, Globalise Resistance spoke to a lawyer and were told the best thing to do would be to get the story out into the public. They approached ''Newsnight'' through personal contacts; as a result, the BBC posted a page on the ''Newsnight'' website with an image of Wellings saying that they would like to speak to him as a former member of Globalise Resistance, though not saying any more.<ref name="guardian-17.3.11">Newsnight, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/9391005.stm Do you know this man?], ''BBC News Online'', 17 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016). It was also posted on facebook: BBC Newsnight [https://www.facebook.com/bbcnewsnight/posts/202132399804587 Newsnight needs your help identifying a man known as Simon Wellings], facebook.com, 17 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref> The Metropolitan Police promptly phoned ''Newsnight'' to say they should take it down (a clear breach of their [[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]] policy). This was good enough for the BBC and they exposed Wellings as an undercover officer several days later on 25 March 2011.<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00zw1g1 Newsnight (25 March 2011)], BBC iPlayer (currently unavailable).</ref>

In the immediate aftermath, the Metropolitan Police merely stated:<ref>Simon Hattenstone, Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/mar/26/sixth-police-spy-unmasked Sixth police spy in protest movement unmasked], ''The Guardian'', 26 March 2011 (accessed 2 April 2016).</ref>
:: The use of undercover officers is a valuable tactic in the fight against crime and disorder to keep people and communities safe. Their use is highly regulated and governed in law through the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) and must be necessary, proportionate and lawful. The deployment of undercover officers is also overseen by the Surveillance Commissioner who must be satisfied by their use.

Guy Taylor has since been accepted as a core participant for the Undercover Policing Inquiry due to his role as the sole paid employee of Globalise Resistance during the time it was spied upon by Simon Wellings.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/151021-UCPI-list-of-core-participants.pdf List of Core Participants], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 October 2015 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref>

On 19 January 2017, the Undercover Policing Inquiry issued a press release confirming Simon Wellings had been an undercover police officer.<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17"/> It was also revealed that he was not a core participant; as with other undercovers and related officers, he had been given a n-series cypher number as N118.<ref name="ucpi.19-1-17"/>

==Special Demonstration Squad==

As an undercover officer based in London, Simon Wellings was deployed by the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) rather than the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]]. It is as yet unknown who his immediate handlers were, but the SDS was part of the [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch]]. The chain of command of senior officers during his deployment is given below.<ref>Police and Constabulary Almanacs, various years, R Hazell & Co.</ref>

===Police chain of command===

{|
! Position
! Person
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''
| [[John Stevens]] (2000 - 2004) [[Ian Blair]] (2001-2008)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Assistant Commissioner Specialist Operations'''
| [[David Veness]] (April 1994 - Feb 2005) [[Andy Hayman]] (Feb 2005- Dec 2007)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Deputy Assistant Commissioner (Security)'''
| [[Barbara Wilding]] (-2002-2003) [[Susanna Becks]] (2004-2007).
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Head of Special Branch / SO12'''
| [[Roger Pearce]] (1999-2003) - also Director of Intelligence Colin Black was temporary Commander of Special Branch at start of 2004 [[Janet Williams]] (2003-2006)[[Phil Gormley]] (2006-2007)
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''Controller of Operations (Special Branch)'''
| Det. Ch. Supt. [[Robert Milton]] / [[Colin Black]] 
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaf3ff;"
| '''Head of SDS'''
|
|- valign="top" style="background-color:#eaecf0;"
| '''SDS Controller of Operations'''
|
|}

===Connections to other undercovers===

Wellings deployment closely overlapped with other known Special Demonstration Squad undercovers, [[Carlo Neri (alias)|Carlo Neri]] who targeted the Socialist Party and anti-fascists 2001 to 2005 and [[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]] who was deployed into anti-capitalits and anti-arms trade groups 1998 to . They are likely to have been at a number of the same large protests in London, and in particular, he and Bishop are both known to have been present at the 2003 Disarm DSEi protests.

Other undercovers from the SDS he would have known in his early deployment were [[Dave Evans (alias)|Dave Evans]] who targeted the Socialist Party and animal rights (1998-2005), [[Jackie Anderson (alias)|Jackie Anderson]] who was in north London anti-capitalists / anarchists (2000-2005) and [[James Straven (alias)|James Straven]] in south London animal rights groups until 2002. Likwise [[Ross McInnes (alias)|Ross McInnes]] in the United British Alliance and [[Darren Prowse (alias)|Darren Prowse]] who was set up to infiltrate the British National Party but never deployed.

[[File:Last-years-of-sds-chart-1.png|thumb|500px|Structure of SDS in its last years]]

Later in his deployment he would have seen new undecovers being deployed, including [[Dave Jones (alias)|Dave Jones]] who infiltrated environmentalists, particularly London Rising Tide (2005-2007) and in particular [[Rob Harrison (alias)|Rob Harrison]], who infiltrated anti-capitialists but who appers to have started off targeting Globalise Resistance on his initial deployment in 2004.<ref>Email to core participants, '20181211-UCPI_to_all_CPs-publishing _HN18', ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 December 2018, referencing update of the webpage ucpi.org.uk/cover-names.</ref> As such, he was probably Welling's replacement there, though he had nowhere near the same prominence in the group.

Bishop and Evans were also active around Dissent! in Scotland during the G8 summit itself. However, through Dissent! Wellings would have been around other undercovers from the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]], particularly [[Lynn Watson (alias)|Lynn Watson]] (2002-2008), [[Mark Kennedy]] (2003-2010) and [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|Marco Jacobs]] (2004-2009). Of these, he would have been present with Mark at the Stirling Eco-village in Scotland.

It is notable that Wellings was active with SDS into 2007, however, by this time he would have done longer than the average deployment of four to five years, so his withdrawal from the field is not unexpected. It is as yet unknown if he was still with the SDS for the closeure of that unit in late 2007 (see under [[HN30]] for details).

===The CO11 / Public Order Branch link===

A key piece of data from the recorded phone call is that one of the officers involved makes a reference to photographs having come from [[CO11]], who were pressing for intelligence on individuals in the images. CO11 was the Metropolitan Police's Public Order Branch; it ran the [[Forward Intelligence Teams]] (FIT) whose main job was to photograph and identify individuals at demonstrations.<ref name="guardian-17.3.11"/> It shows one method by which intelligence was passed from Special Branch undercover officers to other parts of the police; it also mirrors an account from another SDS officer, whistle-blower [[Peter Francis]], who talks of identifying demonstrators from photographs in the aftermath of the anti-BNP protests at Welling in 1993.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police, Faber & Faber, 2013.</ref>

At the time CO11 / Public Order Branch was under Commander [[Michael Messinger]] and Superintendent [[Roger Gomm]], as part of the Territorial Policing division<ref>Messenger in turn answered to Deputy Assistant Commissioner [[Stephen House]] and Assistant Commissioner [[Tim Godwin]]. Previously to Messinger, CO11 / Public Order had been headed by Ch. Supt. [[Stephen French]] & Ch. Supt. [[Robert Mackie]] during Wellings' deployment.</ref> who had overseen the policing of many of the protests Globalise Resistance had been involved in. While it has long been suspected that there was an intelligence flow between Special Branch and the FIT.<ref>Alan Lodge, [http://digitaljournalist.eu/OnTheRoad/on-being-watched/ On Being Watched], 1999 (accessed 12 April 2016).</ref> (CO11 ran its own intelligence database) this phone call is among the first clear evidence of the exchange in practice.

Public Order Branch was based at New Scotland Yard and under the authority of the Assistant Commissioner for Territorial Policing, who at the time was [[Tim Godwin]].

==Undercover Policing Inquiry==

That Wellings was an undercover police officer was confirmed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] on 19 January 2017, when the Inquiry issued a press release to the effect. It stated that no restriction would be sought for the cover name 'Simon Wellings' on behalf of the police officer known given the [[N_officers|nominal 'N118']] (for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]]). It also noted that N118 was not a core participant in the Inquiry.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/170119-press-notice-N118.pdf Update on anonymity applications – N118 ("Simon Wellings")], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'' (UCPI.org.uk), 19 January 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>

An apparent reference to Wellings occurred in the ''Mosaic report'', produced by the Metropolitan Police, which stated (p.3/4):<ref>'Jaipur', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Mosaic-report-open-version.pdf Mosaic Report (open version)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 8 December 2015 (accessed 11 November 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: In another example following an unfortunate compromise (where the officer was overheard discussing his operation during a mistakenly dialled phone-call) an officer was re-directed to groups in a different target area.

20 February 2018, the Inquiry issued directions that any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 26 & 28 February 2018 for Metropolitan Police legal team and Designated Lawyers Team respectively, which included a reference to Wellings as HN118.<ref name="ucpi.dir.20Feb18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180220-Headed-direction-for-February-SDS-tranche-applications..pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad - Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 1 March 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> On 27 February 2018, the Metropolitan Police filed an application to restrict his real name only.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180227-MPS-HN118-Open_Application.pdf Open application for restriction order (anonymity) re: HN118], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 27 February 2018, published 9 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>

On 27 March 2018, Inquiry Chair, John Mitting indicated he would restrict HN118's real name, stating:<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling6.22Mar2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180322_SDS_anonymity_Minded_to_6.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad 'Minded To' Note 6 and Ruling 5], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 22 March 2018 (accessed 28 March 2018).</ref>
:: HN118 is in his 50s, married and with children. He is economically active. He was deployed successively against three groups in the last years of existence of the Special Duties Squad.... There is no reason currently known to me which would require or justify publication of his real name. He is concerned that it would attract unwelcome media attention and give rise to a risk of harassment of his family and of interference in his work. I am satisfied that these concerns are genuine and not irrational. What has already been published will permit those with whom he interacted during his deployment to provide information and to give evidence about it, if they choose to do so. Publication of his real name is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.
In those circumstances, the interference which it would cause with his right to respect for private and family life would not be proportionate or justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention.

Inquiry website lists Wellings time in the SDS as 2001 to 2007, and his targets as Globalise Resistance, the Socialist Worker Party and the Dissent! network.<ref name="ucpi.covername">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2018 (accessed 4 March 2018).</ref>

On 15 May 2018: the Inquiry ruled that the officer's real name shall be restricted.<ref name="mitting.ruling.15May18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180515_ruling_SDS_anonymity.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Ruling], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 15 May 2018.</ref>

==Notes==

<references />

Mark Jenner

2025-10-02T06:50:37Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Mark Jenner|Alias=Mark Cassidy|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Mark_Jenner.jpg|Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1995-2000|Targets=Colin Roach Centre, Anti-Fascist Action, Independent Working Class Association, Republican Forum, Red Action, trade union activism, police justice campaigns}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 



Mark Jenner, alias ''Mark Cassidy'', was an undercover officer who was deployed against left wing groups in North London from 1995-2000, though was most active in the period 1995-99. He worked as part of the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]] and much of his infiltration would have served under the supervision of its then head of operations [[Bob Lambert]].<ref name="guardian.1"></ref> His targets were a number of groups based around the [[Colin Roach Centre]], particularly union organising and anti-fascism.<ref name="mm.1">Mark Metcalf, [http://writemark.blogspot.co.uk/2011/01/i-spy-mark-cassidy.html I Spy - Mark Cassidy], 31 January 2011. Accessed 25 April 2014.</ref><ref name="mm.2">Mark Metcalf, [http://www.spinwatch.org/index.php/issues/more/item/5479-there-is-no-way-of-knowing-ohw-much-damage-jenner-caused ‘There is no way of knowing how much damage Jenner caused’], ''The Big Issue in the North'', March 2013, reprinted on SpinWatch 15 March 2013, accessed 25 April 2014.</ref> It is also believed that some of his work was to monitor groups and individuals who had potential sympathies with Irish republicanism.<ref name="mm.i">Interview with Mark Metcalf, 17 June 2014.</ref>

He was publicly outed in 2011, and this reached national interest in 2013 when his former partner "Alison" testified before the Home Affairs Select Committee<ref name="hasc.1">Home Affairs Committee, [http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/130205i.htm Minutes of Evidence], ''Parliament UK'', 5 February 2013, accessed 27 April 2014. See also Home Affairs Select Committee, [http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/837.pdf Undercover Policing: Interim Report - Thirteenth Report of Session 2012–13], ''Parliament UK'', 26 February 2013.</ref> accompanied by an expose in ''the Guardian''.<ref name="guardian.1">[http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/mar/01/police-spy-fictional-character Police spies: in bed with a fictional character], ''The Guardian'', 1 March 2013, accessed 27 April 2014.</ref><ref>Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/jun/24/metropolitan-police-spying-undercover-officers Scotland Yard spied on critics of police corruption], ''The Guardian'', 24 June 2013, accessed 14 April 2014.</ref> For many years, the Metropolitan Police have maintained the position of neither confirming or denying that he was deployed by them.<ref name="guardian.1" />

However, on 12 March 2015, undercover whistleblower [[Peter Francis]] made a statement on his own activities targeting trade unions, saying:<ref>[http://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/mark-jenner-blacklisting/ Mark Jenner confirmed as ‘100%’ SDS undercover cop by whistleblower], Police Spies Out Of Lives (blog), 15 March 2015 (accessed 1 April 2015).</ref>
: ...please let me state very clearly that Mark Jenner was 100% one of my fellow undercover SDS Police Officers deployed alongside me in the 1990s. Jenner, who has now been very publicly exposed, should be forced to appear in person at the public inquiry to account for his spying on, amongst numerous other political protesters, the totally law-abiding construction union UCATT members whose only ‘crimes’ were being union members.

''Parts of the story of Mark Jenner's deployment are missing. If you encountered Jenner as Mark Cassidy and have recollections of him and his activities, [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in touch].''

'''Update''': on 5 April 2018, the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] confirmed that the undercover officer '''HN15''' was the undercover known as Mark Cassidy, though it did not publish his real name. This was first public confirmation that Mark Cassidy had been an undercover police officer, despite it being in the public domain since 2011. It listed his dates of deployments as 1995-2000 and his targets as the Colin Roach Centre, Anti-Fascist Action, Independent Working Class Association, Republican Forum, Red Action.<ref>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], update on 5 April 2018; also via notification by email to core participants of same date, unpublished.</ref> 'Alison' who had been in a relationship with Jenner while he was undercover stated:<ref>[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/finally-confirms-hn15-mark-cassidy/ Inquiry finally confirms HN15 Mark Cassidy], ''Police Spies Out Of Lives'', 5 April 2018 (accessed 5 April 2018).</ref>
: I welcome the Inquiry finally confirming that my former partner Mark Cassidy was an undercover police officer and that his name now appears on the UCPI website’s list of cover names. It is deeply disappointing, however, that it has taken the Inquiry so long to confirm a fact that we exposed over five years ago.
: His employer, the Metropolitan Police, has still not confirmed his identity or given me any information as to why I was spied on. Despite appealing my Data Protection Act request, I’ve been told repeatedly that the (then) Commissioner had nothing he was obliged to share with me. I cited Jenner in the case we brought against the Metropolitan Police in 2011. In 2013, his photograph, cover and real names were in the press, and I gave testimony to the Home Affairs Select Committee about my five year relationship with him. The Inquiry began in 2015 and I have been given no explanation as to why it has taken three years since then to confirm the truth.

* ''For the N cipher system see [[N officers]] page.''

'''+++++ Last Updated June 2020 +++++'''

==Cover Story & Personality==

When Jenner arrived on the scene in early 1995 he claimed to be aged 27, born in Dublin but raised in Birkenhead<ref name="undercover-97" /> with a Catholic background. He said he was previously with Militant in Liverpool.<ref name="alison.i" /> <ref name="mm.1"/> He gave his occupation as a builder / joiner<ref name="hasc.1" /> and said he was still involved in that trade, but was new to Hackney.<ref name="mm.1" /> To support this cover he had a bag of tools and a fake job at the Manor Works in Clapham.<ref name ="BL"/>

The account he told to Alison was a story of a father who was killed by a drunk driver when he was aged eight and that his mother had remarried to someone he did not get on with. A half-brother lived in Rome, his grandmother was dead. His grandfather was apparently alive, but when Jenner and Alison visited to Birkenhead where he supposedly lived, he was away on a church outing. He would close down or deflect conversations that that would cause him to touch on his childhood or past life, and Alison did not meet his family or friends.<ref name="alisons-story" /> Most of the other undercover officers had similar legends of a difficult youth and deceased family to explain away the lack of close relatives in their lives.

Jenner is described as exuding a 'tough, working-class quality', tough and coarse as well as being irreverent and funny; he also apparently saw himself as 'something of a poet'.<ref name="guardian.1" /> Alison speaks of him making friends easily,<ref name="alisons-story" /> while Mark Metcalf says he was 'an outgoing character who had few problems in engaging with people'.<ref name="mm.4" /> Another friend of his at the time, Melanie, agreed with these assessments and said that he could be kind and funny and was also good at listening to people; he seemed interested in people’s opinions and backgrounds but never aroused suspicion. She added that he came across as genuine, he didn’t try to be everyone’s friend and was rarely drunk at activist social gatherings; he was well respected within their network.<ref name="melanie.i">Interview with 'Melanie', friend and colleague of Mark Jenner through the Colin Roach Centre and anti-fascism, conducted 19 January 2015.</ref>

Until he moved in with Alison, he lived in a small, bare bedsit in Hackney<ref name="undercover-97" /> (which he may have kept on<ref name="alison.i" />). Jenner also drove a red ex-postal van which he used extensively to transport activists around,<ref>Described in some sources as 'live-in', it was in fact merely suitable for occasional camping rather than residing in. Interview with Alison, 3 September 2014.</ref> something which would have allowed to find out where they were living.<ref name="undercover-97"/> Later it was replaced by a white transit, supposedly from his work.<ref name="alison.i" /> Once he insisted on driving Metcalf to his parent's house in the north of England despite the van breaking down.<ref name="mm.i" /> Alison also noted that he was a 'phenomenal driver', at one point doing a journey from the top of Scotland to London in one day, and a good photographer.<ref name="alison.i" />

A football supporter, he said he followed the Birkenhead based Tranmere Rovers, going to about eight or nine matches a season,<ref name="alison.i" /> attending a number of their matches with Mark Metcalf and Alison.<ref name="alison.i">Interview with Alison, 3 September 2014.</ref> It also appears that he had a wife and family who lived in south London and whom he visited while on deployment.<ref name="alison.i" /><ref name="guardian.1" />

He was also a strong person who did not back away from physical confrontation, including challenging aggressive strike-breakers.<ref name="mm.i" /> When during a self-defence practice session his nose was broken accidentally by Mark Metcalf, he did not blink.<ref name="mm.i" /> Also self-educated and read a lot.<ref name="alison.i" />

His initial appearance was with a mullet and rat-tail, though in 1997 he removed this and took to wearing the then typical green bomber jacket style preferred in AFA circles.<ref name="alison.i" /> To others he came across as a working class builder who liked to hang out with the 'heavy mob'<ref name="celia.stubbs.i">Undercover Research Group interview with Celia Stubbs, 7 May 2015.</ref> and presented himself as tough.<ref name="john.stewart.i">Undercover Research Group interview with John Stewart, 26 April 2015, and follow up emails.</ref>

==Colin Roach Centre==

[[File:Mark Jenner in demo.jpg|thumb|300px|Mark Jenner wearing a cap and carrying the Colin Roach Centre banner.]]

=== Background===

The focus of Jenner's deployment was the [[Colin Roach Centre]] (CRC). Founded in 1993 the CRC was a leading centre of radical activism in North London. Originally based Bradbury Street in the borough of Hackney it had moved to 56 Clarence Road, E5 8HB by 1995. It was the home of, or connected to a number of community and family justice campaigns (some of which were targeted by the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] as the Ellison Inquiry found out - see [[Ellison Review]], published March 2014). One of the campaigns was The Hackney Community Defence Association (HCDA), which had been successfully highlighting [[Hackney Police Corruption | police corruption in the borough]] to the point that the police were constantly losing court cases. In December 1994, the Centre was burgled and damaged, though money and valuable equipment was left behind. It is believed this was an attempt by the State to find the Defence Information Service, a database on corrupt police created by members of the HCDA; in fact it was stored elsewhere.<ref name="mm.2" />

The Centre was also a base for trade-union activism, squatting advice and is was affiliated to [[Anti-Fascist Action]], a group which targeted the [[far-right]] presence on the streets at the time, and had strong connections with the surrounding Turkish and Kurdish communities.<ref name="mm.i" /> Along with other AFA connected groups, the CRC sponsored the founding of the Independent Working Class Association in 1995 and affiliated to it.<ref>[http://afaarchive.files.wordpress.com/2012/07/the-icwa.pdf The ICWA (leaflet)], ''Anti Fascist Archives'', 1995, accessed 10 October 2014.</ref>

===Jenner at the CRC ===

Jenner appeared in the North London left-wing scene late in 1994<ref name="undercover-97">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p.97.</ref> and turned up at the [[Colin Roach Centre]] in early 1995 attending events and meetings.<ref name="mm.i" /> According to Mark Metcalf, who was coordinator for the Centre:<ref name="mm.1">Mark Metcalf, [http://writemark.blogspot.co.uk/2011/01/i-spy-mark-cassidy.html I Spy - Mark Cassidy], 31 January 2011. Accessed 25 April 2014.</ref>
: Within weeks he had thrown himself into virtually every area of the centre’s political life and quickly began writing for our internal bulletin and the quarterly magazine (called ''RPM'') sold to the public. As the owner of a van he could also be relied upon to transport people and equipment to meetings and ensure they got home safely afterwards. Always polite and happy to help out, he soon became well liked and respected. ...

: As the main reason for wanting to get involved, Jenner claimed to have seen TV coverage of a demonstration by the families of people killed at the hands of the police, and radical lawyer Gareth Pierce speaking afterwards.

This demonstration is thought to have been the annual 'We Remember March', commemorating those who had died at the hands of local police, which took place on 18 March 1995 that year.<ref name="mm.i"/>

[[File:Mark_Cassidy_2.png|frame|Mark Jenner as 'Mark Cassidy' early in his deployment.]]

Melanie concurs with Metcalf's assessment of Jenner's activity, saying that in the period 1995-1997 he was at many meetings in the centre, including attending a meeting at the Centre in the evening of the day he first turned up. As well as trade union and anti-fascist work, he was also interested in the Malcolm Kennedy and other justice campaigns. By associating himself with individuals such as Metcalf, he would have gained social cachet.<ref name="melanie.i"/> Others have described him as attending the monthly HCDA meetings and doing handy-work around the centre.<ref name="celia.stubbs.i"/>

He and Alison were at Glastonbury one year with the Workers' Beer Company, raising money for the Centre.<ref name ="BL"/>

Articles written by Mark Jenner included:<ref name="mm.5" />
* A review of the report 'In the Line of Fire' published by the Pat Finucane centre (RPM Issue 1)
* 'Election selection - BNP? Not for me' (RPM issue 3)

In the article on the [[British National Party]] (BNP) Jenner is referred to as 'Mark C, member of the Colin Roach Centre and founder member of resistance'. ''Resistance'' was the imprint of the CRC and a number of pamphlets by Metcalf, Higgins and others were published through it. It was founded in July 1994 with the adoption of a Code of Conduct before Jenner arrived on the scene. However, he did contribute to the drawing up of its Constitution and participated in its first conference, which adopted the Constitution in October 1995.<ref name="mm.i"/>

The mid-1990s was a period of intense left-wing political activity in north London, particularly within the Colin Roach Centre; however, it was considered by some within the CRC that Jenner was not being as active as others.<ref name="mm.i" /> He demonstrated a lack of interest in the migrant / asylum seeker support work done by CRC<ref name="mm.i" /><ref name="john.stewart.i"/> (though he was not unusual in this)<ref name="mm.i" /> or the other help surgeries that the CRC provided for local people; likewise he displayed little interest in the links with the local Turkish and Kurdish communities.<ref name="melanie.i" />

During his deployment Jenner would have learned of activities and details of individuals of interest to the police, including attending the funeral of a prominent individual from the Poll Tax riot.<ref name="mm.i" /> To get this intelligence, Jenner used his association with Metcalf, who as an activist with the Trade Union Support Unit and the Poll Tax Union was involved in supporting those arrested during the Poll Tax riots.<ref name="mm.i" />

Half-way through his deployment Jenner begins to scale back his involvement with CRC itself, partly through his increasing interest in Red Action and a cooling relationship with Metcalf (see below).<ref name="mm.i" /> However, it is thought by some that part of his deployment was to work towards the closing of the CRC<ref name="mm.i" />

=== Trying to cause tensions? ===
In October 1995, Jenner put forward a motion to the CRC AGM which ruled out electoral support for the Labour Party under any circumstances. This was passed but had the effect of driving out one HCDA / immigration activist, John Stewart, who was also in the Labour Party. In an interview, John Stewart reflected on this, saying that the motion was not an unpopular position in the CRC, but the issue had no impact on the work that the CRC supported, so it left him feeling personally targeted by the motion. Nor was it clear whether Jenner had been put up to this by others, or whether it was done of his own accord.<ref name="john.stewart.i"/>

In the Summer of 1997, during a social event at a pub, he accused Melanie of making a pass at him. Though this caused bad blood within CRC,<ref name="mm.i" /><ref name="alison.i" /> it did not become a major issue.<ref name="melanie.i"/> Early on in his relationship with Alison, he had made the same claim of another leading individual within the [[Revolutionary Communist Party]].<ref name="alison.i" /> Commenting on this incident, Melanie said she would not have done such a thing, and in hindsight regards as it a manipulative, ridiculous action for him to have claimed. The incident happened not long before Jenner started switching attention of his activities away from the Colin Roach Centre and AFA, and towards Red Action.<ref name="melanie.i"/>

==Union activity and blacklisting==

Much of the work Jenner engaged within the Colin Roach Centre was union related, and remained so through-out his infiltration. In particular, he appears to have focused on the Building Workers Group (BWG)<ref name="mm.2" /> of which he became a member<ref name="mm.4" /> The building workers' union UCATT has said they have records of him as a member from 1996 to 1998, posing as a joiner living in Hackney and paying by direct debit<ref name="ucatt.2015">Union of Construction, Allied Trades and Technicians, [http://www.ucatt.org.uk/ucatt-exposes-infiltration-police UCATT exposes infiltration by the police], 3 March 2015 (accessed 30 March 2015).</ref> - something which implies he had a bank account under his false name. During this period the union was negotiating over a series of high profile construction projects including the Jubilee Line extension and the Millennium Dome.

[[File:Mark Jenner 1996 diary.jpg|thumb|300px|A page from Jenner's 1996 diary showing his interest in a UCATT meeting.]]

Jenner’s 1996 diary, left after he disappeared at the home he shared with “Alison”, show that he monitored meetings of UCATT and other unions. It lists attendance at a UCATT meeting (February), pay talks (May), a conference in Sheffield (June).<ref name ="BL"/> Other notes from him also mention individual unions members of other unions such as TGWU and EPIU, as well as UCATT. On 12 July 1995 he visited a meeting of the RMT Midland District.<ref name ="BL"/>

Alison told the ''Mirror'' newspapers that union activity formed a “large part” of his day to day work.<ref>Nick Sommerlad, [http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/undercover-cop-joined-construction-union-5261174 Undercover cop joined construction union UCATT to spy on workers],''Mirror'', 2 March 2015 (accessed 4 March 2015)</ref> His activities included transporting people to picket sites where he would sell the BWG newssheet,<ref name="mm.4" /> and he was known for being a regular attendee.<ref name="mm.i" /> This activity included support of the Dahl Jansen and the JJ Fast Foods strikes (see below).<ref name ="BL"/> He would often type up his handwritten notes of the union meetings he had been at, and asked Alison if he could use her mother's typewriter for this.<ref name ="BL"/>

In 2014 UCATT placed a Freedom of Information Act request to the Metropolitan Police which included a specific question: "Did any member of the Special Demonstration Squad ever hold membership of construction union UCATT?", to which the police stated they would '[[neither confirm nor deny]]'.<ref name="ucatt.2015"/>

===JJ Fast Foods Strike (1995-1996)===

The JJ Fast Foods strike was a significant labour struggle that took place in Tottenham Hale, north London in late 1995 - early 1996. For four months it was a leading site of dispute in north/east London; the majority of the employees were from the local Kurdish and Turkish community who had unionized under the TGWU banner.
The dispute saw attacks on the strikers by the Metropolitan Police's Territorial Support Group (TSG) and fascists, with the police setting up a permanent control unit in a nearby car-park.

The Colin Roach Centre, which was linked into the local Kurdish and Turkish community, joined with the Haringey Solidarity Group to form the JJ Fast Food Locked Out Workers Support Group, with their first meeting on 3rd November 1995. Working with the strikers, and local Kurdish and Turkish political groups (both communist and anarchist) and other political activists (Militant Labour, individual Labour Party members), the Support Group planned various activities including collections, speakers, flyposting, boycotts and pickets. It also produced the Tottenham Picket bulletin. Pickets spread to companies being supplied by JJ Fast Foods - including demonstrations at Jenny's Burgers across north London. Exchanges with other sites of union resistance such as Liverpool Dockers and Hillingdon Hospital were also organised.
<ref>[https://libcom.org/files/Up%20against%20the%20odds%20-%20The%20JJ%20Foods%20strike,%201995.pdf - The JJ Foods strike, 1995], Revolutions Per Minute, 2000 (reposted on Libcom, 15 November 2008; accessed 30 March 2015).</ref>

It is known that Jenner attended pickets for this strike.<ref name="BL"/> and that militancy within the Kurdish community was of specific interest to Special Branch at the time.<ref>Stephen Long, "M15, Special Branch and criminalisation of the Kurds in Britain", Kurdistan Report, Jan/Feb 1995. We have not seen a copy of this, but an excerpt of it, mentioning the Metropolitan Police Special Branch's European Liaison Unit in relation to criminalisation of Kurds appears in S. J. Lazier, '[https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=N2HkRD4GIgMC Martyrs, Traitors, and Patriots: Kurdistan After the Gulf War]', Zed Books, 1996.</ref>

===Building Workers Group===

Jenner took part in pickets in a 1996 BWG campaign against companies where workers had been killed on site;<ref name="mm.1" /><ref name="mm.4" /> and one successful picket in support of a campaign on behalf of construction workers whose pay cheques from employer Dahl Jensen had been bouncing.<ref name="mm.3" /> During that period, at a picket in support of strikers at the Southwark Council's Direct Labour Organisation, Jenner stood up to a strikebreaker who was waving a metal chain while on a motorbike.<ref name="mm.4" /><ref>Brian Higgins [http://libcom.org/library/chapter-2-southwark-new-labour-council-london Rank and file or broad left? A short history of the Building Worker Group - Chapter 2: Southwark 'New' Labour council in London], ''Revolutions Per Minute'', issue 8, February 1996, posted at ''Libcom.org'' 12 March 2013.</ref>

===Brian Higgins Defence Committee===

In 1997, Jenner was elected as Secretary of the Brian Higgins Defence Committee. Higgins was a well-known radical building worker and secretary of the Building Workers Group,<ref>Mark Metcalf, [http://libcom.org/library/rank-file-or-broad-left Rank and file or broad left? editorial], ''Revolutions Per Minute'', issue 8, February 1996; posted at ''Libcom.org'' 12 March 2013.</ref> who held also helped organise The (Workers) Republician Forum, a debating group focused on republicanism within the United Kingdom.<ref name="email-20-10-2014"/> He was sued by Dominic Hehir, a UCATT union official, for libel for having suggested that workers were not being properly defended by the union.<ref name="mm.1" /><ref>John Jones & Kenny Irvine [http://libcom.org/library/chapter-2-southwark-new-labour-council-london Forward and Introduction], Rank and file or broad left? A short history of the Building Worker Group, 2001 edition, posted at ''Libcom.org'' 12 March 2013.</ref> The Defence Campaign started soon after Higgens was served with a libel writ (with threat of an injunction) on 9 November 1996 and ran until Hehir discontinued legal action on 28 January 1999.<ref>Brian Higgins, [http://libcom.org/library/chapter-5-high-court-writ-served-injunction-threatened Chapter 5: High Court writ served - injunction threatened], Rank and file or broad left? A short history of the Building Worker Group, 2001 edition, posted at ''Libcom.org'' 12 March 2013.</ref> Jenner's role in as Secretary was mostly as a figurehead however; most of the actual work on the campaign such as answering correspondence was done elsewhere.<ref name="email-20-10-2014">Email from a person active in Jenner's circles, 20 October 2014, and follow up phone-call in November 2014. The source also noted that Brian Higgins was secretary of The (Workers) Republican Forum which existed up to about 2000, but Jenner was never involved in it.</ref>

Higgins was named on the blacklist of building workers maintained by the [[Consulting Association]] (CA), and his file contained several pages from RPM (see below).<ref name="mm.2" />

==Anti Fascist Action / Red Action==

From the beginning of his arrival, Jenner was very interested in anti-fascist street politics, and he became involved in [[Anti-Fascist Action]] - AFA.

This was a loose national coalition that tackled the right wing presence on the streets, made up of various groups, including [[Red Action]] and [[Workers Power]], the anarchist [[Direct Action Movement]] (now SolFed) and other unaligned activists. The Colin Roach Centre had affiliated to North London AFA, the main branch of which was based in Islington<ref name="alison.i" /> and Jenner is known to have taken part in AFA events and knew various individuals who were involved with it.<ref name="mm.i" /><ref name="alison.i" /><ref>Unconfirmed at the moment are the suggestions that he represented the Colin Roach Centre at AFA meetings and was for a while the coordinator of AFA in north London.</ref> Some considered him a key activist in AFA in north London,<ref name ="BL"/> though others recall his role as mainly being part of the collective rather than being a dominant figure, and that he had arrived on the scene after the period of significant AFA campaigning in East London in response to racist attacks had passed.<ref name="melanie.i" />

His interest in AFA was apparently sparked when he attend a talk given by Morris Beckman circa 1995. Beckman had discussed his involvement in the antifascist '43 Group' (active 1946-50). Afterwards Jenner went for a drink with some AFA members. Sometime after Alison discovered he had brought home the Red Action newspaper and he said he had joined 'to see the bigger picture'.<ref name="alison.i" />

On 27 April 1996, Jenner is involved in an AFA protest against an Orange Order parade in central London. In a breach of agreement with his group he moves ahead of them and breaks a window of the White Hart pub on Theobalds Lane where [[Combat 18]] and other loyalist elements were gathering. As a result of this breach, the police were able to take action and pen in the AFA contingent - leading to AFA activists being demonstrably angry towards him.<ref>[http://afaarchive.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/afa-brief-chronology-of-events-1985-1997.pdf Anti-Fascist Action - A brief chronology of events 1985 - 1997], Anti Fascist Archive, posted 22 May 2012, accessed 17 August 2014.</ref><ref name="mm.i" /><ref name="melanie.i" />

Jenner's only known arrest is on 16 November 1997, when he took part in in a counter-demonstration against a march by the [[National Front]] (NF) in Dover who were protesting against Romany asylum seekers.<ref>There were two such confrontations, one on 16 November 1997, the other on 28 February 1998. It is noteworthy that among those endorsing the call-out for the second event was Youth against Racism in Europe which at the time was infiltrated by Jenner's fellow SDS officer [[Peter Francis]].</ref>
On the day, two counter protests had been called by the [[Socialist Alliance]] and [[Anti-Nazi League]] respectively and large a large police operation was in place. There was also a separate mobilization by Anti-Fascist Action which managed to confront the National Front marchers directly.<ref>[http://libcom.org/files/FIGHTING%20TALK%20-%2018.pdf In The Area], ''Fighting Talk'' (the newsletter of Anti-Fascist Action), Issue 18, December 1997, accessed 12 November 2014 </ref><ref>John Sweeney, [http://afaarchive.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/1997-tea-and-lathing-on-dover-seafront.pdf Tea and loathing on Dover Seafront], ''The Observer'', 16 November 1997, accessed 12 November 2014.</ref> TV footage of the day<ref>The screengrabs are taken from a BBC news report, privately recorded at the time. A similar bit of footage is available at [http://www.itnsource.com/en/shotlist/ITN/1997/11/15/BSP151197016/?s=Demonstrators%20clash%20in%20Dover Demonstrators clash in Dover (15 November 1997), Clip No. BSP151197016], ''ITNSource.com'', accessed 2 February 2015.</ref> show Jenner as part of one group that had got in front of the NF march (Images 3), and was subsequently involved in scuffles with the police, at least one police dog being used against the anti-fascists(Image 4). In another bit of footage he can be seen shouting at the National Front, and then again with a group in front of coaches through which police were trying to clear a path so the National Front marchers could leave (Image 5). The arrest followed a fight between AFA activists and right wing squaddies associated with the National Front; charges were either dropped against Jenner or he was given a caution.<ref name="mm.i" /> ITN News reported six arrests.<ref>The account of the day has been reconstructed from news reports of the time. We are interested in hearing from anyone who was there and can fill in more details, whether or not they recall Mark Jenner / Cassidy being there.</ref>

<gallery>
File:DOVER 1.jpg|(Image 1) Mark Jenner, a.k.a. ''Cassidy'' as part of an anti-fascist group confronting National Front march in Dover, November 1997.
File:DOVER 2.jpg|(Image 2) He is wearing blue jeans, bomber jacket and black hat gesturing and shouting at the marchers.
File:DOVER 3.jpg|(Image 3) The anti-fascist group, including Jenner (top left), having got in front of NF March to stop it, are confronted by police.
File:DOVER 4i.jpg|(Image 4) Police engage in scuffle with the protestors to clear them from road. Police dog used (centre bottom) Jenner can be seen just above.
File:DOVER 5.jpg|(Image 5) Antifascists, including Jenner, in confrontation with police as NF marchers escorted back to their buses.
</gallery>

* ''We are interested in speaking to others who attended this protest with Jenner / Cassidy. If you were there, please [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net get in touch].''

Initially, Jenner concerned himself only with AFA as a whole, attending meetings as someone from the CRC.<ref name="alison.i" /> However, by 1997, he was becoming more interested in Red Action, and by the end of his deployment was more involved with them than he was with CRC - something that became between him and Metcalf, who was at the time moving away from Red Action having previously been more involved.<ref name="alison.i" /><ref name="mm.i" />

It has also been noted that three trade union activists known to Jenner had the details of their involvement in a protest against fascists against a wreath laying ceremony at the Cenotaph war memorial in November 1999 passed on to the Consultancy Association. One of those mentioned, Steve Hedley, has pointed the finger at Jenner.<ref name ="BL"/>

==Irish Republican interest==

Through-out his deployment, Jenner displayed an interest in Irish republicanism, presenting himself as naive about the background but wanting to find out more.<ref name="alison.i" /> Mark Metcalf has reason to believe that one aspect of Jenner's deployment was to check out his sympathies for republican politics because of his long standing support, exemplified by his previous involvement in the Troops Out Movement (TOM) for Irish independence.<ref name="mm.i" /> Melanie, who was also involved with TOM recalls being asked questions by Jenner in one conversation early on, something she now feels was him checking her out. She remembers him as being interested in republicanism and being on a journey to learn more about it. Though he was not that involved in Troops Out Movement, it seemed enough for him to join a 1995 delegation which afforded him an opportunity to meet Republican ex-prisoners and other important figures. Melanie also recalls that he was somewhat shocked following this visit to Northern Ireland.<ref name="melanie.i" />

The delegation occurred in August 1995 when Jenner used his red ex-postal van to take campaigners on a several-day trip to republican West Belfast and Derry with other English activists to learn more about the nationalist struggle, which included meeting Sinn Fein councillors (the visit was organised in part by Derry Sinn Fein councillor Mary Nelis).<ref name="mm.1" /> During this trip, while they were staying in West Belfast, Jenner rose early one morning to take a walk down the loyalist Shankill Road; something that gave rise to safety concerns, particularly for Jenner himself.<ref name="mm.i" /> He subsequently took part in the fighting, when nationalists clashed with the loyalist Apprentice Boys of Derry march on 12 August<ref>Martin Melaugh, [http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch95.htm A Draft Chronology of the Conflict], ''Conflict Archive on the Internet'', University of Ulster, accessed 10 October 2014.</ref> which left him with a bruising on his side.<ref name="mm.i" /> This was a significant event at the time when the [[Royal Ulster Constabularly]] mobilized in large numbers to allow the march to take place through nationalist areas. Over 100 plastic bullets were fired on republican counter-protests and the actions of the RUC were singled out for their violent nature.<ref>[http://www.patfinucanecentre.org/archive/aug1995.html One Day in August], ''Pat Finucane Centre'', 28 August 1995, accessed 20 February 2015.</ref>

According to Rob Evans and Paul Lewis:<ref name="undercover-98">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p.98.</ref>
: Special Branch sources believe Cassidy was asked to gauge the appetite among hard-core republicans for an end to violence. (...) The fact he was trusted to spy in Ireland was testament to his reputation. Among other SDS officers, Cassidy was considered a top operator.

He is also known to have attended events which had Irish nationalist sympathies.<ref name="mm.i" />

It is of note that two years prior to Jenner's deployment, leading north London Red Action and AFA activist Pat Hayes had been convicted for a series of bombs in the capital claimed by the IRA.<ref>Matt Seaton, [http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/charge-of-the-new-red-brigade-1570278.html Charge of the new red brigade], ''The Independent'', 29 January 1995, accessed 25 April 2014.</ref> Hayes had acted as chief steward for a large AFA march in Bethnal Green, including a meeting with police. When the police raided Hayes' house in March 1993<ref>Stephen Ward, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/proud-ira-bombers-jailed-for-30-years-police-remain-mystified-why-two-englishmen-who-had-no-apparent-connections-with-ireland-became-terrorists-stephen-ward-reports-1435755.html 'Proud' IRA bombers jailed for 30 years: Police remain mystified why two Englishmen, who had no apparent connections with Ireland, became terrorists], ''The Independent', 14 May 1994, accessed 31 January 2015.</ref> they seized a list of names of AFA activists, including a number of people who were associated with the Colin Roach Centre.<ref name="melanie.i" /> One of the conversations Melanie recalls having with Jenner is him asking about Hayes, though it is likely to have been a topic of discussion at the time.<ref name="melanie.i" />

However, despite Red Action's Republican sympathies, AFA as a whole did not express Irish republican sympathies, as other constituent groups within AFA did not share them. Likewise, AFA's magazine did not make reference to the cause.<ref name="mm.i" />

=="Alison"==

Alison is the alias of a left wing political activist who was involved with the Colin Roach Centre and anti-racism/fascism activity in Hackney from around 1993.<ref name="alisons-story" /><ref name="hasc.1" /> Jenner joined CRC in late 1994 and they began a relationship in Spring 1995.<ref name="alison.i" /> Melanie recalls this relationship as having started quite quickly after Jenner made his appearance.<ref name="melanie.i" /> Alison was 29 at the time and he moved into her flat in February 1996.<ref name="alison.i" /> Alison describes this relationship as: 'he was completely integrated into my life for five years',<ref name="hasc.1" /> and he was being welcomed into her family. Nevertheless, he avoided public affections.<ref name="alison.i" /> In hindsight, Alison believes that she was selected to provide him with 'an excellent cover story'<ref name="hasc.1" />: he was able to build on the trust she had in her causes and because he participated in family events.<ref name="guardian.1"></ref> Evans and Lewis also make the point that his relationship with Alison was crucial to his success as a police spy from the point of view of the SDS.<ref name="undercover-98" />

[[File:Undercover-cop-Mark-Jenner.jpg|thumb|300px|Mark Jenner during his time undercover as 'Mark Cassidy' in a relationship with 'Alison'.]]

During his time living with Alison, Jenner maintained the fiction of being in work, rising at 6.30am and earning enough to take long holidays to the Middle East and Vietnam. Unlike many other known undercover officers, Jenner's relationship with Alison appeared to be full time, he lived permanently at their shared flat, despite him having a wife. She describes the relationship from her point of view as being a very committed one, and that she was deeply in love with him.<ref name="alisons-story" /> At some point Jenner was seeing counsellors over issues in both relationships simultaneously,<ref name="guardian.1" /> in relation to Alison this was discuss his reluctance to have children.<ref name="mm.1" />

Commenting on the effect of Jenner on her life, Alison said:<ref name="hasc.1"></ref>
: Some of the consequences of that have meant that I have, for the last 13 years, questioned my own judgement and it has impacted seriously on my ability to trust, and that has impacted on my current relationship and other subsequent relationships. It has also distorted my perceptions of love and my perceptions of sex, and it has had a massive impact on my political activity. ... and I withdrew from political activity.

Elsewhere, Alison describes the relationship as ultimately being abusive because of the humiliation, the impact of his disappearance and the revelation that he was a police officer so she had been deceived for five years of her life.<ref name="alisons-story"></ref>

On 3rd February 2013, Alison was part of a group of three women who spoke in a private session to the Home Affairs Select Committee on the nature of their relationship with undercover officers and the effect it had on their lives.<ref name="hasc.1" /> She submitted further evidence in a written statement shortly afterwards.<ref name="alisons-story">[http://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/our-stories/alisons-story/alisons-written-submission/ Alison's written submission], ''Police Spies Out of Lives'', accessed 27 April 2014.</ref>

==Exit==
[[File:Mark-Jenner-with-pint.jpg|thumb|200px|Jenner as ''Mark Cassidy'']]

In the run up to his exit, Jenner, starts acting erratically (like most other undercovers before and after him).<ref name="mm.1"/> Christmas 1999<ref>During the period of their relationship, Alison and Jenner had not spent their first Christmas together, but they had spent them together subsequently until Christmas of 1999. Interview with Alison, 3 September 2014.</ref> he is called away 'up north'<ref name="hasc.1"/> (apparently as he had received a message on his pager saying 'Call Father Kelly', and which he responded saying that his grandfather in Birkenhead had a stroke<ref name="undercover-98" />). However, he did not let Alison come with him, and she now says of him: 'When he came back he was a very different man, and I don’t know what happened'.<ref name="hasc.1" /> In ''Undercover'', Alison says that he claimed to have rowed with his stepfather and punched him, and he subsequently went into a withdrawn, 'downward-spiral'.<ref name="undercover-98" />

In March 2000, Jenner leaves the home he shared with Alison, leaving a note saying 'We want different things. I can’t cope. We want different things. When I said I loved you I meant it, but I can’t do it'.<ref name="hasc.1" /><ref name="undercover-98" />

Following a distressed phone call from Alison, he returns the following weekend and stays for ten days, during which time he sleeps on the couch in his clothes and presents as depressed. She notices he has taken to wearing white trainers, which was not his usual footwear; he has also much less possessions than he had previously and said he had got rid of much and also left his work. He also had an investment magazine, and when asked about this he said was going to come into a large sum of money when he finished his last job and for her to 'indulge his idiosyncrasy'. In another odd incident during this time, while out on a walk together she notices that a car seems to be following them, to which Jenner responded 'take no notice'. Alison, having reflected on this time, believes it is possible that he should not have come back to see her. She wonders if he wanted her to know the truth. During the ten days when he returned he told her her: 'I'm the devil, I'm everything you hate'; he left a copy of the Franz Kafka book 'Amerika: The Man Who Disappeared'.<ref name="alison.i" />

Jenner vanished for good in April 2000,<ref name="mm.1" /> leaving a note saying he is going to Germany to look for work<ref name="undercover-99">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p.99.</ref> He subsequently contacts Alison, claiming to be in Germany, sending a postcard and later a letter from Berlin.<ref name="alison.i" /> Evans and Lewis refer to his tactic of extracting himself as 'standard operating procedure for departing SDS spies'.<ref name="undercover-99" />

Melanie notes that though she had heard concerns by 1999, Jenner's departure did not cause much suspicions at the time.<ref name="melanie.i" />

==Exposure==

Alison becomes suspicious within a month of Jenner's disappearance.<ref name="hasc.1" /> She checks with the company he claimed to have worked for only to be told he had not the 'employment status' with them that he had told her, and that they had no contact number for him.<ref name="mm.4" />

A number of issues which occurred during her time with him come back to the fore:

:* At one point she had discovered a credit card in the name of "M. Jenner",<ref name="undercover-99" />, which he claimed to have purchased for £50 in a pub in order to obtain petrol. He claimed to be ashamed of this, and also made Alison promise to never tell anyone about it.<ref name="guardian.1"/><ref name="alison.i" />
:* When there was a loud noise of a car backfiring Alison saw him react by ducking down and covering his ears with his hands, the training position for security officers if a bomb goes off.<ref name="alison.i"/>
:* Despite claiming to be a joiner, he had struggled to use a router and it took him a long time to fit a new kitchen in the home he and Alison shared just before he disappeared in spring 2000.<ref name="alisons-story" />
:* He knew the high-ranking members of the Socialist Workers Party by sight though there was no reason for him to do so - at a party he had been able to identify a number of the SWP executive were also present.<ref name="alison.i" />

She notes that he has left behind a number of odd things that she had not seen before, such as a balaclava, a keffiyeh and a copy of an animal welfare directory - these are odd as pro-Palestinian actvisim and animal rights had never been part of their politics.<ref name="alison.i" />

She continues to check into his life and find out that his story that his father had died in 1975 in Birkenhead was not true.<ref name="mm.1"></ref>

In 2001, she contacts Metcalf, having learned he had shared his suspicions with some other members of CRC as early as 1997/8. Over the next decade she continues to try and find him, including hiring a private detective,<ref name="guardian.1" /> who confirmed that 'Mark Cassidy' was a fictional character.<ref name="hasc.1" />

News that Mark Cassidy was in fact an undercover officer first emerged publicly in 2011 in an article by Mark Metcalf.<ref name="mm.1" /> This was followed up by an exposure in ''The Guardian'' in 2013<ref name="guardian.1" /> confirming not only had he been an undercover police officer but that his real name was Mark Jenner and it was believed at this point he was still with the police.<ref name="undercover-99"></ref>

After his exposure, other oddities come to light:
:* When the [[British National Party |BNP]] threatened to attack a meeting in Islington where members of the Colin Roach Centre where acting as stewards, Jenner describes himself to Stewart as being there to 'shield the meeting'.<ref name="john.stewart.i"/><ref name="mm.1" /><ref name="mm.i" />

:* Despite his prominent union activism, he does not appear on The Consultancy Association blacklist, although others active with him at the time were included.<ref name="mm.3" />
:* He had been seen in south London by another activist with a woman other than Alison, and carrying a child; this is presumed to have been his family who he continued to see while living with Alison.<ref name="alison.i" />

In November 2015 the Metropolitan police settled in a case brought by various women, including Alison, who had relationships with undercover officers. Though they did not formally admit that Jenner was an undercover officer, the AC [[Martin Hewitt]] gave an unreserved apology, the text of which is a clear tacit admission he was such.<ref>Martin Hewitt, [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/text-of-apology-from-met-police/ Text of Apology from Met Police], Metropolitan Police Service, 20 November 2015 (accessed 17 February 2016 via Police Spies Out of Lives).</ref><ref>Dominic Casciani, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-34875197 Met Police apology for women tricked into relationships], ''BBC News Online'', 20 November 2015 (accessed 17 February 2016).</ref>

In a press statement put out at the time, Alison wrote:<ref>[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/met-police-finally-concede-undercover-relationships-were-an-abuse-of-power-and-violated-womens-human-rights/ Met police finally concede undercover relationships were an abuse of power and violated women’s human rights], Police Spies Out of Lives (joint statement), 20 November 2015 (accessed 17 February 2016).</ref>
: Five years of my life, documented in photographs and videos, are tainted by the presence of a person I never really knew. The experience has eroded my confidence in my own judgement and impacted negatively on my ability to trust new people. I have a strong sense of having been violated by this relationship which to date I have been unable to resolve. Since beginning the litigation, the Metropolitan Police has maintained a position of neither confirming nor denying Mark Jenner’s identity which has aggravated the damage done to me. Answers and disclosure would help me piece together the missing parts of my life; continued obfuscation and avoidance of the truth simply prolongs the pain.

==Concerns==

A number of groups have expressed concern over the role that Mark Jenner would have had in their campaigning work, particularly as some of the issues are connected to policing. Others have noted that through the Colin Roach Centre and the HCDA he would have had access to confidential papers in legal cases against the police.<ref>Charles Loft, [https://hackneyhistory.wordpress.com/2015/03/25/chas-from-flowers-in-the-dustbin-on-hackney-community-defence-association-and-spycops/ Chas from Flowers In The Dustbin on Hackney Community Defence Association and spycops], HackneyHistory, 25 March 2015 (article originally published on facebook.com, 25 June 2013; accessed 30 March 2015).</ref>

===Within the Colin Roach Centre===

In 2011, shortly after Jenner was exposed, Mark Metcalf wrote that in 1997 he began to have concerns about 'Mark Cassidy'. (This is supported by Melanie, who remembers Metcalf's concerns at the time.<ref name="melanie.i" />)

The concerns included:<ref name="mm.1"/>

* That he had used his van for the trip to Northern Ireland, though it would invariably noted and have its registration recorded by the police. He also, despite claiming to be a Catholic, took a walk down the Protestant stronghold of Shankill Road.
* Nobody met his family.
* That he did not appear to known any of the Tranmere Rovers' fans when he attended their matches with Metcalf.

Using the growing political difference between CRC and Red Action at the time, and Jenner's increased involvement with the latter <ref name="mm.i" /><ref name="mm.1"/> as suspicions grew through-out 1997, Jenner was quietly removed from opportunities to gain information, according to Metcalf.<ref name="mm.2" />

===Malcolm Kennedy justice campaign===

* ''For more details see [http://www.red-star-research.org.uk/ Red Star Research] website.''

Malcolm Kennedy (not to be confused with [[Mark Kennedy]]) was a Hackney based business man who had been convicted of the murder of Patrick Quinn in a police station. It was alleged he was framed to cover up a police killing, resulting in a long standing campaign by the HCDA to clear his name. The campaign 'Justice for Patrick Quinn, Free Malcolm Kennedy' was based at the Colin Roche Centre and the HCDA released a booklet on his case in December 1994. Kennedy maintained his innocence and sought to clear his name long after his release, and claimed that he was subject to further targeting by the police as a result.

At the time of his death in 2013, Malcolm Kennedy was attempting to find out from the Metropolitan Police what Jenner had passed onto his handlers in relation to his defence campaign when he was in prison trying to overturn his conviction. His lawyers are still seeking answers into the police surveillance of him and his supporters following his release from prison.<ref name="john.stewart.i"/>

===David Ewin shooting===

On 28 February 1995, unarmed robbery suspect David Ewin was shot in Barnes, south-west London by PC Patrick Hodgson, one of the police blocking the suspect's car. Ewin died of his wounds seventeen days later and his partner Sarah turned to the CRC for support. Mark Jenner was among those attending events and accompanying her to the Old Bailey when Hodgson was on trial - one of the first British police officer charged with murder (after in 1986, Sgt Alwyn Sawyer was charged with the murder of Henry Foley; he was acquitted, but convicted of manslaughter).<ref>[http://www.heraldscotland.com/sport/spl/aberdeen/policeman-on-murder-charge-over-shooting-of-unarmed-man-1.656035 Policeman on murder charge over shooting of unarmed man], ''The Herald'', 18 October 1995, accessed 28 September 2014.</ref>.

The first day, 10 December 1995, the trial was halted after a man and a woman stood up in the public gallery and shouted out that Hodgson and Ewin had known each other. They were not stopped by police, but other Sarah-supporters from the Colin Roach Centre were stopped and questioned.<ref>The two were friends of Ewin but had not been seen between since his death until that point; on attending trial they sought to pressurize Sarah Ewin into shouting out their claims but she refused, though the pressure was apparently sufficient to cause her to collapse.</ref> The next day the judge declared the incident a calculated attempt to disrupt the trial, in contempt of the court, and declared a mistrial.

The fact that the jury was about to convict a serving police office for murder, raised the speculation that the incident could have been part of a wider plot to disrupt the trial, as someone wrote in the CRC magazine RPM at the time. Now that an undercover officer has been exposed targeting this specific campaign, that speculation appears to have greater substance to it.<ref name="mm.5">Mark Metcalf, [http://writemark.blogspot.co.uk/2014/01/did-police-spy-mark-jenner-help-prevent.html Did police spy Mark Jenner help prevent justice in the David Ewin murder case? ], ''Fighting Talk by Mark Metcalf'' (blog), 24 January 2014, accessed 28 September 2014. This page includes a copy of articles on the case which appeared in Issues 3 and 4 of RPM.</ref>

===Blair Peach campaign===

Blair Peach was a teacher killed by officers of the Special Patrol Group during an Anti-Nazi League protest against a National Front meeting in Southall, South London on 23 April 1979.<ref>David Renton, [http://www.lrb.co.uk/v36/n10/david-renton/the-killing-of-blair-peach The Killing of Blair Peach], ''London Review of Books'', 22 May 2014, Vol. 36, No.10 (accessed 20 April 2015).</ref> The case became a ''cause célèbre'' with long standing accusations of a cover up, and a 30 year campaign by the Friends of Blair Peach, which included his partner Celia Stubbs.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/8119212.stm Blair Peach: A 30-year campaign], ''BBC News Online'', 25 June 2009 (accessed 20 April 2015).</ref> She was prominent within the Hackney Community Defence Association<ref>Mark Metcalf, [http://writemark.blogspot.co.uk/2011/08/some-observations-on-riots.html Some observations on the riots], Fighting Talk (blog), 10 August 2011 (accessed 20 April 2015).</ref> where she came to know Jenner.<ref name="celia.stubbs.i"/> During the second half of the 1990s the then dormant Friends of Blair Peach campaign was archived at the Colin Roach Centre - which means that Mark Jenner had easy access to the material.<ref>Personal communication with Mark Metcalf (accessed 20 April 2015).</ref>

In the wake of the ongoing Operation Herne investigations, Celia Stubbs and her solicitor met with Assistant Commissioner [[Martin Hewitt]] of the Metropolitan Police. He showed her a heavily redacted file marked 'SDS Intelligence Briefing' from 1998/1999, where she and the Friends of Blair Peach campaign were referenced in relation to possible public order disturbances, in particular if the issues being raised by the then-current Macpherson Inquiry into the Stephen Lawrence murder. The two cases were joined together in the public mind as both were highly critical of the Metropolitan Police. When interviewed by the Undercover Research Group recently, Celia Stubbs recalled her surprise at being shown the file as the Friends of Blair Peach campaign had all but dissolved at that stage in 1999; it had been much bigger in the 1980s. She also felt that there was more information not being released to her.<ref name="celia.stubbs.i"/>

Another connection of interest, is that the original Blair Peach campaign was run in part by what would become the Southall Monitoring Group (now The Monitoring Group).<ref>Suresh Grover, [http://www.irr.org.uk/news/black-justice-campaigns-prepare-for-new-inquiry-into-undercover-policing/ Black Justice Campaigns prepared for a new inquiry into undercover policing], ''Institute for Race Relations'', 10 July 2014 (accessed 20 April 2015).</ref> The Monitoring Group played a leading role in the Stephen Lawrence justice campaign which is now known to have been spied upon by Special Demonstration Squad undercovers [[Peter Francis]]<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/jun/23/stephen-lawrence-undercover-police-smears Police 'smear' campaign targeted Stephen Lawrence's friends and family], ''The Guardian'', 24 June 2013 (accessed 20 April 2015)</ref> and [[N81]].<ref>Mark Ellison, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287030/stephen_lawrence_review_summary.pdf The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review: Summary of Findings], Home Office, 6 March 2014.</ref>

===Trevor Monerville justice campaign ===

Trevor Monerville was a young black man who ended up with brain damage following a severe beating recieved at Stoke Newington police station in early 1987.<ref>Keith Teare, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=5P9A1R1ggakC Under Siege: Racism and Violence in Britain Today], Penguin Books, 1998; the account of Trevor Monerville is from page 25 onwards.</ref> This led to a local campaign 'Justice for Trevor'. The following year, 1998, the Trevor Monerville campaign would be one of the groups that joined forces to form the Hackney Community Defence Association (HCDA) - see above - which continued to support the family. In 1992 Trevor's grandmother Marie Burke would win a £50,000 payout with the help of the HCDA for being assaulted by police officers.<ref>Charles R Epp, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=pZZQz34D1KMC Making Rights Real: Activists, Bureaucrats and the Creation of the Legalistic State], University of Chicago Press, 2009.</ref>

Trevor Monerville was subsequently murdered in 1994 when attacked by five men who were never caught, something the family believe was connected to the ongoing situation of police corruption in Hackney and Stoke Newington. In the wake of his death, the Family and Friends of Trevor Monerville Committee was established to campaign on Trevor's behalf.<ref>Andrew Johnson, [http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/street-stabbing-1430535.html Ahead of gun victim's funeral, family of Joseph Burke-Monerville issue plea for help in finding killers, and reveal how teenager's brother was stabbed to death], ''The Independent'', 29 April 2013 (accessed 17 February 2016).</ref>

In August 2014 Operation Herne said it had information on Trevor it wanted to communicate to his father, John Burke-Monerville. Though he did not meet the police, Burke-Monerville subsequently was able to confirm that Mark Jenner, posing as Mark Cassidy, had attended meetings of the Trevor Monerville justice campaign. This lead to John Burke-Monerville being designated a core participant in the [[Undercover Policing Public Inquiry | Pitchford public inquiry into undercover policing]].<ref>Christopher Pitchford, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/160211-core-participants-ruling-number-5.pdf Core Participants Ruling 5], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 11 Februray 2016 (accessed 17 Februray 2016).</ref>

On 7 March 2016, in a Channel 4 News Trevor Monerville's father said in an interview he recognised the image of Mark Jenner (or Mark Cassidy as he was then known) has having been part of the support campaign for his son, and that discovering there had been a police spy in the family campaign re-opened old wounds.<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CMxOlVO8C90 Justice campaigners seek answers on police spy], ''Channel 4 News', 7 March 2016 (accessed 7 March 2016, via YouTube.com).</ref>

===Lawrence family campaign===

As HN15, Mark is noted in the Independent Stephen Lawrence Review by Mark Ellison, QC, where they are mentioned by [[Bob Lambert]] as an SDS undercover who 'would have involvement in Stephen Lawrence campaign issues' (page 214).<ref name="ellison.1">Mark Ellison, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case], ''Stephen Lawrence Independent Review'', Vol. 1, Gov.UK, March 2014</ref>

==Blacklisting==

The Colin Roach Centre was involved in supporting a variety of industrial and union disputes, particularly in the construction industry, which would give Jenner 'ample opportunity' to discover more on workers involved in disputes.<ref name="mm.4">Mark Metcalf, [http://www.tribunemagazine.org/2014/04/undercover-underhand-and-over-the-top/ Undercover, underhand and over the top], ''Tribune'', 7 April 2014, accessed 28 September 2014.</ref>
The Centre was one of the contact addresses for the [[Building Workers Group]] (BWG), and hosted a few, though not many, of its meetings.<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from contact active in the Building Workers Group, 15 October 2014.</ref> Jenner was a member of the BWG.<ref name="mm.3">Mark Metcalf, [http://www.bigissueinthenorth.com/2014/04/undercover-but-in-plain-sites/9819 Undercover but in plain sites], ''The Big Issue in the North'', 7 April 2014.</ref>

Recently, a number of people involved at the time discovered their details on the blacklist put together by the Consultancy Association for the construction industry. The details include a list of associates of Brian Higgins dated October 1996, as well as a number of articles on his case that were printed in the Colin Roach Centre's newsletter ''Revolutions Per Minute'', dating from around the same time that Jenner was chairing these meetings.<ref name="mm.3"/><ref name="mm.4"/><ref name ="BL">Dave Smith and Phil Chamberlain, [http://newint.org/books/politics/blacklisted-secret-war/ Blacklisted, the secret war between big business and union activists], New Internationalist, London 2015</ref>
The blacklist files give no source for this information, and curiously enough no file on Jenner himself was found.

For the past few years, the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) has been conducting an investigation into blacklisting and the Consultancy Association. The IPPC found evidence that [[Special Branch]] (of which the SDS was a secretive unit) had passed on information on to the Consultancy Association which went onto the blacklist; in particular, the IPCC wrote to the Blacklist Support Group:<ref>Charlie Pottins, [http://randompottins.blogspot.co.uk/2013/09/state-snoops-and-private-blacklisting.html State snoops and private blacklisting], ''RandomPottins'' blog, 20 September 2013, accessed 27 April 2014.</ref>
:: ...initial scoping by the Operation Herne team identified that the Consulting Association was an organisation that had developed from a number of other organisations dating back to 1917. The scoping also identified that it was likely that all Special Branches were involved in providing information about potential employees.

Another SDS officer who has become a whistle blower, [[Peter Francis]] has said that indeed he supplied information on trade union activists to a blacklisting agency.<ref name="mm.4" /><ref name="BL"/>

Exposure of Jenner leads a number of those on the blacklist to ask questions about Jenner's role. RMT official Steve Hedley has said:<ref name="northern-voices">[http://northernvoicesmag.blogspot.co.uk/2013/09/evidence-of-police-blacklist-involvement.html Evidence of Police Blacklist Involvement], ''Northern Voices'', 21 September 2013, accessed 27 April 2014.</ref>
:: I feel utterly violated by a police officer befriending me, then spying on me and passing information on to the blacklist which resulted in me being unemployed for a year. This man stayed at my family home as a guest. Are we now living in a police state?

Brian Higgins wrote:<ref>[http://campacc.org.uk/index.php?mact=News,cntnt01,detail,0&cntnt01articleid=196&cntnt01origid=15&cntnt01returnid=53 Police admit involvement in blacklisting conspiracy - documentary evidence], ''Campaign Against Criminalising Communities'', 21 September 2013, accessed 27 April 2014.</ref>
:: As a target of this undercover police operation I can only hope, with other victims, that Jenner and his co conspirators and those behind this utterly obscene and extremely sinister practice are called and held to account by any public inquiry into all aspects of the Consulting Association and those organisations and individuals who aided and abetted it. Justice cries out for and demands this."

Dave Smith of the Blacklist Support Group says:<ref name="mm.2" />
: We now want to know why an undercover cop posing as a building worker turned up on picket lines and at campaign meetings, the details of which were discovered in the CA files. Were names of building workers or any information gathered by this police officer passed on to the CA blacklist? It sure as hell looks dodgy.

* ''See also: the [[Colin Roach Centre]] and the [[Building Workers Group]].''

==Other undercovers in Hackney==

Jenner is one of a number of SDS officers known to have been active in Hackney. Others include [[Bob Lambert]] who was in the area in the 1983-88 when targeting [[London Greenpeace]] and animal rights groups, and [[John Dines]] who was active 1987-92 in London Greenpeace, [[Reclaim the Streets]] and anti-capitalist groups.<ref>[http://bristle.wordpress.com/2013/06/23/a-brief-incomplete-but-hopefully-somewhat-illustrative-contextual-timeline-of-spycop-infiltrations-around-london-greenpeace-and-beyond-throughout-the-1980s-and-1990s/ A brief, incomplete but hopefully somewhat illustrative contextual timeline of spycop infiltrations around London Greenpeace and beyond throughout the 1980s and 1990s], Bristle's Blog'', 23 June 2013.</ref>

During part of Jenner's undercover deployment, he and Peter Francis would have worked under [[Bob Lambert]], who was SDS Controller of Operations from 1993 to 1998.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police, Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p55.</ref>

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

HN15 is a core participant in the Inquiry, and is represented by the firm of Slater & Gordon.

===Timeline===

* March 2016: an application by NH15's lawyers to restrict real and cover names were released. The lawyers subsequently notified the Inquiry that a supplement to the application may be made on receipt of a final risk assessment from the MPS. The Inquiry has also received additional evidence, but was awaiting the further application before publishing anything. There was no restriction order application made by the Metropolitan Police.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> The March 2016 application documents made public were: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-Personal-Statement-gisted.pdf personal statement (gisted)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-Open-Application.pdf open application], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-Draft-Order.pdf draft order] and [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-N16-N26-N58-N81-N123-Gisted-Risk-Asessments-1.pdf risk assessment (gisted)].

* August 2017: Inquiry says it needed more details before making a decision.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref><ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>

* November 2017, the Inquiry Chair, John Mitting, noted:<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-SDS-anonymity-Minded-to-2.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note 2], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017)</ref>
:: I am minded to refuse to make a restriction order in respect of either real or cover name. A closed hearing is required to permit HN15 to make submissions in support of either or both applications. If I were to state the reasons for the decisions which I am minded to make openly and/or if HN15 were to make submissions openly it would so undermine the applications as to deprive them of purpose.

* December 2017: a press release of 20 December said that closed hearing in on HN15's anonymity application had taken place and that Mitting had refused the application for both cover and real names of the officer. A ruling to this effect would be released in the New Year.<ref name="ucpi.pr.20Dec2017">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-HN-15-HN58-HN104-press-note-final-a.pdf Press Notice: Decisions relating to anonymity applications: Special Demonstration Squad - HN15, HN58 and HN104 "Carlo Neri"], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.</ref><ref name="mitting.directions.20Dec2017">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-Direction-for-HN15-HN58-HN104.pdf Directions following closed hearings for HN15, HN58 and HN104], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 December 2017 (accessed 3 February 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>

* March 2018: noted it was the inquiry's intention that the real and cover names would be released in due course.<ref name="ucpi.wilkinson.update5">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180307-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-5.docx.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 5 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Demonstration Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad - Update as at 7th March 2018], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 7 March 2018.</ref>

* 5 April 2018: Inquiry reveals that HN15 was ''Mark Cassidy'', who had been undercover in left wing, anti-fascist, trade union and community justice groups in north London 1995-2000.<ref name="ucpi.email.5Apr2018">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], update on 5 April 2018; also via notification by email to core participants of same date, unpublished.</ref> It did not note his real name, [[Mark Jenner]], though that has been in the public domain since 2011. On 11 April 2018, Mitting handed down his ruling rejecting the applications for both cover and real names to be restricted, but noted if Jenner's name had not already been in the public domain and known to have engaged in a relationship, he would have kept both cover and real name secret. It also noted that HN15 now admitted the relationship with 'Alison'.<ref>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180410_ruling_HN15.pdf In the matter of Section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005: Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of HN15 - Ruling], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 April 2018 (accessed 11 April 2018).</ref>

* 13 September 2018: "real name will be published where it appears in the evidence in due course". <ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

==External resources==

* [http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cKlVd-aDRAc Interview with 'Alison'] about Undercover SDS #spycop officer - Mark Jenner who posed as Mark Cassidy (1995 - 2000). BBC, Newsnight, 6 March 2014 (the day the Ellison Report was published).

* Alison's [http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/130205i.htm testimony before the Home Affairs Select Committee] 5 February 2013.

*Alison's [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/mar/01/police-spy-fictional-character story in ''the Guardian''], 1 March 2013

=Notes=

<references/>

Marco Jacobs (alias)

2025-10-02T06:49:58Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Mark ‘Marco’ Jacobs|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Marco_Jacobs.png|Unit=National Public Order Intelligence Unit|DatesDeployed=2004-09|Targets=Anarchist direct action networks}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''‘Mark Jacobs’''', more commonly known as '''‘Marco Jacobs’''', was the assumed identity of an undercover police officer who infiltrated political groups within the activist and anarchist movement. He was active between 2004 and 2009, at first in the Brighton area of southern England, and then Cardiff, south Wales.

It is believed that he worked for the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]],<ref name="ABK085p226">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p226.</ref> and that after the end of his deployment, he was subsequently deployed undercover elsewhere, until publicity surrounding this and other spy operations caused him to be “moved for security reasons’ after his ‘identity was compromised’.<ref name="TS3.001">Sean O'Neill, [http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/news/uk/crime/article2992340.ece ‘Police infiltrator in fear for her life after gang cover is blown’], ''The Times'', 20/04/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

The role of ‘Jacobs’ as a long-term undercover police spy was brought to public attention in January 2011 in the wake of the unmasking of fellow NPOIU spy Mark Kennedy.<ref name="BG4.002">Really Fit, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110504052846/http://www.fitwatch.org.uk/2011/01/18/more-pictures-of-undercover-cop-marco/ ‘More pictures of undercover cop 'Marco'’], ''FITwatch'' blog, 18 January 2011 (accessed via 4 May 2011 archive.org cache, 27 August 2014).</ref><ref name="GN4.002"></ref><ref name="IM4.001">Fitwatch, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472122.html ‘Officer 'B' confirmed as Cardiff based 'Marco' Jacobs’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref name="GN4.001">Paul Lewis, Matthew Taylor & Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/14/third-undercover-police-spy-cardiff ‘Third undercover police spy unmasked as scale of network emerges’], ''The Guardian'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref>Dick Tracy, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472391.html ‘An account of Marco Jacobs' time in Brighton’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>

Both South Wales and the Metropolitan police services maintained a [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/neither-confirm-nor-deny/ 'Neither Confirm Nor Deny'] defence of all aspects of Jacobs' deployment. Three people from Cardiff Anarchist Network spied upon by Jacobs brought their case to the High Court claiming damages for what they had gone through. In March 2015 the Metropolitan police conceded they would not contest the assertion that Jacobs was an officer, and if damages are awarded then the police will be liable to pay.<ref name = COPS>Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance, [http://campaignopposingpolicesurveillance.com/2015/03/26/police-concede-marco-jacobs-was-spycop/ Police Concede Marco Jacobs was Spycop], blog post, 26 March 2015 (accessed June 2016).</ref> On 10 November 2016, it was announced by the Pitchford Inquiry into Undercover Policing that core participant N519 was the police officer who had used the Marco Jacobs alias. The inquiry stated it had received confirmation that 'no restriction is sought over the undercover identity', but an anonymity application was expected regarding their real identity.<ref>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/161110-press-notice-N519.pdf Press Notice], UCPI.org.uk, 10 November 2016 (accessed 10 Novemeber 2016).</ref>

Jacobs' current whereabouts and status are unknown. Likewise nothing is known of his true identity or history as a police officer.

''N.B. This is a preliminary profile and we are interested in learning more about his activities. If you think you have anything to add or to correct, [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.not get in touch] (PGP key available on request).''

Also see:
* [[Marco Jacobs Undercover Timeline]]
* [[Marco Jacobs Bibliography]]

==Overview of undercover tour as ‘Marco Jacobs’==
The man known as ‘Marco Jacobs’ first appeared in Brighton in late 2004, and quickly made attempts to inveigle his way into political groups, primarily those of a direct action-oriented anarchist or anti-authoritarian nature. He attended local protests, travelled to demonstrations in other parts of the country, took part in meetings, and socialised with activists.

However, it appears that he was never entirely trusted within the Brighton activist community<ref name="IM4.003"/>, and so in 2005 he moved to Cardiff, where he repeated the same repertoire of behaviour, but, it seems, more successfully. Cardiff activist Tom Fowler, pointed at the different character of that city's activist scene compared to Brighton's: ‘he was a normal working class bloke and the activist scene in Brighton was maybe not somewhere ‘Jacobs’ was fitting in.’<ref name="AUD020">Oliver Hides, [https://a.tumblr.com/tumblr_mw8csfITIP1qcw2azo1_r1.mp3 ‘Interview with Tom Fowler about police infiltration of Cardiff Anarchist Network (package)’], ''Good Morning Wales'', BBC Radio Wales, 6 November 2013 (accessed via Tumblr 13 August 2014) ([http://issuu.com/bristlekrs/docs/avt024_ts-aud020_bbcrw_2013_tom_fow transcript AVT024 by BristleKRS]).</ref> Fellow Cardiff Anarchist Network (CAN) activist ‘Verity Smith’ concurred with this view in her account:

::He moved to Cardiff claiming that he’d come from Brighton but that (activists in) Brighton had been hostile to him, had not accepted him and that he’d felt excluded. He said he’d come to Cardiff because we were more open and more tolerant of new people becoming involved and that there was a lot going on in Cardiff in terms of activism and that he wanted to be where things were happening.<ref name="ABK118ch17pp276">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p276.</ref>

Whilst in Cardiff he became more involved in international protest organising networks, and developed close, sometimes sexual, relationships with a number of activists.<ref name="RELATIONSHIPS">See section on [[Marco Jacobs (alias)#Relationships|relationships]] for more on this.</ref>

He disappeared in late 2009, having said he was moving to Corfu for a job.<ref name="BG4.004">Cardiff Anarchist Network, [http://southwalesanarchists.wordpress.com/2011/01/19/statement-from-cardiff-anarchist-network-can-on-the-infiltration-by-mark-%E2%80%98marco%E2%80%99-jacobs/ ‘Statement on the infiltration by Mark ‘Marco ’ Jacobs’], South Wales Anarchists website, 19 January 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="GN4.001">Paul Lewis, Matthew Taylor & Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/14/third-undercover-police-spy-cardiff ‘Third undercover police spy unmasked as scale of network emerges’], ''The Guardian'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref name="GN4.002">Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-mark-jacobs ‘Undercover police: Officer B identified as Mark Jacobs’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK085p234">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p234.</ref><ref name="CYPRUS">It should be noted that one published source has ‘Jacobs’' job as being on Cyprus rather than Corfu - see Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p281.</ref>

Though suspicions about him grew in his absence, nothing more was heard about him until January 2011, when the furore over the [[Mark Kennedy]] affair led to him being acknowledged as a police spy shortly after the public exposure of [[Lynn Watson (alias)|‘Lynn Watson’]].<ref name="GN3.001">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Martin Wainwright, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/jan/10/mark-kennedy-second-undercover-ecoactivist ‘Mark Kennedy knew of second undercover eco-activist’], ''The Guardian'', 10/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="GN3.002">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Martin Wainwright, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer-unmasked ‘Second police officer to infiltrate environmental activists unmasked’], ''The Guardian'', 12/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="GN3.003">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Vikram Dodd, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer ‘Revealed: Second undercover police officer who posed as activist’], ''The Guardian'', 13/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.001">quiteliketheguardianactually, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/471994.html ‘Officer A’], ''Indymedia UK'', 13/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.002">ABC Anarres, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472363.html ‘Three undercover political Police unmasked as infiltrators into UK Anarchist, Anti-Fascist and Climate Justice movements’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

===Timeline===
For a better overview, a timeline is in the making. The current version collates previously published (though sometimes as yet uncorroborated) claims and privately confirmed details of what ‘Jacobs’ did, and where and when he did it. We still need to talk to people who knew Jacobs, if you have any details to add about his activites and behaviour, do [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net get in touch].

:''See main article: [[Marco Jacobs Undercover Timeline]]

==Personal details==

‘Jacobs’ was a heavy-set, hirsute man with a Midlands accent with a wry (or sometimes dark) sense of humour, and a propensity for drinking large volumes of alcohol. It appears he presented somewhat different versions of himself depending on the audience, with a noticeable change in his behaviour and appearance by the time he had moved from Brighton to Cardiff.

===Age===
At the outset of his deployment he was in his mid-to-late thirties. On exposure in January 2011, his age was said to be 44, suggesting a birth year of 1966 or 1967.<ref name="GN4.002"></ref><ref name="GN4.001"></ref>

===Physical appearance===
Several accounts note him to be a physically large man (‘carrying a little too much weight around the middle’<ref name="BG4.002"></ref>), typically describing him as approximately fifteen stone (210 pounds, or 95kg)<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref><ref name="BG4.002"></ref><ref name="GN4.002">Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-mark-jacobs ‘Undercover police: Officer B identified as Mark Jacobs’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref name="ReallyFITw">Really Fit in the FITwatch article (see note #3) puts his weight at approximately “15/16 stone”.</ref>, and about six foot (183cm) in height.<ref name="BG4.002"></ref><ref name="GN4.002"></ref><ref name="ReallyFITh">Really Fit in the FITwatch article (see note #3) puts his height at ‘around 5'11’”.</ref>

His hair - brown and slightly curly - varied in length and style over the years, from a shaggy mullet to a neater ponytail. He tended to be unshaven, sometimes wearing a beard.<ref name="Hair Notes">See [[Marco Jacobs (alias)#Gallery|gallery of photographs]] above.</ref> ''Guardian'' reporters Evans and Lewis suggest that between his deployment in Brighton and the move to Cardiff, ‘Jacobs’ ‘had the chance to learn from mistakes in Brighton. He became a vegan and changed his appearance, growing his hair to his shoulders and dying it purple.’<ref name="ABK085p227">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p227.</ref> He was also bestowed with large amounts of body hair.<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref>

He had ear piercings and tattoos, including the name ‘Sam’ on his lower back (which he claimed was a tribute to his by then ex-wife), subsequently covered up with a black star, and a piece of Celtic knotwork on one shoulder, which he said he had got when he was in a bike gang as an 18 year old.<ref name="ABK085p227">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p227.</ref>

===Background===

On arriving in Brighton, he claimed to have come from Reading, a city in the Thames Valley area, close to London.<ref name="IM4.003"/> To activists in Cardiff he presented himself as from Northampton, a supporter of the Northampton Town football club, and moving away from Northampton due to a ‘messy break-up with a woman’ there.<ref name="ABK118ch17p277">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p277.</ref> Accounts generally suggest - based on his accent and on claims made by ‘Jacobs’ himself - that he originally hailed from the English Midlands, possibly Northampton<ref name="ABK118ch17p277"></ref><ref name="AUD020">Oliver Hides, [https://a.tumblr.com/tumblr_mw8csfITIP1qcw2azo1_r1.mp3 ‘Interview with Tom Fowler about police infiltration of Cardiff Anarchist Network (package)’], ''Good Morning Wales'', BBC Radio Wales, 6 November 2013 (accessed via Tumblr 13 August 2014) ([http://issuu.com/bristlekrs/docs/avt024_ts-aud020_bbcrw_2013_tom_fow transcript AVT024 by BristleKRS]).</ref><ref name="IM4.008">Courtnee Brantley, [http://indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472363.html?c=on#c263675 ‘Marco information’], ''Indymedia UK'', 24 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014)</ref> or Derby<ref name="BG4.002"></ref>. It was subsequently discovered by a member of the milieu who Jacobs monitored in Cardiff, that elements of his own genuine biography bore a remarkable similarity to Marco’s fake backstory. This included the pub ('The Racehorse’ in Northampton) that he used to drink in, as well as a youthful tendency to get involved in fights and a spell on remand. <ref> Undercover Research Group, Interview with ‘Jack’, 10 March 2020 (accessed 12 March 2020).</ref>

===Occupation===

On appearing in Brighton early on in his undercover deployment, ‘Jacobs’ claimed to be ‘a landscape artist [who] also drove trucks’.<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref> In Brighton, he presented an elaborated story on how he would do the front of corporate head quarters of companies that would want exactly the same design at their offices, for instance in Edinburgh and Bristol. He would use this as an explanation for the periods of time he was away. However, as he befriended an activist who was in landscaping too, he changed his said-occupation into truck driver and gave away his tools.<ref name = brighton>Interview with group of activists in Brighton, URG, 2 October 2014</ref>

Following his relocation to Cardiff, he had refined his legend and presented himself as a truck driver who spent his time ‘hauling boxes of shopping catalogues around the country’.<ref name="ABK085p228">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p228.</ref> This part of his cover seems to have been meticulously prepared:

:He would spend hours explaining how he had executed complicated reversing manoeuvres, parking HGV trucks in parking bays ‘designed for Tonka cars’. He had a permanently suntanned right forearm, which friends noticed was noticeably browner than the left, even during the winter. It was, he said, the result of having one arm constantly rested on the truck door by the window...Jacobs talked so much about truck driving he became annoying.<ref name="ABK085p228"></ref>

===Domicile===

Whilst in Brighton, he lived in ‘a house close to Elm Grove,’<ref name="IM4.003"/> a high density neighbourhood within the city with a large transient population due to large numbers of houses of multiple occupancy (HMOs) and popularity with students.<ref name="Elm Grove HMOs">Planning & Public Protection, Information & Mapping, [http://present.brighton-hove.gov.uk/Published/C00000120/M00003230/AI00026371/$20120306163530_001865_0006177_Appendix2HanoverandElmGroveHMOandStudentHousingDensity.pdfA.ps.pdf ‘HMO & Student Housing Density: Hanover & Elm Grove Ward’], Brighton & Hove City Council website, November 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref>

Activists in Brighton remember the flat as 'sparse' and 'clean', with just a Bob Marley poster on the wall. ‘Looks like the place of a copper’ someone said, but by the time that was a running gag - activists say in hindsight.<ref name = brighton/>

In Cardiff ‘Jacobs’ rented a first floor apartment ‘near Roath Park, on the fringe of the student area.’ According to CAN activist ‘Janine’ the flat was barely furnished and ‘entirely without personality,’ with ‘no photographs or anything else that you would have by the time you were in your 40s.’<ref name="ABK085p228"></ref>

===Personality===

Cardiff activist ‘Janine’ describes ‘Jacobs’ as ‘Big, burly, brash and blokey,’<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref>, an assessment echoed elsewhere, including the Cardiff Anarchist Network statement about him, which described the by-now exposed undercover policeman as ‘likeable, personally supportive, funny and very useful to have around’.<ref name="BG4.004">Cardiff Anarchist Network, [http://southwalesanarchists.wordpress.com/2011/01/19/statement-from-cardiff-anarchist-network-can-on-the-infiltration-by-mark-%E2%80%98marco%E2%80%99-jacobs/ ‘Statement on the infiltration by Mark ‘Marco ’ Jacobs’], South Wales Anarchists website, 19 January 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

Several people have noted his use of humour. ‘Verity Smith’ has suggested that ‘he hid behind this sort of amiable clown thing, he made a joke of everything, deflected everything’.<ref name="ABK118ch17pp280">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p280.</ref> Another unnamed source posed a rhetorical question to regional newspaper ''Wales On Sunday'': “If they can send a bloke cracking jokes into your life, who will they send next time?”<ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref>

His legend included a messy breakup from a relationship with a woman who abused him. At the time this seemed a believable story, but some people had questions about Jacobs' claims - merely his size and weight made it not very likely that he would end up as the beaten one. In general, his attempt to position himself as a vulnerable person did not really work.<ref name = brighton/>

Publicly available accounts of his time in Brighton suggest that despite his best efforts he remained something of an outsider to the city's activist scene.<ref name="IM4.003"/> Evans and Lewis claim that he had “few friends” there; their book contains recollections about ‘Jacobs’ from one of these, called ‘Terry’.<ref name="ABK085pp226-227">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, pp226-227.</ref> Some people even felt sorry for him, he was trying so hard to fit in, but failed.<ref name = brighton/>
====Changing the mood at meetings====
Several accounts note that ‘Jacobs’ regularly used a number of idiosyncratic phrases.

The pen portrait of his time in Brighton by ‘Dick Tracy’ notes that ‘Jacobs’ was in the habit of ‘making sarcastic comments in social situations and meetings,’ adding that this ‘may have been an attempt to disrupt activist organising’.<ref name="IM4.003"/>The Cardiff Anarchist Network monograph appears to echo this last supposition, stating that he ‘changed the culture of the organisation, encouraging a lot of drinking, gossip and back-stabbing.’<ref name="BG4.004">Cardiff Anarchist Network, [http://southwalesanarchists.wordpress.com/2011/01/19/statement-from-cardiff-anarchist-network-can-on-the-infiltration-by-mark-%E2%80%98marco%E2%80%99-jacobs/ ‘Statement on the infiltration by Mark ‘Marco ’ Jacobs’], South Wales Anarchists website, 19 January 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

An otherwise brief FITwatch blog post<ref name="BG4.002">Really Fit, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110504052846/http://www.fitwatch.org.uk/2011/01/18/more-pictures-of-undercover-cop-marco/ ‘More pictures of undercover cop 'Marco'’], ''FITwatch'' blog, 18 January 2011 (accessed via 4 May 2011 archive.org cache, 27 August 2014).</ref> lists a number of the catchphrases often used by ‘Jacobs’:
::little phrases that were used frequently to deflect question or discussion, or to lighten situations. ‘Dear diary...’ he'd say when we'd be discussing the days/weeks happenings. ‘And relax...’ at the end of meetings or stressful conversations. Everything was ‘dinky do’. He'd do a ‘welfare check’ to see how you were, and generally things were ridic/hillar/bloody marv. Other people's witticisms were greeted with ‘did you see what he did there?’. And that's a ‘negadive’ (negative) or ‘check’.

Based on their interviews with activists who knew ‘Jacobs’, Evans and Lewis claim that he ‘liked to adopt the persona of a Northern [English] comedian.’<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref>

In a similar vein, he would produce spoof minutes from meetings (mentioned in the context of Jacobs taking minutes of Dissent meetings before the G8 summit in Glenneagles).<ref name = brighton/>

====Attitudes towards and promotion of violence====
According to Evans and Lewis, during his time in Brighton ‘Jacobs’ “boasted about getting into pub brawls”<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref>. One story is a bit more specific, Jacobs claimed to have gone back to Northampton to meet and old mate, and ended up receiving a beating in a pub fight. In hindsight this story did not add up with Jacobs' claims of coming to Brighton because he needed a clean break from his old life.<ref name = brighton/>

By the time he surfaced in Cardiff he claimed that he had been to prison on remand, but was vague about why or what for, preferring instead to allude to a past as ‘a bit of a fighter.’<ref name="ABK085p227">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p227.</ref>

One commenter on CAN's statement on Indymedia, ‘stroppyoldgit’, claimed ‘Jacobs’ repeatedly attempted to stir up more militant or violent activity amongst activists at protests, regardless of the circumstances. In particular at a No Borders camp near Gatwick:<ref name="IM4.012">Stroppyoldgit, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472388.html?c=on#c264207 ‘@ @rchie’], ''Indymedia UK'', 3 February 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref>
::He made a couple of ridiculous interventions in the big meeting before the main march through Crawley to the detention centre, urging us to make the next day a big fight with the cops...He tried to start a gormless violence-obsessed conversation.

===Relationships===

Part of the back story given by ‘Jacobs’ is that “he was separated from his former partner, who used to physically abuse him”.<ref name="AEV040">The Hon. Mr Justice Tugendhat, [http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/judgments/akj-others-commissioner-police-metropolis-judgment-17012013/ ''AKJ and others -v- Commissioner of Police for the Metropolis and others''], High Court of Justice, Queen's Bench Division, 17 January 2013 (accessed 23 April 2014).</ref> The version put forward by Evans and Lewis is slightly different; they present it as a messy divorce from an abusive ex-wife called ‘Sam’ ('who beat him up') before appearing on the activist scene. Given that he had this name (or at least the letters S A M) tattooed on his back - subsequently covered up with a black star - it seems likely that there was a real person by this name in the life of the police officer playing the part of ‘Jacobs’.<ref name="ABK085p227"></ref>

Whilst he is not known to have developed many close bonds with activists in Brighton, an anonymous Indymedia posting claims that during his time there he “slept with at least one woman who was close to the activist scene”.<ref name="IM4.013">a source, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472391.html?c=on#c264095 ‘Another under-the-covers-cop’], ''Indymedia UK'', 30 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref> Activists in Brighton said it was a friend of a friend, and not somebody close to the scene.<ref name = brighton/>

In Brighton, he confided to a friend that he had once kissed a man, but asked for this to remain confidential.<ref name = brighton/>

In contrast he was able to “befriend people from the [south Wales] area around the country at different protests”<ref name="AUD020">Oliver Hides, [https://a.tumblr.com/tumblr_mw8csfITIP1qcw2azo1_r1.mp3 ‘Interview with Tom Fowler about police infiltration of Cardiff Anarchist Network (package)’], ''Good Morning Wales'', BBC Radio Wales, 6 November 2013 (accessed via Tumblr 13 August 2014) ([http://issuu.com/bristlekrs/docs/avt024_ts-aud020_bbcrw_2013_tom_fow transcript AVT024 by BristleKRS]).</ref> - first meeting CAN activists in 2004<ref name="AEV040"/><ref name="AEV067">Lord Justice Maurice Kay & Lady Justice Sharp, [http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWCA/Civ/2013/1342.html ''In the Court of Appeal (Civil Division) on Appeal from the High Court, QBD - Mr Justice Tugendhat HQ12X00132 before LJ Maurice Kay & LJ Sharp - AJA, ARB & Thomas Fowler -v- Chief Constable South Wales Police & ACPO + AKJ, KAW & SUR -v- Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis & ACPO''], Court of Appeal (Civil Division), Royal Courts of Justice, 5 November 2013 (accessed 28 August 2014).</ref> - and so decided to move to Cardiff. Here ‘Jacobs’ was able to ingratiate himself into several close friendships. These included:

:*'''Tom Fowler''': an activist involved in, amongst other groups, Cardiff Anarchist Network and South Wales Anarchists, and “then at the centre of Cardiff activism”<ref name="ABK085p228"></ref> He says Jacobs “became a very close friend of mine, became more than a close friend of some members of our group.”<ref name="AUD020"></ref> Fowler described ‘Jacobs’ as “privy to all of my decision-making around activism and personal relationships to a really deep level...He was like my best mate. He was the most reliable person in my life.”<ref name="ABK085p231">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p231.</ref>

:*'''Fran Ryan''': A vegan baker introduced to ‘Jacobs’ by Tom Fowler, Fran Ryan was then 50 and “not herself politically active”, but she “quickly formed a rapport with the undercover police officer.” ‘Jacobs’ even tried (unsuccessfully) to get her to accompany him to a “meeting of European animal rights activists in Vienna”, before she agreed instead to go with him to an animal rights gathering in Essex.<ref name="ABK085p232-233">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p232-233.</ref>

‘Jacobs’ is also known to have had sexual relationships with at least two activists amongst the groups he spied upon.

:*'''‘Sarah’''': In the summer of 2007, ‘Jacobs’ began a sexual relationship with ‘Sarah’, then 26 years old, and well-connected in activist circles, after they returned from Germany where they had taken part in the anti-G8 Heiligendamm summit protests. The relationship, which only lasted “a few weeks”, was built on a close friendship the two had developed over the previous few years, and began at the prompting of ‘Jacobs’, who had initially suggested that they “take their relationship further” two months before the G8.<ref name="ABK085p231-232">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p231-232.</ref> (Note that previously ''The Guardian'' had reported that this relationship had taken place in 2008 and lasted three months.<ref name="GN4.001"></ref>)

:*'''‘Deborah’''': In 2009, when she was in a relationship with Tom Fowler, ‘Deborah’ father was terminally ill with cancer. In Fowler's words, ‘Jacobs’ “put himself in the middle of that [relationship]...[and] acted as a father figure to her.” Simultaneously he behaved as a confidant to Fowler, who told him about his and ‘Deborah’s relationship troubles. When her father died, ‘Jacobs’ attended the funeral. According to Evans and Lewis he “offered her a shoulder to cry on...[then] tried to seduce her”. Initially ‘Deborah’ turned him down, but eventually they embarked on a brief sexual relationship after ‘Jacobs’ told her that he loved her. Then, “believing she was about to begin a serious relationship with the truck driver,” she broke up with Fowler, only for ‘Jacobs’ to suddenly lose interest. <ref name="ABK085p231">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p231.</ref> 'Deborah' gives a detailed account of the relationship on the 'Police Spies Out of Lives' website<ref> 'Deborah', [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/our-stories/deborahs-story/ Deborah's Story] Police Spies Out of Lives, undated, (accessed 12 March 2020).</ref> and in a Channel 4 News Interview in 2016.<ref> Simon Israel, [https://www.channel4.com/news/undercover-police-in-welsh-anarchist-group Undercover police in Welsh anarchist group] Channel 4 News, 19 December 2016 (accessed 12 March 2020).</ref>

The circumstances of the efforts by ‘Jacobs’ to interpose himself into the lives of activists in Cardiff, and to pursue intimate sexual relationships with targets, has subsequently been the focus of legal action taken by Fowler, ‘Sarah’ and ‘Deborah’ (see [[Marco Jacobs (alias)#Court_cases|court cases section]] below).

* Update: In his application for anonymity over his real name in the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this profile was cited and Jacobs denied having the relationships.<ref name="rev.open.app.21Mar18"/>

===Habits, tastes and interests===
This section is pieced together from details noted in the various accounts of ‘Jacobs’' activities, and as such cannot be considered to be either comprehensive or definitive.

====Music====
‘Jacobs’ professed a passion for rock music, and used going to out-of-town gigs - purportedly with friends not from the activist scene - as a pretext for absences from Cardiff.<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/> A “heavy metal CD collection” is said to have filled the floor of his otherwise spartan Cardiff flat.<ref name="ABK085p229">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p229.</ref> Activist Tom Fowler recalled how the two of them would go to punk gigs in Newport.<ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref>

His MySpace page<ref name="PRO092">Mark Jacobs, [https://myspace.com/cardiffmarco/ ‘Mark Jacobs MySpace profile’], MySpace.com, 2009(?) (accessed 28 August 2014).</ref> indicates that he was a fan of the following bands and artists, predominantly heavy metal or hard rock:
{| class="wikitable"
|-
|AC/DC
|Alice Cooper
|Annihilator
|Big Linda
|Chris Broderick
|Crawler
|Def Leppard
|Evile
|Fathom Down
|Gojira
|Hawkwind
|Hot Leg
|-
|The Hush
|Judas Priest
|Led Zeppelin
|Lovecraaft
|Megadeth
|Metallica
|Motörhead
|Mutant
|Nuclear Theatre
|Onslaught
|Pink Floyd
|Privateer
|-
|Reb Beach
|Sanctity
|Savage Messiah
|Saxon
|Slipknot
|Stone Gods
|Tony Iommi
|Trivium
|V-Twin
|Venom
|Warpath
|Whitesnake
|}

====Alcohol & Drugs====
Both in Brighton and Cardiff ‘Jacobs’ developed a reputation for being able to consume prodigious quantities of alcohol (“a notorious ability to drink huge quantities of alcohol without becoming drunk,” say Evans and Lewis).<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref> Cardiff activist Tom Fowler notes that one catchphrase of ‘Jacobs’ was “Strong European lager is my drug of choice.”<ref name="GN4.002">Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-mark-jacobs ‘Undercover police: Officer B identified as Mark Jacobs’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK085p229">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p229.</ref>

In Brighton, he regularly attended the Cowley Club, an anarchist social centre. He is said to “treated the Cowley bar as his regular,” boasting how much he could drink and was “often generous in buying rounds,”.<ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="ASL219">unknown author, [http://www.roughmusic.org/rm25.html ‘Undercover cop: Brighton's very own pig in a blanket’], ''Rough Music'' #25, February/March 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref>

In Cardiff his reputation for heavy drinking continued, something noted in the CAN account of his time there, which points towards him “encouraging a lot of drinking”.<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

Activist ‘Verity Smith’ commented on this aspect of him:<ref name="ABK118ch17p278">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p278.</ref>
: He would be down the pub all the time, he would always have money for drinks, he would be very keen to encourage people to go out drinking with him and used that time to really probe people on what they thought and what their attitudes were and what their opinions were, what their vulnerabilities were. I also think he wanted to instil a drinking culture that automatically excluded those people who were not part of that party scene - because they were working or because they had children or because they were not of that age group or whatever.

His capacity for drink was even noticed overseas, such as at the 2007 anti-G8 Heiligendamm protests in Germany.<ref name="ASL194">Veit Medick, Sven Röbel & Marcel Rosenbach, [http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-78602546.html ‘Maulwürfe im Milieu’], ''Der Spiegel'', 23 May 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014): the article notes that “At Heiligendamm [G8 summit in June 2007] about ten foreign police officers were deployed besides Kennedy, including a Welsh colleague with the alias ‘Marco Jacobs’, a supposed truck driver from Cardiff who attracted attention at the Baltic Sea activist camp with his drinking ability. In return, German authorities also sent their undercover officers around the world. The Berlin State Criminal Police Office alone sent five officers to the 2005 G8 protests in Gleneagles, each of whom was accompanied by a liaison officer, who served as a contact person to receive reports from the moles in the movement.” (Translation: BristleKRS)</ref>

The main accounts detailing his activities suggest that ‘Jacobs’ did not consume (illegal) drugs.<ref name="UNDERCOVER">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013.</ref><ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="GN4.002">Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-mark-jacobs ‘Undercover police: Officer B identified as Mark Jacobs’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>

====Food & diet====
It is perhaps of note that whilst trying to infiltrate the activist milieu in Brighton - where it is received wisdom that he was less successful in penetrating networks - ‘Jacobs’ remained a meat-eating outsider,<ref name="ABK085p226"/> but that by the time he more successfully worked his way into the Cardiff scene he had become vegan.<ref name="ABK085p227"/>


==Activist modus operandi, undercover tradecraft==

===Target groups===
Whilst undercover, ‘Marco Jacobs’ infiltrated (or attempted to infiltrate) a considerable number of political campaigns. He is known to have involved (or attempted to involve) himself in the following networks, groups, issues or tactics:

*Animal rights networks<ref name="ABK118ch17pp280"/>, including Swansea Animal Rights<ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.002">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/BETRAYED+BY+AN+UNDERCOVER+COP.-a0247258248 ‘Betrayed by an undercover cop’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.006">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/UNDERCOVER+COP%27S+%27SEX+BETRAYAL%27.-a0340709999 ‘Undercover cop's ‘sex betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 25 August 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref>
*Anti-Metrix/RAF St Athan Defence Academy<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="ABK118ch17pp278">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), pp278.</ref>
*Black Bloc<ref>Note: Strictly speaking, a tactic rather than a group - though indicates that Jacobs associated with those willing to adopt confrontational tactics at mobilisations.</ref><ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>
*Camp Bling<ref name="IM4.003"/>
*Camp for Climate Action<ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="ABK118ch17pp278">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), pp278.</ref>
*Cardiff Anarchist Network<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.002">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/BETRAYED+BY+AN+UNDERCOVER+COP.-a0247258248 ‘Betrayed by an undercover cop’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.006">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/UNDERCOVER+COP%27S+%27SEX+BETRAYAL%27.-a0340709999 ‘Undercover cop's ‘sex betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 25 August 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref>
*Cowley Club<ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="ABK085p226">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p226.</ref><ref name="ABK085p243">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p243.</ref>
*Dissent! Network<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>
*Eat Out Vegan Wales<ref name="AWB063">Eat Out Vegan Wales, [http://www.eatoutveganwales.org/ ‘Home page’], ''Eat Out Vegan Wales'' website, accessed 30 August 2014.</ref><ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.002">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/BETRAYED+BY+AN+UNDERCOVER+COP.-a0247258248 ‘Betrayed by an undercover cop’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.006">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/UNDERCOVER+COP%27S+%27SEX+BETRAYAL%27.-a0340709999 ‘Undercover cop's ‘sex betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 25 August 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK085p232">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p232.</ref>
*Gwent Anarchists<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.002">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/BETRAYED+BY+AN+UNDERCOVER+COP.-a0247258248 ‘Betrayed by an undercover cop’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.006">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/UNDERCOVER+COP%27S+%27SEX+BETRAYAL%27.-a0340709999 ‘Undercover cop's ‘sex betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 25 August 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref>
*Heiligendamm G8 protests<ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="ASL194"></ref><ref name="AEV064"></ref><ref name="ABK085p232">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p232.</ref><ref name="IM4.005"> @rchie, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472388.html?c=on#c263319 ‘Hey stroppygit and folk from brighton.’], ''Indymedia UK'', 20 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK118ch17pp277">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p277.</ref>
*KTS Autonomous Centre<ref name="IM4.009">Nachtermittlungen, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472122.html ‘Schweine in zivii’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref>
*Milford Haven anti-LNG pipeline<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>
*No Borders<ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="IM4.012">Stroppyoldgit, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472388.html?c=on#c264207 ‘@ @rchie’], ''Indymedia UK'', 3 February 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK118ch17pp278">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), pp278.</ref> and in particular No Borders South Wales<ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.002">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/BETRAYED+BY+AN+UNDERCOVER+COP.-a0247258248 ‘Betrayed by an undercover cop’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.006">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/UNDERCOVER+COP%27S+%27SEX+BETRAYAL%27.-a0340709999 ‘Undercover cop's ‘sex betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 25 August 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref>
*No To NATO<ref name="IM4.005"/>
*Pembrokeshire Anarchists<ref name="WO4.001">unknown author, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/welsh-protest-groups-infiltrated-police-1859796 ‘Welsh protest groups infiltrated by police undercover officers talk of their feeling of bitterness and betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.002">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/BETRAYED+BY+AN+UNDERCOVER+COP.-a0247258248 ‘Betrayed by an undercover cop’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 23 January 2011 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.003">James McCarthy, [http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/spying-case-against-met-police-2497533 ‘‘Spying’ case against Met Police to be heard in secret’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.004">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/%27An+outrage+that+case+will+be+held+in+secret%27.-a0315293456 ‘‘An outrage that case will be held in secret’’], ''South Wales Echo'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.005">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Anarchist+slams+court+ruling+on+secret+trial%3B+CLAIMS+WOMEN+WERE...-a0315297029 ‘Anarchist slams court ruling on secret trial: Claims women were tricked into sex with police’], ''Western Mail'', 18 January 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref><ref name="WO4.006">James McCarthy, [http://www.thefreelibrary.com/UNDERCOVER+COP%27S+%27SEX+BETRAYAL%27.-a0340709999 ‘Undercover cop's ‘sex betrayal’], ''Wales On Sunday'', 25 August 2013 (accessed via TheFreeLibrary 29 August 2014).</ref>
*Rising Tide Network<ref name="GN4.002">Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-mark-jacobs ‘Undercover police: Officer B identified as Mark Jacobs’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.004">ABC Anarres, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472363.html ‘Three undercover political Police unmasked as infiltrators into UK Anarchist, Anti-Fascist and Climate Justice movements’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>
*St. Petersburg G8 mobilisation and planning<ref name="ABK118ch17pp277"/>
*Smash EDO<ref name="IM4.003"/>
*South Wales Anarchists<ref name="AUD020">Oliver Hides, [https://a.tumblr.com/tumblr_mw8csfITIP1qcw2azo1_r1.mp3 ‘Interview with Tom Fowler about police infiltration of Cardiff Anarchist Network (package)’], ''Good Morning Wales'', BBC Radio Wales, 6 November 2013 (accessed via Tumblr 13 August 2014) ([http://issuu.com/bristlekrs/docs/avt024_ts-aud020_bbcrw_2013_tom_fow transcript AVT024 by BristleKRS]).</ref><ref name="BG4.004"></ref>

According to applications for anonymity made on his behalf in the Undercover Policing Inquiry:<ref name="open.app.31Oct16">[Open Application on behalf of Marco Jacobs EN1 for restriction orders], ''Slater & Gordon'' (solicitors), 31 October 2016 (released by Undercover Policing Inquiry 9 July 2018).</ref>
::The object of [Jacobs'] deployment was to gather intelligence on a number of loosely affiliated left-wing, climate change and anarchist groups and individuals who may have been involved in planning violent protests targeted at the G8 Summit to be held in Scotland in 2005. To that end he was deployed to infiltrate the Brighton Dissent Group in Sussex in 2004, and subsequently similar groups, including the Cardiff Activist Network in Cardiff. In the years of his deployment (2004 to 2009) [he] attended a number of protests in the UK and elsewhere in Europe.

In a revised open application, this is changed to:<ref name="rev.open.app.21Mar18">[Open Application on behalf of Marco Jacobs EN1 for restriction orders], ''Slater & Gordon'' (solicitors), 21 March 2018, open version prepared 17 May 2018 (released by Undercover Policing Inquiry 9 July 2018).</ref>
:EN1 infiltrated a number of extreme left wing groups and investigated the activities of [redacted] an animal rights extremist with a history of violence including the use of explosives.

===Notable activity===

During his deployment, ‘Marco Jacobs’ engaged in a number of activities which enabled him to get close or closer to other activists and their decision-making processes. These included:

*Attending protests<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

*Taking minutes at meetings<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="ABK085p229">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p229.</ref><ref name = brighton/>

*Writing, editing and distributing newsletters<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

*Participating in direct action<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

*Use of practical skills such as driving<ref name="IM4.003"/> <ref name="BG4.004"/><ref name="IM4.002"/>

*Being a point of contact for groups, particularly in international networks<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="IM4.010">someone from Paris, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472122.html?c=on#c262826 ‘please forward evidence..’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 19 August 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.006">acrosthechannel, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472162.html?c=on#c263083 ‘Mark and Marcos were at a dissent meeting in Strasbourg in January 2009’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.007">alsoacrossthechannel, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472162.html?c=on#c263109 ‘marco was at 2 meetings in strasbourg’], ''Indymedia UK'', 18 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK118ch17pp277-280">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p277-280.</ref>

*Participation in protest and direct action activities overseas (‘summit-hopping’)<ref name="ASL194"></ref><ref name="IM4.006">acrosthechannel, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472162.html?c=on#c263083 ‘Mark and Marcos were at a dissent meeting in Strasbourg in January 2009’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="IM4.007">alsoacrossthechannel, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472162.html?c=on#c263109 ‘marco was at 2 meetings in strasbourg’], ''Indymedia UK'', 18 January 2011 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="AEV064">Andrej Hunko, [http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/837we04.htm ‘Information on sexual relationships by British undercover investigators in Germany/information for the individuals affected’], written evidence to Home Affairs Committee, Parliament.uk, February 2013 (accessed 18 August 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK118ch17pp277-280"/>

* Taking pictures of protest (reportedly brought a camera to the G8 summit in Heiligendamm)<ref name = brighton/>

===Offences believed to have been committed===

'Jacobs' is known to have been arrested with others on two occasions following doing actions; both times his house was apparently raided, as were the homes of those arrested with him. The first is circa 2004-2005, in Brighton, when he and two others were arrested for fly-positing in the run up to the G8.<ref name="IM4.003"/> The second was circa 2006-2007, when he was arrested during pipeline action at Milford Haven.<ref name="IM4.003"/><ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

There is also an account of him driving with out-of-date insurance.<ref name="ABK085p233">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p233.</ref>

===Exfiltration===
In common with other undercover officers who have been unmasked, ‘Jacobs’ appears to have had an exit strategy which saw him preparing those around him for his impending departure, albeit one which apparently played out only over a matter of weeks rather than months, as seems to have been the case with others before him. In effect, he announced that he had been offered a job as a gardener in Corfu<ref name="ABK085p234">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p234.</ref><ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/><ref name="CYPRUS">It should be noted that one published source has ‘Jacobs’' job as being on Cyprus rather than Corfu - see Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p281.</ref>, and shortly afterwards left from Cardiff. Contact with several activists in Cardiff was maintained for a few weeks, but then dried up.<ref name="BG4.004"/><ref name="IM4.002"/>

==Exposure and post-exposure issues==
Accounts of the undercover tour of ‘Marco Jacobs’ have repeatedly made mention of how at various times he was suspected of being, if not necessarily a policeman, then certainly something other than a committed political activist. However, despite such suspicions, he remained able to continue his undercover deployment until - it seems - his tour came to a natural conclusion and he was exfiltrated. He was not fully exposed as a police infiltrator until January 2011 - nearly a year and a half after he left Cardiff in August 2009.

===Early suspicions in Brighton===
‘Marco Jacobs’ had been suspected of being a police officer by a number of activists at different times. According to the Indymedia account of his time in Brighton, “From the beginning there were suspicions about Marco - In fact he used to joke that everyone thought he was a cop.”<ref name="IM4.003">Dick Tracy, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472391.html ‘An account of Marco Jacobs' time in Brighton’], ''IndyMedia UK'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>

The ''Guardian'' journalists' ''Undercover'' book supports this: “activists in Brighton say they became suspicious.” In their account, even ‘Terry’, one of the few to call themselves a friend of ‘Jacobs’ during his Brighton phase, recalls that “The word was, that man is a copper, everyone knows he is a copper...It was something about his deportment that just screamed ‘pig’ to some people.”<ref name="ABK085p226"></ref> According to ‘Terry’, less than a year into his deployment ‘Jacobs’ asked him “‘Everyone thinks I’m a copper, don’t they?”<ref name="ABK085p227">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p227.</ref>

Considering that he was subsequent outed, activists in Brighton told the Undercover Research Group:<ref name = brighton/>
: There were rumours about Jacobs, but on the other hand: there are rumours about a lot of people. There was someone very much involved in the scene who would stand up for Jacobs, trusting him. Just because someone is different, he is not necessarily a spy - maybe he was just a bit lost in life. This may have kept people from getting together to investigate Jacobs. One reason for serious doubt was the fact that he claimed to have been involved in hunt sabbing [sabotage] - while up north nobody in activist circles knew him. In hindsight this should have rung a bell... now activists ask themselves: how could he have been involved in radical animal activism before he came to Brighton, and arriving there as a meat-eater?

===Suspicions build in Cardiff===
By the time of his 2009 exfiltration from Cardiff, doubts about him had accrued in that city as well, as ‘Verity Smith’ notes: “By that time a number of us had quite deep suspicions about him but there were such divisions within the group that we hadn’t told each other about them. I didn’t know, for instance, that a number of others in the group shared my suspicions.”<ref name="ABK118ch17pp281">Tom Anderson, ‘Infiltrated, Intimidated and Undermined: How Police Infiltration Can Mute Political Dissent - An Interview with Verity Smith, from Cardiff Anarchist Network’ in Rebecca Fisher (ed.), [http://www.corporatewatch.org/sites/default/files/MDMD%20Master%20PDF.pdf ''Managing Democracy Managing Dissent''], Corporate Watch, 2013 (accessed 17 June 2014), p281.</ref> At a leaving party for ‘Jacobs’ in August, even his closest friend in the city, Tom Fowler, joked to him that “If you disappear in a few months, you do realise that means you’re a cop, don’t you?”<ref name="ABK085p234">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p234.</ref>

For a period of time following his putative departure to Corfu he continued to exchange text messages with some of his activist friends, and sent postcards. However, these “dried up” soon after, his UK mobile phone number became no longer recognised, and his Greek mobile phone was reset to not accept incoming calls or texts.<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/> He also failed to update his social media accounts, such as his MySpace page.<ref name="PRO093">Mark Jacobs, [https://web.archive.org/web/20130508203653/http://www.myspace.com/cardiffmarco ‘Marco MySpace profile’], MySpace.com, 2010 (accessed via 8 May 2013 archive.org cache, 28 August 2014).</ref>

No more was heard from him, and as a result “suspicions crystallised, but by now he had completely disappeared.”<ref name="BG4.004"></ref><ref name="IM4.002"/>

By February 2010, the suspicions had grown to the point that the person running the No Borders South Wales MySpace account left a message on that of ‘Jacobs’<ref name="PRO093"/> (who had not updated his page in months) which directly referenced the uncertainty. It read: “Yassoo. Kalla? Dear Marco, hope all is well/you're not a cop. Al [sic] the best, Cardiff.”<ref name="IM4.014">Someone, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472122.html?c=on#c262774 ‘Comment on his myspace page’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 30 August 2014).</ref>

With no word from him for some time, a number of Cardiff Anarchist Network activists began to come to the conclusion that he had been a police spy: “at that point people’s suspicions consolidated and people started to talk to each other and ask whether he was a cop. The group got together and talked about it, there was broad agreement that we thought he probably was but we didn’t know what to do about it. People outside the group were quite dismissive and often we weren’t believed,” says ‘Verity Smith’.<ref name="ABK118ch17pp281"></ref>

===Exposure===
On 14 January 2011 - five days after ''The Guardian'' exposed [[Mark Kennedy]]<ref name="GN2.002">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2011/jan/09/undercover-office-green-activists ‘Undercover officer spied on green activists’], ''The Guardian'', 9 January 2011 (accessed 31 August 2014). This was however more than a fortnight after the ''Sunday Times'' had picked up on the story, Tim Rayment & Jonathan Leake, [http://www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/news/uk_news/Society/article484345.ece ‘7-year snitch: ‘Flash’ the activist is a secret cop’], ''Sunday Times'', 19 December 2010 (accessed 5 June 2014) after reading about [[Mark Kennedy|‘Flash’]] on Indymedia, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2010/10/466477.html ‘Mark 'Stone/Kennedy' exposed as undercover police officer’], ''Indymedia UK'', 21 October 2010 (Accessed 31 August 2014).</ref>) - the paper published a piece on its website which whilst not naming or picturing the man known to those he spied upon as ‘Marco Jacobs’, clearly identified him as an undercover police officer.<ref name="GN4.001">Paul Lewis, Matthew Taylor & Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/14/third-undercover-police-spy-cardiff ‘Third undercover police spy unmasked as scale of network emerges’], ''The Guardian'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>

It is thought likely that police sources asked ''The Guardian'' not to identify ‘Jacobs’ by work, name or photograph in the same way they did in regards of [[Lynn Watson (alias)|‘Lynn Watson’]], an [[NPOIU]] spy who was publicly exposed two days prior on 12 January.<ref name="GN3.002"/> Some people thought ''The Guardian'' “bowed to pressure from the cops to keep his identity a secret”, see Emily Apple, [http://domesticextremist.wordpress.com/2011/02/13/death-grief-and-undercover-cops/ ‘Death, grief, and undercover cops’], ''Random Reflections of a Domestic Extremist'' blog, 13 February 2011 (accessed 30 August 2014).</ref> Instead the paper initially referred to him only as ‘Officer B’<ref name="GN4.001">Paul Lewis, Matthew Taylor & Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/14/third-undercover-police-spy-cardiff ‘Third undercover police spy unmasked as scale of network emerges’], ''The Guardian'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref> in the same way that [[Lynn Watson (alias)|‘Watson’]] was at first labelled only as [[Officer A (disambiguation)|‘Officer A’]]. She was confirmed as a serving police officer by “intelligence officials”<ref name="GN3.002"/> and “senior police officers”<ref name="GN3.003">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Vikram Dodd, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer ‘Revealed: Second undercover police officer who posed as activist’], ''The Guardian'', 13/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>, with further corroboration coming in April in the ''Times''.<ref name="TS3.001">Sean O'Neill, [http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/news/uk/crime/article2992340.ece ‘Police infiltrator in fear for her life after gang cover is blown’], ''The Times'', 20/04/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

However, campaign group FITwatch, immediately published on their website a précis of the ''Guardian'' story the night before the print edition was due to hit the streets, which included naming and publishing photographs of ‘Jacobs’<ref name="BG4.001">Really Fit, [https://web.archive.org/web/20111109091239/http://www.fitwatch.org.uk/2011/01/14/marco-confirmed-as-undercover-cop-in-cardiff/ ‘'Marco' confirmed as undercover cop in Cardiff’], ''FITwatch'' blog, 14 January 2011 (accessed via 9 November 2011 archive.org cache, 11 May 2014).</ref>. The next day - 15 January - they reposted the same article to Indymedia.<ref name="IM4.001"/> A further blog post followed on 18 January, with more photographs.<ref name="BG4.002">Really Fit, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110504052846/http://www.fitwatch.org.uk/2011/01/18/more-pictures-of-undercover-cop-marco/ ‘More pictures of undercover cop 'Marco'’], ''FITwatch'' blog, 18 January 2011 (accessed via 4 May 2011 archive.org cache, 27 August 2014).</ref>
''The Guardian'' followed a few days later, on 19 January, identifying ‘Jacobs’ by name and photograph. That same day activists from Cardiff Anarchist Network released a statement about ‘Jacobs’ which was published on both the South Wales Anarchists website<ref name="BG4.004">Cardiff Anarchist Network, [http://southwalesanarchists.wordpress.com/2011/01/19/statement-from-cardiff-anarchist-network-can-on-the-infiltration-by-mark-%E2%80%98marco%E2%80%99-jacobs/ ‘Statement on the infiltration by Mark ‘Marco ’ Jacobs’], South Wales Anarchists website, 19 January 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref> and on Indymedia UK.<ref name="IM4.002">Cardiff Anarchist Network, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472388.html ‘Statement from Cardiff Anarchist Network (CAN) on the infiltration by Mark 'Marco' Jacobs’], ''IndyMedia UK'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>; ‘Dick Tracy’ then also posted the account of ‘Jacobs’' Brighton deployment to Indymedia.<ref name="IM4.003"/>

===Court cases===
Since his exposure three people from Cardiff Anarchist Network who were spied on for four years by Jacobs initiated a court action against the [[Metropolitan Police Service|Metropolitan]] and [[South Wales Police|South Wales]] police forces over the effect of Jacobs' intrusion in their lives and the distress it has caused. Two had sexual relationships with Jacobs, the third is a man who was the partner of one of one of them and was very close friends with Jacobs. However, the police responded by saying they can [https://policespiesoutoflives.potager.org/the-case-overview/legal-battles/neither-confirm-nor-deny/ 'Neither Confirm Nor Deny'] whether 'Jacobs' was a police officer, mirroring other similiar cases.

In early 2013 Judge Michael Tugendhat, summarised the case around the sexual relationships formed by ‘Jacobs’ in Cardiff as:<ref name="AEV040"/>
::Between 2005 and 2009 MJ [Marco Jacobs] formed (apparently) close relationships with all three Tuckers Claimants, including intimate sexual relationships with AJA [‘Sarah’] and ARB [‘Deborah’]. MJ instigated a sexual relationship with ARB at a time when she was in a relationship with Mr Fowler. During the course of those relationships, MJ purported to be a confidante, empathiser and source of close support to each of the Tuckers Claimants, including in relation to deeply personal aspects of their lives: he attended, for example, the funeral of ARB’s father after his death from cancer. In doing so, he exploited the vulnerabilities of the Tuckers Claimants and sought to encourage them to rely on him emotionally. None of the Tuckers Claimants would have entered into these relationships with MJ had they been aware of his true identity as a police officer.

In March 2015, the three came to the High Court in London to challenge the use of NCND in relation to their claim for damages. In a partial victory, the police said that they would not contest the assertion that Jacobs was an officer, and if damages are awarded then the police will be liable to pay.

Whilst the Metropolitan Police did not say they were dropping the use of NCND, they effectively admitted that Jacobs had been an undercover. However, no further evidence has yet been released to shine a light as to who sent Jacobs to spy, what they asked him to do, and how much they knew of his abuse of those he targeted.<ref name = COPS/>

The next hearing in the High Court in London is set for 7 June 2016.

* For more on the NCND defence of the police, see the [https://policespiesoutoflives.potager.org/the-case-overview/legal-battles/neither-confirm-nor-deny/ 'Neither Confirm Nor Deny'] page at the Police Spies Out of Lives website, by the Support group for women's legal action against undercover policing.

==Gallery==
This section brings together all the publicly available photographs of ‘Marco Jacobs’. Where known, any date, location, subject and rights information will be given with a picture.

===FITwatch, 14 January 2011===
In the wake of the first mainstream reference to ‘Lynn Watson’ on 13 January 2011,<ref name="GN3.003">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Vikram Dodd, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer ‘Revealed: Second undercover police officer who posed as activist’], ''The Guardian'', 13/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref> the following day (14 January 2011) FITwatch published the first exposé (including picture) of the man known as ‘Marco Jacobs’ - a statement put out in the name of Cardiff Anarchist Network.<ref name="BG4.001">Really Fit, [https://web.archive.org/web/20111109091239/http://www.fitwatch.org.uk/2011/01/14/marco-confirmed-as-undercover-cop-in-cardiff/ ‘'Marco' confirmed as undercover cop in Cardiff’], ''FITwatch'' blog, 14 January 2011 (accessed via 9 November 2011 archive.org cache, 11 May 2014).</ref>

<gallery>
File:Marco Jacobs.png|Undated Marco Jacobs photo
</gallery>

===FITwatch, 18 January 2011===
Four days later, FITwatch posted up additional photos of ‘Jacobs’.<ref name="BG4.002">Really Fit, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110504052846/http://www.fitwatch.org.uk/2011/01/18/more-pictures-of-undercover-cop-marco/ ‘More pictures of undercover cop 'Marco'’], ''FITwatch'' blog, 18 January 2011 (accessed via 4 May 2011 archive.org cache, 27 August 2014).</ref> Several of these photographs were subsequently used by mainstream media outlets, such as ''The Guardian'', to illustrate their articles about ‘Jacobs’.

<gallery>
File:Marco1.jpg|1. Undated photo - a cropped version of this photo was subsequently used by ''The Guardian'' from 19 January 2011 onwards<ref name="GN4.002">Rajeev Syal, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-mark-jacobs ‘Undercover police: Officer B identified as Mark Jacobs’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 11 May 2014).</ref>
File:marco2.jpg|2. Undated photo
File:1Marco3.jpg|3. Undated photo - used by ''The Guardian'' from 3 May 2011 onwards<ref name="ASL221">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans, Paddy Allen & Simon Jeffrey, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/interactive/2011/may/03/undercover-police-environmental-activists-interactive ‘Police spies and corporate infiltrators - an interactive guide to what we know so far’], ''The Guardian'', 3 May 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref><ref name="ASL220">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/gallery/2013/jun/24/undercover-police-spies-unmasked-in-pictures/ ‘Undercover police spies unmasked - in pictures’], ''The Guardian'', 24 June 2013 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref>
File:marco4.jpg|4. Undated photo
File:marco5.jpg|5. Undated photo
</gallery>

===South Wales Anarchists, 19 January 2014===
The next day, the CAN statement previously posted to the FITwatch blog was also published on the website of South Wales Anarchists.<ref name="BG4.004">Cardiff Anarchist Network, [http://southwalesanarchists.wordpress.com/2011/01/19/statement-from-cardiff-anarchist-network-can-on-the-infiltration-by-mark-%E2%80%98marco%E2%80%99-jacobs/ ‘Statement on the infiltration by Mark ‘Marco ’ Jacobs’], South Wales Anarchists website, 19 January 2011 (accessed 27 August 2014).</ref>
<gallery>
File:180px-Marco_Jacobs_-_full.png|Less cropped version of original undated photograph (See above)
</gallery>

==Resources==
For ease of reference the full list of all known material specifically relating to the undercover police officer known as ‘Marco Jacobs’ has been put onto a separate page in addition to the end notes below.
::*[[Marco Jacobs Bibliography]]

::*Also see [[Marco Jacobs Undercover Timeline]]

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

In the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]], he has been given the designation EN1 (for the N-cypher system see under [[N Officers]].

* October 2016 an [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20161031_EN1_application.pdf application] to restrict Jacobs' real name was made to the Undercover Policing Inquiry by his lawyers, Slater & Gordon. This was revised in [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/201803211_EN1_revised_application.pdf March 2018], though they were not released by the Inquiry until 9 July 2018.<ref name="ucpi.list-pr.9July2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/WEBSITE_NPOIU_MTN1-Officers_document_list.pdf NPOIU 'Minded to' officer's list of documents - published 09 July 2018], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 9 July 2018. See also associated press note: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180709-NPOIU_SDS-press_notice-anonymity-docs-FINAL.pdf Publication of documents relating to anonymity applications: National Public Order Intelligence Unit & Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 9 July 2018.</ref> The main thrust of these applications is to prevent release of details which would allow the officer's real name to enter the public domain. The revised application is made on the ground that releasing his real name would 'create a real risk of harm to him and his wife and have a serious and detrimental impact on EN1's physical and mental health'. Psychiatric evidence is cited, the officer having Adjustment Disorder which would apparently on balance of probabilities deteriorate if his real name was released, and it is noted he had a heart attack in 2018. Further arguments to protect him and his wife from media interest are also made. It also notes that he denies having two sexual relationships and he was interviewed twice (2014 & 2015) under criminal caution by [[Operation Herne]].<ref name="rev.open.app.21Mar18"/>

* 2 May 2018: it was indicated the Inquiry would restrict his real name,<ref name="cti.explan.note.2May2018">Steven Gray, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180502_NPOIU_anonymity_applications_explanatory_note.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover name of officers of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit and its predecessor/successor units], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2 May 2018.</ref> with its Chair writing.<ref name="mitting.npoiu.mindedto1.2May2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180502_NPOIU_anonymity_Minded_to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit and its predecessor/successor units 'Minded to' Note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2 May 2018.</ref>
:: EN1 was deployed against a number of groups between 2004 and 2009 in the cover name "Marco Jacobs". The risk to his safety, then and now, posed by members of the groups and their associates was and is small. Two women claim that he conducted a deceitful sexual relationship with them during his deployment and have brought civil proceedings against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner for damages. He disputes their claim. Until the facts are determined, it is not necessary to publish or to disclose to them his true identity. All relevant issues concerning his deployment can and will be publicly explored in his cover name.

::If the real name of EN1 were to be published, he and his wife would face some risk of harassment and would undoubtedly be the subject of intense media interest. I have been told that in February 2018 he suffered a heart attack which required surgical intervention and has been advised that further stress would increase the risk of a second cardiac event. There is, as yet, no medical evidence to that effect; but I accept the truth and accuracy of what I have been told. Publication of his real name and its possible consequences would be stressful events for him and might put his health seriously at risk. On that basis, the interference in his right to respect for his private and family life which publication of his real name would cause would be neither proportionate nor justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention on Human Rights ('the European Convention'). If, for good reason, the truth and accuracy of what I have been told is put in question, I will require that a medical report is produced before maintaining the restriction order which I am minded to make.

* 9 July 2018: open restriction order applications released,<ref name="ucpi.list-pr.9July2018"/> with directions that any submissions in response to be made by 20 July 2018.<ref name="mitting.directions.9July2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180709-SDS_NPOIU_direction-for-NSCPs-to-respond-to-open-evidence-and-apps.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad and of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit - Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 July 2018.</ref>

* On 30 October 2018, Mitting ruled that the officer's real name would be restricted, even from the women targeted for relationships. However, he wrote:<ref name="mitting.npoiu.mindedto2.30Oct2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/20181030-NPOIU_anonymity-ruling_1_and_Minded_to_2.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit and its predecessor/successor units Ruling 1 and 'Minded to' 2], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 30 October 2018.</ref>
:: Because the state of EN 1's health has been put in issue, I will seek confirmation from his general practitioner and, if necessary, his treating cardiovascular surgeon, of the facts about his condition, its treatment and its consequences. In the event that I have been seriously misled, I will reconsider the decision to make a restriction order in respect of his real name...

==Notes==
<references/>

Rick Gibson (alias)

2025-10-02T06:48:52Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Richard Clark / HN297|Alias=Rick Gibson|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1974-1976|Targets=Troops Out Movement, Big Flame}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 



'''Rick Gibson''' is the alias of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) undercover police officer. He was active for two years between 1974 - 1976, when he infiltrated the South East London branch of the Troops Out Movement (TOM) and took on roles at the national level in the organisation. He then sought to become a member of Big Flame, but his lack of political background caused suspicion. Big Flame found out that Gibson had lied about his background and was using the identity of a deceased child. Confronted with these finding in 1976, ‘Gibson’ disappeared; and the story was never published.

In the BBC series ''True Spies'', Peter Taylor interviewed an undercover in disguise about infiltrating the TOM. Watching it in 2002, Richard Chessum, who had founded the South East London chapter of the organisation with Gibson amongst others, thought he recognised his former comrade. He wrote a six-page letter to Taylor detailing his memories of the undercover and how he was exposed.<ref name = RichardBBC/> This letter is used here as the basis for the profile of Rick Gibson.

The cover identity and the groups Rick Gibson reported on were revealed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/> He is also referred to by [[N_officers|the cypher]] 'HN297', for the purposes of the Inquiry.

'N297 returned to the SDS later in his career in a non-undercover role.' He also worked in close protection duties at some point after ending his deployment as an undercover.<ref name="HN297.RA"/>

'''Update November 2017'''

At the November hearing of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, the Undercover Research Group revealed that Gibson had been in at least two, but maybe four relationships with women. It was clear that the Inquiry nor the police knew anything about this. The Chair immediately understood the importance of evidence that targeting women had been a practice from very early on. More detail below.

* Eveline Lubbers, [https://wp.me/p5C302-Lu 'Rick Gibson' - #spycops sexually targeted women from the start], URG blogpost, 28 November 2017.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2017/nov/28/how-a-met-police-spys-fake-identity-was-rumbled How a Met police spy's fake identity was rumbled], ''The Guardian'', 28 November 2017

'''Update February 2018.'''

Mary, one of the women who had been in a relationship with Gibson, came forward and delivered [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-statement-from-Mary.pdf a powerful statement] on what had happened to her. The Inquiry has [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180130-ruling-anonymity-Mary.pdf granted Mary anonymity]. At the 6th February 2018 hearing, the Chair decided he is going to release Gibson's real name to 'Mary' because she has the moral right to know. His real name, she got to hear in May 2018, was Richard Clark - he is deceased. More detail below.

* Eveline Lubbers, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2018/01/30/mary-sexual-targeting-was-always-part-of-the-spycops-tactics/ ‘Mary’ proves: sexual targeting was always part of spycops’ tactics], URG blog post, 30 January 2018.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/jan/31/woman-reveals-police-spy-tricked-her-into-relationship-in-1970s Woman reveals police spy tricked her into relationship in 1970s], ''The Guardian'', 31 January 2018.
* Eveline Lubbers, [https://undercoverresearch.net/2018/05/07/mary-received-the-real-name-of-spycop-rick-gibson/ ‘Mary’ received the real name of #spycop ‘Rick Gibson’], URG blog post, 7 May 2018.

'''Update February 2020.'''

On 26 February 2020, the Undercover Policing Inquiry granted 'Mary's application to become a core participant in the Inquiry.<ref name = ucpi.rlrruling.26Feb2020>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/20200126-rulings-CP_34-RLR_28-costs_27-san.pdf Core Participants Ruling 34 / Recognised Legal Representatives Ruling 28 / Costs of legal Representation Awards Ruling 27], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 26 February 2020.</ref>

''Note from Undercover Research Group: if anyone recalls 'Rick Gibson' from his time in the Troops Out Movement or Big Flame,'' [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net ''please get in touch'']. ''We appreciate that these events took place 45 years ago, and we also welcome corrections on how we have portrayed the history of the organisations mentioned.

== Deployment as 'Rick Gibson' ==
‘N297’ was deployed as an undercover from July 1974 to November 1976. In a Risk Assessment for him, the Metropolitan Police wrote: 'This was a shorter span in comparison to others [other undercovers], and cut short by compromise.'<ref name="HN297.RA">Graham Walker, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN297-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf N297 Open Risk Assessment], Metropolitan Police Service (via UCPI.org.uk), 31 May 2017 (accessed 29 August 2017).</ref> As Gibson first turned up in November 1974 (see below), the first months of his deployment may have been the period in the back office of the SDS, learning the trade and exercising his cover story.<ref name="HN297.RA"/>
==Targets==
=== Troops Out Movement - background ===
[[Image:Olivers_Army.jpg|thumb|200px|Cover of book commissioned to mark TOM’s 30th anniversary, [https://archive.fo/2Jdz6#selection-155.0-155.30 Oliver’s Army, by Alastair Renwick. ]]]
The Troops Out Movement (TOM) was a campaigning organisation set up in August 1973 a small group of anti-imperialist activists to counter the downturn of work on Northern Ireland by radical groups. In early 1972, after British Army paratroopers had shot dead thirteen protesters on ‘Bloody Sunday’, there were angry reactions across the world. Protests and marches included a 20,000-strong demonstration in London, organised by the Anti-Internment League (AIL). But by the middle of 1973, the same people were concentrating on the industrial struggles in Britain which were to bring about the three-day week, a miners’ strike and the end of the Heath Conservative government in early 1974.

As a new organisation, the TOM would be keyed into the increasing dissent about the aggressive use of British troops in Northern Ireland, and the concern about their mounting casualties. One of the founders was Alastair Renwick, who would become its Publication Coordinator and is now TOM’s historian and archivist, the author of numerous publications on TOM.<ref>See for instance: Aly Renwick, [https://archive.fo/2Jdz6#selection-159.0-159.13 Oliver’s Army. A history of British soldiers in Ireland and other colonial conflicts] (2004); and Alastair Renwick, Something in the air: the rise of the Troops Out Movement, in Graham Dawson, Jo Dover, Stephen Hopkins (eds), ''The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain: Impacts, engagements, legacies and memories'', Manchester University Press, 2016.</ref>
::We adopted ‘Troops Out Now’, based on ‘Self-determination for the Irish People as a whole’ as our two demands. Unlike the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) and the AIL, which had mainly shown the Irish face of protest, we wanted the TOM’s focus to be that of British people protesting about the use of their own troops in Ireland.

In his study of the TOM’s history, scholar Jacob Murphy shows how the TOM ‘played a fundamental role in shaping British parliamentary and extra-parliamentary responses to the Northern Ireland conflict’ in the 1970s.<ref name = PhDintro>Jacob Murphy, [https://jjpmurphy.wordpress.com/2015/06/24/troops-out-movement-1973-1977-contents-page-and-introduction/ Troops Out Movement, 1973-1977], Introduction, 24 June 2015 (accessed October 2017)</ref> It should not be forgotten, Murphy writes, that the normalisation of the relations between British parliamentary officials and Sinn Féin personnel in recent years and the peace process in the 1990s have started with TOM. He states:<ref name = PhDintro/>
::TOM was the leading organisation in the British Left campaign for the withdrawal of troops from Northern Ireland. This was evident between May 1974 and December 1975 when the possibility of withdrawal was at its zenith.
‘British Left’ refers to parliamentary and extra-parliamentary organisations who worked with or within the TOM. Apart from Big Flame organisations working within the TOM included the International Marxist Group, International Socialists, Workers Fight and Revolutionary Communist Group. TOM also worked with the British labour movement, British Peace Committee, and British Withdrawal from Northern Ireland Campaign.<ref name = PhDintro/>
Although it was difficult, TOM managed to get MPs supporting their work. The most consistent ones, as Chessum remembers, were Joan Maynard and Tom Litterick. <ref name = ChessOct/> In February 1976, they and seven other Labour MPs – Andrew Bennett, Sydney Bidwell, Maureen Colquhoun, Martin Flannery, Tom Litterick, Eddie Loyden, Joan Maynard, Ron Thomas and Stan Thorne – proposed and campaigned for a new policy on Ireland, including withdrawing the troops.<ref>The MPs stated that: ‘What the Government has done, and continues to do, is to underwrite the perpetuation of the Northern Ireland state as it was set up in 1921’ and that this ‘offers no solution’. They then proposed an alternative policy:
‘First: Northern Ireland must again be placed in an all-Irish context ... Constitutional changes have to begin to be made, which involve the people of Ireland, and of Britain. Unionists can no longer have exclusive rights in deciding the future of Ulster.
Second: There must be a clear declaration by Britain that it aims to with draw from Ireland, politically and militarily, within a limited period of time ... negotiations and actions must go side by side ... These are the fundamentals of a new policy on Ireland.... The government of Britain has positive instruments to hand if it will only use them. The ultimate solution, as it has been with other nations divided by a colonising power, lies with the people themselves. But for us the only solution lies in going to the root of the problem, which is here in Britain: in our unwillingness to actually get out!’ (The British Peace Committee produced the full statement as a leaflet 17 February 1976). Source: Renwick, Something in the air: the rise of the Troops Out Movement (2016)</ref>

=== Entry into TOM ===
Gibson appeared on the scene in the aftermath of the IRA’s Birmingham pub bombings in November 1974. He wrote to the national office of the Troops Out Movement asking if there was a branch in south-east London that he could join. The letter was very well timed. The TOM was a fast growing organisation gaining influence, as was described above. Richard Chessum, a student politically active in the Students Union at Goldsmiths College, remembers that he was already looking for students who would be willing to help set up a new South East London branch. Chessum:<ref name = CP>Richard Chessum, Draft application for Core Participancy in the Undercover Policing Inquiry, November 2017</ref>
::The new interest in the Irish situation was confirmed by Rick’s letter. There was the additional factor that, in the aftermath of the atrocities that were the Birmingham pub bombings, we knew of Irish people suffering verbal and sometimes physical assaults in the streets. Today, they would be called hate crimes. We believed that the British government policy of the time was counter productive and making the situation worse.

He had previously been involved in campaigning on Northern Ireland, in the Anti Internment League. He had been one of the main organisers of a march to Woolwich Barracks protesting against internment without trial and had been the person negotiating the route with the police. In hindsight, Chessum thinks his high profile may have made him of interest to the SDS.

=== Big Flame - background ===
[[Image:BigFlame.jpg|thumb|200px]]
'Big Flame was a Revolutionary Socialist Feminist organisation with a working-class orientation in England. Founded in Liverpool in 1970, the group initially grew rapidly in the then prevailing climate on the left with branches appearing in a number of cities.'<ref name = BF/>

For Big Flame, Northern Ireland was one of the main issues they were involved in. In one of the first pamphlets the group produced in 1975, Big Flame's set out their position: 'We oppose British involvement in Northern Ireland, and support the republican and revolutionary demands for troops out now, for self determination for Irish people as a whole, and for a united socialist Ireland'. In the years that followed motions on Ireland at Big Flame Conferences often contained the slogans of the Troops Out Movement: 'Troops Out Now' and 'Self Determination for the Irish People as a Whole'. The 1975 pamphlet [https://bigflameuk.wordpress.com/2009/06/17/episodes-in-big-flame-history-no-9/ ''Rising in the North''] was based on the analysis that: 'the origin of the situation in the north of Ireland was traced back to British imperialism and the partition of the country. The introduction of British troops was seen not as a move to keep the peace, but to contain Catholic rebellion.'

They published a monthly newspaper, also entitled ''Big Flame'', and a journal, ''Revolutionary Socialism''. Distinctively, Big Flame members intervened both in waged workplaces (most famously in Fords), in neighbourhoods (on housing issues, play facilities etc), in the social movements (especially among women, anti-racists and on Ireland) and they developed their personal politics. They critiquing both Trotskyism and Leninism, in time, they came to describe their politics as 'libertarian Marxist'. The organisation was wound up in about 1984.<ref name = BF>Big Flame created a website in 2009 after a reunion held 25 years after the group dissolved. In a pub on the Grays Inn Road, '15 ex-member came together, reminisced and discussed the very positive role the organisation played in the politics of the 70s and 80s.' Big Flame, [https://bigflameuk.wordpress.com/2009/04/03/hello-world/ Who we were], Big Flame website, 2009 - also see the many comments at the home page and this page, commenting the self-description (accessed September 2017)</ref><ref>The name ''Big Flame'' came from a television play by the same name, written by Jim Allen and directed by Ken Loach for the 1969 BBC Wednesday Play season. It dealt with a fictional strike in the Liverpool Docks.</ref>

=== Entry into BF===
Once he had established his position within the TOM, Gibson became a part of the loose network of left-wing groups in London - and this is also how he got involved with Big Flame. As Chessum explained:
::There were many of us at the time who were former members of different Marxist groups and had left them for one reason or another, usually because of the dogmatism or authoritarian ways of organising. We nevertheless agreed with much of their analysis of capitalism and felt the need to meet together regularly to carry on discussing issues in a rather freer and more informal manner. [...] Some of us were attracted by a non-Trotskyist far left organisation called Big Flame which seemed more libertarian and open-minded than the orthodox groups, and I began going along to their discussion groups. When Rick discovered this, he asked if he could come along. This he did.<ref name = RichardBBC/>
== Cover story==
=== Personality ===
As far as Chessum can remember there was nothing extraordinary about Gibson’s appearance. He was quite tall, slim and bearded, always with a relaxed expression on his face. He never saw him angry; the person he portrayed himself as being was kind, considerate and social:
:: Quite laid back. Not ever responding emotionally to things. Exhibiting a sense of humour. Laughing when we joked about the sectarianism in the organisation. Never actually criticising anyone himself. Just reporting to me factually how others in the organisation were behaving. He could, of course, have misinformed me about some things, but I never caught him out doing so. I suspect being factual and accurate was one way of getting himself trusted. Things he told me would be confirmed by others when I saw them.
Chessum considered Gibson a friend and spent quite some time with him, including socially. They used to watch Charlton Athletic occasionally and spent their lunch time together when they both worked in the same area. They did not talk about private things, such as his background. Chessum: ‘I do not remember ever asking him about it. I wonder what alibis he would have had ready constructed if I had.’ <ref name = ChessOct/>

=== Residence ===
When he first contacted TOM, Gibson gave an address in Putney, in south west London. Investigating Gibson's background, Big Flame did not manage to find anyone in the South East London groups who had been to his Putney flat. After the undercover had disappeared, Richard Chessum spoke to one of Gibson's female friends who had been there on one occasion. 'She was convinced that it was not lived in and that he was really living somewhere else.'<ref name = RichardBBC/>

Over time, Gibson hinted at moving in with Richard Chessum who shared a flat with his partner and a couple of other political activists in Burrage Road, SE18.<ref name = Richardinterv/> Chessum: 'One of the other activists who lived there was a man who made frequent trips to Belfast and actually wrote under a pseudonym (Peter Dowling) for the Republican newspaper, An Phoblacht (Republican News)'.<ref name = CP/>

And just before he was found out, Gibson claimed he had moved to south east London, giving an address there (possibly Peckham). The day after the final confrontation, Big Flame went to pay him a visit at his new address, but discovered only an unoccupied flat, without a stick of furniture.<ref name = RichardBBC/>
===Vehicle===
Rick Gibson had a car at a time when the rest of the London South East branch was reliant on public transport. One of his first tasks as the new secretary of the Branch was to drive Richard Chessum round to the houses of people who had been active earlier in the Anti-Internment League to see if they would like to get active again.<ref name = RichardBBC/>

Chessum remembers an occasion when Gibson drove him around to visit local labour movement people to sponsor something TOM was doing. 'The Chair of Greenwich Trades Council was always a good bet and very friendly, so we went to see him. As we approached his house, his car was just driving away with his whole family inside'. Rick decided to try and catch him at the next traffic lights to avoid having to visit him again.' What evolved was a chase, jumping red lights, all the way from Blackheath to Erith - about ten miles. Chessum’s 2002 memory of the incident:<ref name = RichardBBC/>
::'I'm not going to lose him now' Gibson said. I implored 'Rick, you can't do this, it's like a police chase.'
:: At the end of the journey, I refused to leave the car, not wishing to jeopardize a long acquaintance with our local sponsor. Rick had no such inhibition, walking up to him with some purpose. The Trades Council Chair had realised he was being followed and looked quite shaken by the experience. Fortunately, he did not see me. But I'm sure he was intimidated by Rick. What was the purpose of this exercise?
===Occupation and office===
[[Image:Woolwich_free_ferry_in_1970.JPG|thumb|350px|Woolwich Free Ferry in 1970. ([http://www.yellins.com/transporthistory/ferry.htm Woolwich Ferry History] Photo J. King)]]
In the summer of 1976, Rick claimed he had started work as a van driver for a firm in Woolwich. Richard Chessum also happened to work in Woolwich, he had a temporary job with the London Electricity Board whilst waiting to apply for a grant for a Ph.D from 1976, and Gibson suggested they would meet at lunch time for a chat: ‘sometimes in a local pub and sometimes, at my suggestion, travelling across the Thames and back on the Woolwich Free Ferry, which was a nice way of spending the lunch hour.’<ref name = ChessOct>Email from Richard Chessum, 22 October 2017</ref>
Chessum recalled that this so called firm ‘was in the same premises as a bank, but at the back of the building, up a wooden spiral staircase. On the top floor was an office door, and inside an office with lots of files, a receptionist, and Rick. It was completely cut off from all the other people using the building.' <ref name = RichardBBC/>

After Gibson was confronted and disappeared, Chessum went to check, but employees of the bank in the same building told him the firm had moved only a month or so before and was now based in Maidstone. When he called the number he was given and asked if Gibson worked there, they said they would find out, to come back saying Rick was out at the moment but could he leave his name and details.<ref>When Chessum first rang the number it was engaged. After he put the receiver down, it rang him back, but when he picked up the phone there was no-one there. Only the third time he got through. Richard Chessum letter to Peter Taylor, BBC, 21 November 2002.</ref>

The Big Flame investigation of Gibson (see below) discovered the company was registered as a subsidiary of Dart International, a US transport company that still exists (it appears as [http://www.dartentities.com/transportation.html Dart Entities].<ref name = BFinvestigation>Email from Big Flame people involved in the investigation in 1976, early October 2017</ref> It is not known, if the name of the company was used as a front, or whether the company actually lent its name to the SDS.
===Relationships===
'Rick Gibson' has been in four relationships that we know of.

The first short-term ones were with two women Richard knew, one active in the Socialist Society at Goldsmith and in solidarity work, the other in the Troops Out Movement South East London Branch. The women were friends sharing a flat, and students at Goldsmiths College. After Chessum found out that Gibson had disappeared, he visited them. Without having heard of the investigation, they told him they had figured out between them that Gibson had to be a policeman. They had no evidence, but had decided this the only explanation for his behaviour - always leaving before the morning, never visiting at weekends - which suggested he was going home to a wife and family.<ref name = RichardBBC/>

One of the flatmates came forward in January 2018, a few weeks after this profile was first published late November. She submitted [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-statement-from-Mary.pdf a powerful statement] on what had happened to her to the Undercover Policing Inquiry; she was granted anonymity and uses the name 'Mary' (see below). She was politically active in the student movement and a member of the Socialist Society. The first time she met Gibson was at Goldsmith College when he approached her while she was distributing political literature. He came up to her and showed an interest in their political campaign. He pretended to be new, and 'Mary' thought it was she who had introduced Gibson to her friends in the TOM in late 1974, early 1975.<ref>Undercover Research group interview with 'Mary', 18 January 2018</ref> Rick Gibson very quickly became a frequent visitor to the flat to see Mary and her flatmate to coordinate TOM publicity and planning - as well as for socialising and conversation. 'Mary' in her statement:
::At one point while he was still a regular visitor, Rick Gibson and I became sexually intimate for a short period of time. It was a rather half-hearted effort from his side, he came across as sexually dysfunctional.'
After he moved up in the Troops Out Movement his interest in the student scene faded, and Mary never heard from him again, they didn’t keep in touch.<ref name = Mary>'Mary', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-statement-from-Mary.pdf Statement to the Undercover Policing Inquiry from ‘Mary’], 25 January 2018 (accessed February 2018</ref>

Later in his deployment, the undercover officer had relationships with two other women, both of whom were active in Big Flame and in the TOM. One was someone living in west London at the time,<ref>The Undercover Research Group has only communicated with her by an intermediate; she has made it clear that she does not want to come forward</ref> and the other south London - she sadly passed away in the mid1990s.

Coincidently, confirmation for the last relationship was discovered in a book by [http://www.micheleroberts.co.uk/ Michele Roberts], a partly fictionalised autobiography called [http://www.micheleroberts.co.uk/my_books.htm Paper Houses]. Remembering her time in a shared house in Talfourd Road in south London Roberts describes the people she lived with, one of them a woman whose boyfriend turned out to be a spy:<ref>Michele Roberts, Paper Houses: A Memoir of the 70s and Beyond, Virago, 2007, p123. Thanks to Carolyn Quertango for pointing this out.</ref>

::''I remember Dina, who lived with us for a while and who was a member of the small libertarian group Big Flame, making us breakfast to hearten us one chilly morning before a Troops out of Ireland demonstration: scrambled eggs thick with bran. Who needed body armour for protection against truncheon blows? We were fortified by character armour: breastplates of bran.''

::''Dina’s lover, we discovered later, an amiable chap who ambled about after her like a devoted spaniel, was in fact a Special Branch spy, set on to her to infiltrate the revolutionary group and act as an informer. Less a pet than a bloodhound; a sniffer dog. Served him right that in order to spy effectively he had to endure Dina’s breakfast special. The Full Trotskyist.''

Roberts mentions attending a Troops Out demonstration in February 1976 which was attacked by the National Front. Later on the same page she says that Dina had moved in by that time: 'very idealistic (hence her membership of the far-left Big Flame), very gentle, very keen on wholefoods (and bran in her scrambled eggs), joined me in gardening. We produced splendid crops of marrows, potatoes, tomatoes, runner beans and lettuces.'<ref>Michele Roberts, Paper Houses: A Memoir of the 70s and Beyond, Virago, 2007, p146</ref>
[[Image:Detail minutes Gibson.JPG |thumb|300px|Detail of [http://powerbase.info/images/8/83/Rick_minutes_1976.pdf minutes by 'Rick Gibson' - 1976]. ''Archive Alastair Renwick.'']]
The author has confirmed that ‘Dina’ was indeed a pseudonym for the woman who has died. 'We shared the house but I didn't know her well at all, as she went to Big Flame meetings and activities and I went to feminist ones. I remember her as a very gentle, kind person.'<ref>Michele Roberts, email to the Undercover Research Group, 25 January 2018</ref><ref>The Undercover Research Group knows the real name of 'Dina' but has decided to respect her privacy by not publishing it.</ref>

Richard Chessum had told us about Rick's amusement when they were not given an address by Big Flame, but just told to 'meet at Dina's'<ref name = Richardinterv/> - he now wonders whether this was the house mentioned in the book. 'Certainly there were a number of other feminist women there who joined in the discussion - I had always assumed they were in Big Flame, but of course several of them could have been women who lived there and were invited to participate just like Rick and myself.<ref>Richard Chessum, email to the Undercover Research Group, 27 January 2018</ref>

When Gibson disappeared, as explained below, he wrote a farewell letter to the woman he was seeing at that point in time, August/September 1976. In it, Gibson denied he was a police spy, claiming he was on the run from the police. Richard Chessum has seen this letter, and he is sure it was not addressed to any of the four women mentioned here. Whether this means there was a fifth relationship, or that the letter was redacted remains unclear.<ref name = Richardinterv>Interview with Richard Chessum in Sheffield, 30 September 2017</ref><ref>Richard Chessum, email to the Undercover Research Group in response to the Michelle Roberts discovery, adding that Big Flame did consider themselves not as Trotskyist, as Roberts suggests, but as libertarian, 27 January 2018</ref><ref>The farewell letter written to the woman when Gibson disappeared was part of the file put together by Big Flame on their investigation, as is explained below.</ref>

=== Friendships ===

Gibson befriended Richard Chessum, and was involved in the same political activities. A political activist in the 1970’s Chessum played a leading role in the Troops Out Movement (TOM). For a time he was also close to, but not a member of, a Big Flame. Chessum background may have put him in the spotlight, and a target for Gibson:
::At the time I was a student politically active in Goldsmiths. I had in fact been a candidate for President of the Students Union. I had also been involved in a previous organisation campaigning on Northern Ireland, the Anti Internment League. In this latter capacity I had been one of the main organisers of a march to Woolwich Barracks protesting against internment without trial and had been the person negotiating the route with the police. I therefore had a high profile, which I think may have made me of interest to the SDS.<ref name = RCappl>Richard Chessum, application for core participant status, 24 November 2017</ref>

== Career as undercover ==
===Roles in TOM===
[[Image:Rick Gibson timeline graphic.png|thumb|400px|]]
Gibson did not have strong political views, rather he played a different part. TOM being an organisation with a lot of discussions and conflicts between different groups, there was a premium on trying to hold the group together. Quietly getting on with the routine work of the organisation, Rick managed not to offend anyone - which turned out to be a major asset, according to Richard Chessum. This made it easy for him to climb the ladder within the organisation, as is shown by the roles he fulfilled (listed below).<ref name = RichardBBC/>

By the end of 1974 there were four TOM branches in London, in west, east, north and south London. The number would continue to grow over the next year or so with new branches appearing in north and the new South East London branch formed by amongst others Richard Chessum and Rick Gibson. Subsequently - a central London branch was also set up. John Lloyd, who was active at the time in both the West London branch and the North London one, explains:<ref name = emailAly>Email from Alastair Renwick and John Lloyd, 5 September 2017</ref>
::There was a members meeting in 1974 in which the constitution and structure of TOM was adopted. It was to have a central steering committee in London and affiliated local groups. Officers were to be elected to the steering committee at the AGM and policy was also decided there. There were local branches set up and active before this meeting.
Chessum explains the situation in more detail: <ref name = RichOct/>
::There was a miscellaneous group of us who were independent from the many Trotskyist groups. It was easy for Rick to attach himself to us, both in the local branch and nationally. This would have been the most useful for him as we were basically running the TOM, along with Big Flame.<ref>In this group, that also included Aly Renwick, Liz Curtis and John Lloyd, the key figure was Géry Lawless. Hence the sectarian Trot groups working to take it over or at least increase their influence, contemptuously referred to us as the 'Lawless grouping'. </ref> Big Flame were the only organised group in alliance with us, though we could rely on members of the International Marxist Group (IMG) siding with us against the smaller sectarian groups who wanted to increase their influence (by which I mean the Revolutionary Communist Group RCG and Workers Fight).

So, remaining on friendly terms with everyone, but also attaching himself to the then controlling group within the TOM and volunteering to undertake work on their behalf helped Gibson to make his way up to the top echelons in less than two years (exact dates to be ascertained<ref>John Lloyd thinks it wasn't until 1975 that local branch activity took off, and that Rick joined in 1975 and by 1976 he was membership secretary. Richard Chessum is quite sure Rick joined in late 1974, and became secretary soon after.</ref>):
:* 1975: Secretary of the South East London branch of TOM. Rick volunteered for this role at an opportune moment, as according to Chessum, 'most active of us were coming up to final degree exams'.<ref name = RichardBBC/>
:* Along with Richard Chessum was joint Representative of the TOM South East Branch on the National Committee.
:* London organiser for TOM.
:* 1976: National Secretary of TOM (one of the two). In this role, he had possession of the names and addresses of all members across the country.<ref name = RichardBBC/>

===Scheming===
In hindsight, Rick also made good use of the information he gathered through talking to his friends within TOM and BF, and of the never-ending scheming between the different factions aiming to dominate the various campaigns they were involved in. Chessum:
::Most of our local meetings were in Charlton House, and we usually adjourned to a pub afterwards to discuss political developments on Northern Ireland. Rick was almost always there. There were problems with sectarian divisions in TOM, mainly fostered by organised small left groups, and Rick and I, along with one or two other independents, would often be involved in discussion about these internal matters.<ref name = CP/>
‘Political organisations of the left would decide whether to support campaigning groups like TOM. If they chose to do so, then they would make sure some of their members were inside it and working for it. Alan Hayling was one of the Big Flame people active in TOM.’ In the same vein, when TOM needed a London Organiser, people got together to discuss who it should be. Chessum: ‘It was important who it would be, preferably someone who was acceptable to everyone, but definitely from our point of view not someone in one of the more sectarian left groups.’ Feelers were put out to different people. Chessum was approached by Alan Hayling, while at the same time the wife of his good friend Renwick, Liz Curtis was sounded out from within TOM – which would put the two of them in competition. Chessum: ‘Not long afterwards Alan told me to forget about it because a decision had been taken to accept an offer from Rick to do it.’ <ref name = RichOct>Email from Richard Chessum, 2 October 2017.</ref>

Recalling discussing the internal scheming and the personal flaws of some of the key members with Gibson, Chessum says: ‘Rick may at this point have seen this as his great chance to become London Organiser himself. I wonder how much the fact that Rick had been friendly with me was a factor in him being trusted enough to be appointed.’<ref name = RichOct/>
[[Image:Heading of minutes.JPG|thumb|500px| [http://powerbase.info/images/8/83/Rick_minutes_1976.pdf Click for full minutes by 'Rick Gibson' – TOM meeting at the Labour Party Young Socialists' Conference 1976.] ''Archive Alastair Renwick.'']]
Another example of Gibson’s role in the conflicts between different factions at the time is captured in a document authored by Gibson which was discovered in Alastair Renwick’s archives. It is [http://powerbase.info/images/8/83/Rick_minutes_1976.pdf the report of a meeting at the Labour Party Young Socialists' Conference] in 1976<ref name = Gibs.report>Rick Gibson, Secretariat Convenor, Report of T.O.M. Meeting at L.P.Y.S. Conference, Blackpool, not dated, but probably referring to the conference held in April 1976. There is a reference in Gibson's report to a decision taken at the LCC (London Central Committee?) 23 April 1976. And this article in ''Red Weekly'' shows that the cooperation between the TOM and Militant was going to be an important issue at the conference, ''Red Weekly'', [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redweekly/rw-no146-apr-15-1976.pdf LPYS Conference poses the real question: How to fight the right wing], 15 April 1976 (accessed Sep 2017)</ref> that was set up to discuss the differences in views between the TOM and the LPYS, dominated at the time by the Militant group. The meeting ended in a shouting match, or to quote Gibson's summary: 'a tirade of vicious, sectarian abuse.' According to Chessum the report was written in a sophisticated way, and aimed at supporting the faction that Gibson had attached himself to. Chessum doubts that Gibson had the abilities to draft it by himself, and thinks he must have had help from TOM staff.<ref>Email from Richard Chessum, 4 October 2017</ref>

== Suspicions ==
When Gibson wrote to the TOM asking for a branch in south east London while he did not live there, this was thought of as strange but accepted as he said he had signed on as an evening student at Goldsmiths, allegedly to learn Portuguese.<ref name = RichardBBC/> It is not known if he ever went to any of the courses, but Richard Chessum remembers that Alan Hayling, a key figure in Big Flame, was working on a film documenting the 1974 uprising in Portugal then taking place.<ref name = Richardinterv/> The choice for Portuguese may have been part of a premeditated plan to get closer to Hayling in due course.

Prior to joining TOM, Rick seemed to have no political past and no Irish connections. Normally those who became active on the Northern Ireland issue were people who had been active on other things and then applied the insights they gained to Irish politics. From campaigning on Vietnam or South Africa, the focus on Ireland was a natural progression for many. For others their activity came from having Irish connections or ancestry. With Rick, neither of these things was the case.<ref name = RichardBBC/>

Richard Chessum never had many suspicions of Rick during the course of his deployment, but for a weird feeling at the beginning that soon evaporated: <ref name = RichardBBC/>
:: Ironically, when we first met Rick, my girlfriend and I had discussed with each other very seriously whether he could be a state agent. He had no political past, he really did not seem to know much about Ireland. Why was he with us? [...] Later, however, when we had known Rick for a year or two, we laughed at ourselves and felt quite abashed that we had been so paranoid as to have had the aforesaid conversation.
It was only in retrospect that conversations and incidents took on new significance.

At the first public meeting to launch the new branch, a woman from west London TOM who had recently visited Northern Ireland and met with community activists there, brought some slides which she had taken on her visit, and this was followed by general discussion. Chessum: 'On her way back to west London that night, unknown to us, she was apprehended, taken to a police station, and the slides confiscated. It was a day or two later before we heard about it from people in West London TOM. The incident greatly surprised them and us, and Rick affected to be surprised too when we discussed it with him.'<ref name = CP/>

Chessum also remembers a discussion with Rick in the pub, about who could be a state spy in TOM:<ref name = RichardBBC/> ‘What on earth would they think of us? Perhaps when they saw the infighting, they might decide they were superfluous. On the other hand, we were really not the kind of awful monsters they would have been led to expect when they were assigned to the work.’
And when Chessum told Gibson he was surprised that his [Chessum’s] flat had never been raided under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (as others had been), the undercover asked him why he thought that was: 'I told him the only reason must be that they had very good intelligence on me anyway. Rick said this was an interesting theory and agreed it could well be true.'<ref name = RichardBBC/>

According to Chessum, people who had been active in the Anti-Internment League (as mentioned above) - almost all Irish - eyed Rick 'with great suspicion, not knowing who he was, though I did introduce him as the new secretary of our Branch.<ref name = RichardBBC/>

Big Flame were indeed suspicious of Gibson for various reasons. At the Big Flame discussion groups held at the flat of a member in south London, the attendees took turns to introduce a discussion on a particular topic. Chessum: 'When it was Rick's turn, he made a complete hash of it, and there was general embarrassment all round, though people very kindly tried hard not to show it.'<ref name = RichardBBC/> When Gibson said that he was possibly going to live in Liverpool this raised another red flag, because that is where Big Flame had one of their biggest branches with most contacts to Ireland because of its geographical location. Alan Hayling told Chessum this included close connections with Republicans in the nationalist communities in the north of Ireland and making many visits to them. <ref name = ChessOct/>

== Investigation, confrontation and exit ==
In September 1976, Rick Gibson indicated he wanted to do more than just visit Big Flame meetings which were open to anyone interested, and applied for membership. This required a more formal procedure with the greater access to the inner workings of the organisation that it accorded.

Big Flame carried out 'security checks' on people who puzzled them.<ref name = RichardBBC/> They told Rick they ran a routine check on everybody who applied to join and asked him to prove who he was by providing details of his family and his schooling. Nothing checked out. The school he claimed to have attended had no record of him; someone travelled all the way to the northeast of England to check a Gibson living there - she said she had never heard of him.<ref name = Richardinterv/> Rick also told them he had worked on a caravan site near outside Harwich<ref name = BFinvestigation/> before coming to London, which turned out to be run by an Army major and his son. When confronted with these inconsistencies, Rick tried to bluff himself out. He said he had been expelled from school and had been ashamed to tell them. The relative must have moved.<ref name = RichardBBC/>

What Rick did not know was that Big Flame had by then made a more significant discovery. Having obtained his apparent date of birth they checked the registry then held at Somerset House. They indeed found the birth of a Richard Gibson recorded to have taken place in the right year, which seemed to confirm the identity of the person known as Rick. They wanted to be sure and went to look up the local records in a certain town somewhere in the UK.<ref>We are withholding specific details to allow the Inquiry to reach out to any relatives. We asked the Inquiry, on 28 October 2017, to confirm that they had notified the family. They had, at that point, not yet pinpointed the particular child's identity. We have since passed on what we had found out.</ref> 'There they found his birth certificate again and, on turning the page, his death certificate recording his demise' - not much later.<ref name = RichardBBC/>
=== Confrontation and exit ===
Big Flame were now sure he was a not who he said he was and clearly an undercover person of some kind; they speculated that he might be police special branch, military intelligence, or even a fascist.<ref name = CP/> They wanted him out of their group and the Troops Out Movement.

Alan Hayling told Chessum that they asked him lots of personal and intimidating (they hoped) questions, hoping to frighten him away.
To stop him from bluffing his way through, they took him to a pub and waited for his turn to buy a round. When he returned with the drinks, the birth and death certificate were on the table. Chessum was told 'Gibson trembled and went white as a sheet. He seemed emotional and close to tears.' Even then he claimed it was a mistake in the records office and gave them a number of his brother - which was yet another dead end. The next morning they found out his new house was empty. He was never seen again.

Gibson wrote a letter to one of the women he had had a relationship with, which Chessum has seen:
::Rick stated that he was very sorry not to be seeing her again. He denied being a spy, stating that he had once committed a serious criminal offense and had been on the run ever since, necessitating a complete change of identity.<ref name = RichardBBC>Richard Chessum letter to Peter Taylor, BBC, 21 November 2002.</ref>

The same exit-story now appears in the risk-assessment the Metropolitan Police submitted for 'Gibson' - that he used to identity of a deceased child to avoid detection and arrest. 'He left Big Flame stating that if activists could find him so could the police. He was withdrawn as an SDS UCO; the SDS management having confidence his true identity was intact.' (The reference given for this information has been redacted.)<ref name="HN297.RA"/>
The police found a further reference to the confrontation. The author is redacted: ‘In 1976 an officer (N297), targeted against the Trotskyist organisation Big Flame, was confronted with the death certificate for his covert identity by fellow members of the group. No violence was used and he was expelled from the group after a lengthy tirade of abuse.’<ref name="HN297.RA"/>

N.B. Big Flame were not Trotskyist, they were quite hostile to Trotskyism as well as Stalinism.
=== (non)-exposure===
Big Flame decided not to go public with their findings. Aly Renwick says that the TOM had realised early on that if their work succeeded in putting pressure on the government of the day then they would inevitably come under the scrutiny of the state intelligence services. Renwick: ‘To succumb to paranoia over the issue of state agents would have been totally counterproductive and indeed would probably have aided the establishment to paralyze our work’.<ref name = Aly.Tom>Alastair Renwick, communication on States Spied in TOM, August 2017</ref>

The group opted for a low-key approach, telling people only on a 'need to know' basis. While they were investigating Gibson, they had taken pictures of him on demonstrations to be able to warn people who should know. Separately from that, the whole investigation was recorded and given to one or two people in sealed envelopes, who were asked not to open them unless something happened to anyone in Big Flame involved in uncovering the story.<ref name = RichardBBC/> Someone close to the investigation remembers it slightly differently and says the envelope containing his details was primarily intended to be given to the National Council for Civil Liberties, before Gibson was confronted, as people had no idea if there would be repercussions from the police.<ref name = BFinvestigation/>

== Media mentions ==
[[Image:Rick in paper in 1984.JPG|thumb|200px|Detail on Rick from the article in ''The Guardian'', 18 April 1984']]
The Metropolitan Police’s Risk Assessment lists three ‘Compromises / potential compromises subsequent to UC posting’, in other words moments when there was a risk that Gibson could have been mentioned in the media:
:* '''1986''': The MPS has a record of Mike Hollingsworth and Nick Davies then investigating the work of the SDS for ''the Observer'', attempting to discover more about a man named 'Gibson' who had been involved with Big Flame and trying to get more details as well as photos.<ref name="HN297.RA"/> Chessum indeed remembers that Mark (not ‘Mike’) Hollingsworth came to talk about Gibson, but nothing came of it.<ref name = ChessOct/>
:* '''1989''': Geoffrey Seed, Channel 4 producer, wrote to the police to obtain the photograph of 'Gibson' that he knew to have been distributed by Big Flame.<ref name="HN297.RA"/>
:* '''2013:''' ‘In the book 'Undercover' there is a reference by ‘Peter Black’ (N43) that an SDS officer in the 1970s was confronted by his target group with his birth and death certificate. There is no specific mention of N297 in his true identity or his pseudonym but the incident is similar to the one he endured.’
The last item refers to a fragment in the book by Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, where the authors quote whistle-blower Peter Francis (then still known as Peter Black). The context is fear of being found out and Francis explains how, when he was still undercover in the 1990s, at a party an activist tells him the story of an undercover officer who was found out and confronted.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police, Faber & Faber/Guardian Books, 2013, p.115</ref> Francis at the time had also heard a version of the same story from colleagues in the Special Demonstration Squad, when it was told as a cautionary tale of the dangers of being undercover.<ref>Message from Peter Francis, 27 October 2017</ref>

However, not cited in the MPS Risk Assessment are two other investigations that indeed did lead to publication a long time before the undercover policing scandal broke in 2011:
:* '''1984''': Nick Davies and Ian Black published a series of articles in ''The Guardian'' - the second day focused on [http://powerbase.info/images/9/94/Rick_Gibson_Observer_1984a.pdf how intelligence was gathered]. One section, [http://powerbase.info/images/b/bb/Rick_Gibson_Observer_1984b.pdf ''Infiltrating agents of counter-subversion''] spoke of Gibson in particular (see picture).<ref>Nick Davies and Ian Black, ''The Guardian,'' 18 April 1984 (microfiche via the Guardian Archive April 2017)</ref>
:* '''2002''': ''True Spies'', the 2002 BBC three-part series on the work of the SDS. It was produced by Peter Taylor who had secured the full support of the Metropolitan Police after speaking to its Commissioner. Then the head of Special Branch [[Roger Pearce]] encouraged SDS officers to talk to Taylor and to watch the series.
===''True Spies''===
In ''True Spies'', one of the undercover officers interviewed by Peter Taylor talks about infiltrating the Troops Out Movement. Richard Chessum, Alastair Renwick and John Lloyd are all sure that this man given the pseudonym 'Brian' is the same person they knew as Rick Gibson.

In the first episode of ''True Spies'', 'Brian' explained how he took part in debates and chaired meetings. He recalled how difficult it was to become an expert on dialectical materialism, to learn the language and the ideology:<ref>Peter Taylor, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2642522-Transcript-True-Spies-E1-Proofed-Transcript.html Transcripts episode 1], ''True Spies'', BBC, 2002, p.3-4 (accessed Oct 2017)</ref> Brian: I wouldn't say I became a revolutionary - but certainly, there were times when I became very close to being native...

However, it is what ‘Brian’ said about friendship that convinced Richard Chessum:<ref>Peter Taylor, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2642522-Transcript-True-Spies-E1-Proofed-Transcript.html Transcripts episode 1], ''True Spies'', BBC, 2002, p.5 (accessed Oct 2017)</ref>
::They would probably feel that I abused the friendship. The fact of the matter is it was a friendship which I valued at the time, and I enjoyed, but the objective was to provide a service.

Richard remembers how he discussed a very similar issue with Rick back in the days:<ref>Email from Richard Chessum, 29 September 2017</ref>
::I once chatted to him about the likelihood of our organisation being infiltrated and surmised that the intelligence services would have a view of us as very sinister people. What, I asked, would an infiltrator make of us when he actually met us? Rick smiled and said 'Perhaps he would like you'.
<gallery>
Brian_True_Spies_1.JPG
Brian_True_Spies_2.JPG
Brian_True_Spies_3.JPG
</gallery>
''Screen shots of 'Brian' taken from ''True Spies'', 2002.''

As more than 25 years had passed since Richard had last seen the person he had known as Rick and 'Brian's' face was partly covered in ''True Spies'', Chessum approached the BBC for confirmation and to ask if he could meet his former friend again. He wrote a long letter to Taylor with detailed memories of Gibson and the investigation into the suspicions (the six-page letter is used to compile the first draft of this profile).<ref name = RichardBBC/> It was months before Taylor answered (he claimed the letter never reached him the first time) and only to deny that the officer called ‘Brian’ in the series was Rick Gibson. He also wrote: '[W]hat you describe bears no relation to what I understand to be the experience of any of the undercover Special Branch officers I interviewed or met in the making of ''True Spies''’.<ref>Letter from Peter Taylor, reply to Richard Chessum, 13 March 2003</ref>

With everything that has come out since the spycops scandal broke in 2011, we know that most of the undercover officers indeed built friendships (including deceiving women into relationships) and were often deeply trusted by their comrades.

In April 2018, the Inquiry revealed that it had not been Gibson, but [https://powerbase.info/index.php?title=HN302 the undercover officer known as HN302] who appeared in the ''True Spies'' documentary under the pseudonym 'Brian'.<ref name="hn302.additional.info.2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180406-HN302-Additional_Text_to_MPS_Gisted_Risk_Asst-1.pdf Additional information to be read with the gisted risk assessment for HN302], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry', 2018, published 8 May 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>

* For more detail on what the undercover officer said in ''True Spies'', see [https://powerbase.info/index.php?title=HN302 the profile of HN302].
* The first episode of ‘’True Spies’’ can be watched here: [https://vimeo.com/83980556 Subversive, my ass], (Brian appears at 14:00 min, then again a few times starting from 16:10); also see [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2642522-Transcript-True-Spies-E1-Proofed-Transcript.html the full transcripts].
* For more on Peter Taylor's close cooperation with the MPS, its commissioner and Special Branch, including their correspondence, see [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/true-spies-story/ The ''True Spies'' Story] at the [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/ Special Branch Files Project] website, which also includes links to the other episodes and their transcripts.

==Undercover Policing Public Inquiry==
'Rick ' is referenced by the nominal/cypher HN297 for the purposes of the UCPI. On 3rd August 2017, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf his cover name was released] by the Inquiry, along with details of dates and targets of his deployment.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: ‘Minded to’ note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref> As such he is also one of the first SDS / NPOIU undercover officers to be formally confirmed by the Inquiry who had not been previously exposed by activists in public. (However, 'Gibson' was found out by his comrades and confronted back in the days as explained above.)

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN297-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Risk Assessment] made to advise the Inquiry about his anonymity application seems to imply that not much about his mission was recorded. There is no file on his recruitment, nor on his use of the identity of a dead child:<ref name="HN297.RA"/>
[[Image:N297_deceased_child.JPG |thumb|center|650px|Detail from [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN297-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN297 Risk Assessment]]]

The Metropolitan Police have applied to have his [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN297-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf real name restricted] by the Inquiry,<ref name = HN297.Appl>MPS, Department of Legal Services, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN297-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf Application for a restriction Order (Anonymity) re: HN297], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 3 July 2017 (accessed 30 August 2017).</ref> although the redacted Risk Assessment states 'threat considerations' are 'not applicable as N297 is deceased'.<ref name="HN297.RA"/> The Chair, John Mitting, has indicated he is [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf ‘minded to’ grant the application],<ref>John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], UCPI, 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 Oct 2017)</ref> because the publication of his real name would 'be likely to interfere with the right of his widow'.<ref name="HN297.RA"/>
::'As in the case of the living officers cited above it is unlikely that the publication of his real name would prompt the giving or production of evidence necessary to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. It would be likely to interfere with the right of his widow.'

At the November 2017 hearing of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, the Undercover Research Group revealed that Gibson had been in at least two, but maybe four relationships with women. It was clear that the Inquiry nor the police knew anything about this. Mitting agreed that this ‘puts a very different complexion on matters.’ He was quick to realise the importance of the revelation, since Gibson’s deployment was so early in the life of the SDS’s activities. Referring to Gibson by his code-number, Mitting added:<Ref name = UPCI144-145>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https:/www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf UCPI Preliminary Hearing transcripts], 21 November 2017, p.144-145)</ref>

::HN297 is 1974 to 1976, that is probably in the period when practices started to be adopted routinely and things may have started to go wrong'.
Regarding the forming deceitful relationships he also said, 'whether this is individual officers going off-piste or whether it is actually a practice is one of the things I have to try to get to the bottom of.'<Ref name = UPCI148-149>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https:/www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf UCPI Preliminary Hearing transcripts], 21 November 2017, p.148-149)</ref>

===Disclosure of Rick Gibson's real name===

In fact there are enough reasons to release Gibson's real name, even within the Inquiry's set of rules:
* Mitting says he feels a 'moral obligation' to disclose real names to women deceived into relationships, including specifically in this case.<Ref>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https:/www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf UCPI Preliminary Hearing transcripts], 21 November 2017, p.6, 146 and 149)</ref> In his statement, Richard Chessum testifies that he has spoken to two of the women Gibson had been involved with.<ref name = CP/>

* The risk of infringing the right of privacy (art 8 European Court of Human Rights) of the widow turned out to be a misleading if not fraudulent claim. At the hearing it became clear that the Inquiry had never spoken to the widow of HN297; Mitting admitted he had no statement from her on file.<Ref name = UPCI148-149/> It is important to note that the Chair had accepted the claim in the Metropolitan Police's Risk Assessment that the publication of his real name would 'be likely to interfere with the right of his widow'<ref name="HN297.RA"/> without any further checking.

* Mitting tends to disclose the real names of officers who, after their deployment as an undercover, took on a managerial role with the SDS. The Risk Assessment states that 'N297 returned to the SDS later in his career in a non-undercover role.'<ref name="HN297.RA"/> However, at the hearing the Counsel for the Metropolitan Police mr Hall QC claimed that they had still not worked out whether Gibson had been a manager: 'Our current view is that he was not a manager, although there are indications the other way.'<Ref name = UPCI148-149/>

* In the context of wanting to go to the bottom of when things started to go wrong, as mentioned above, Mitting suggested that 'the public interest in publishing becomes much more compelling.'<Ref name = UPCI148-149/>

However, after the hearing [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Mitting decided] 'to wait for further information on HN297 from the non-state core participants' - from those spied upon.<ref>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry,5 December 2017 (accessed February 2018)</ref> This means that instead of releasing the real name to allow others to come forward, such as possible former colleagues who might know more about Gibson's career, indications that something 'went wrong' are not enough for the Inquiry to take action. And despite the 'moral obligation' to deceived women, the latter first need to come forward to ask for disclosure in person. (By implication, this means that indirect evidence - in this case that of Richard Chessum who had spoken to two of the women - is not enough for Mitting.) And the Inquiry does not actively look for women deceived by undercovers until now.

In January 2018, Mary, one of the women who had been in a relationship with Gibson, came forward and delivered [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-statement-from-Mary.pdf a powerful statement] on what had happened to her. The Inquiry has [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180130-ruling-anonymity-Mary.pdf granted Mary anonymity], and at the 5th February 2018 hearing, the Chair decided he is going to release Gibson's real name to 'Mary' because she has the moral right to know. He also said that in not granting an anonymity order it does not 'automatically follow that the Inquiry will publish the real name'. Rather, it means that if there is no restriction order their names will not be redacted if and when documents will be released in the evidence phase of the Inquiry.<ref>https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180502-transcript.pdf Draft transcript Hearing 5 February 2018], 5 February 2018, p98-99 (accessed February 2018)</ref> The MPS were given until February 15 to make a submission for the family of the undercover officer, though Mitting made it clear that he is not minded to change his mind on releasing the name.<ref>https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180502-transcript.pdf Draft transcript Hearing 5 February 2018], 5 February 2018. p104-107 and 115 (accessed February 2018)</ref>

On 20 February 2018, the Inquiry Chair stated:<ref name="mitting.ruling.20Feb18">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180220-ruling-SDS-anonymity.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad - Ruling], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 4 March 2018).</ref>
:: I refuse to make a restriction order in respect of the real name unless, HN297 by 4pm on Thursday 8 March 2018, the Inquiry receives evidence which casts serious doubt on the evidence contained in the witness statement of 'Mary'.

The Inquiry has subsequently said that 'no evidence casting doubt on 'Mary's witness statement was received' so the Chair did not review his decision. Gibson's real name has been released to 'Mary',<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref> just to her, which was reported and critisized in this [https://undercoverresearch.net/2018/05/07/mary-received-the-real-name-of-spycop-rick-gibson/ Undercover Research Group blogpost] in May 2018. Also in the blog is 'Mary' response to the Inquiry, questioning why it was send to her personally, and why the burden was put on her to decide whether to publish it or not.

Issues relating to the application for anonymity of Rick Gibson's real name were also addressed in: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf the NPSCP submissions] by Phillippa Kaufmann, QC & Ruth Brander of 5 October 2017<ref>Phillippa Kaufmann, QC & Ruth Brander, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Submissions on behalf of the Non-Police, Non-State Core Participants re the Chairman's 'Minded To' note dated 3 August 2017 concerning restriction order applications], 5 October 2017 (accessed 3 February 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>; [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180123-WS-Tamsin-Allen-re-HN297-amended.pdf Witness Statement] of Tamsin Allen, 18 December 2018.<ref>Tamsin Allen, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180123-WS-Tamsin-Allen-re-HN297-amended.pdf Witness Statement of Tamsin Allen], ''Bindmans Solicitors'', 18 December 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk 3 February 2018).</ref>; [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180201-MPS-submissions-for-hearing-on-5-Feb-2018.pdf MPS submissions] of 5 February 2018.<ref>Jonathan Hall, QC, Amy Mannion & Reka Hollos, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180201-MPS-submissions-for-hearing-on-5-Feb-2018.pdf MPS Submissions Hearing 5 February 2018], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 1 February 2018 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk 3 February 2018).</ref>

''For more detail see:'' Eveline Lubbers, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2018/01/30/mary-sexual-targeting-was-always-part-of-the-spycops-tactics/ ‘Mary’ proves: sexual targeting was always part of spycops’ tactics], URG blogpost, 30 January 2018; and [https://undercoverresearch.net/2018/05/07/mary-received-the-real-name-of-spycop-rick-gibson/ ‘Mary’ received the real name of #spycop ‘Rick Gibson’], 7 May 2018.

In February 2020, 'Mary' was granted core participancy in the Inquiry.<ref name = ucpi.rlrruling.26Feb2020/>

==Police line of command==
'''[[Robert Mark]], Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police''' (1972-1977.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Mark Robert Mark], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 10 October 2017.</ref>
:* '''[[Colin_Woods|Colin Woods]] 1972-1975 & [[Jock Wilson|John Spark "Jock" Wilson]] 1975-1977, Assistant Commissioner "C" ''' (Crime), head of CID Woods was appointed Deputy Commissioner in 1975 and was succeeded in his position by Wilson, who had been his Deputy Assistant Commissioner since 1972.<ref>See [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colin_Woods Colin Woods] &[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jock_Wilson_(police_officer) Jock Wilson (police officer)], ''Wikipedia'', 2017 (accessed 10 October 2017).</ref>
::* '''[[Victor_Gilbert|Victor Gilbert]], Commander of Special Branch''' 1972 - 1977, with rank of Deputy Assistant Commissioner.<ref>Ray Wilson & Ian Adams, [https://www.bitebackpublishing.com/books/the-special-branch Special Branch - A History: 1883-2006], ''Biteback Publications'', 2015.</ref>
:::* ''' ''unknown'', Head of S Branch'''' (Detective Superintendent rank)
::::* ''' ''unknown'', Head of the Special Demonstration Squad''' (Detective Chief Inspector rank)
== Notes ==
<references/>

Jason Bishop (alias)

2025-10-02T06:48:23Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name= Unknown|Series=Undercover Police|Alias=Jason Bishop|Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1998-2005|Image=Bishopprofile.jpg|Targets=Anti-war, anti-capitalist, anarchist; Reclaim the Streets, Disarm DSEi and the Earth First! network}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 

+++This profile was last updated in 2018+++



''''Jason Bishop'''' was the assumed identity of an [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover police officer who infiltrated political groups within the activist and anarchist movement in London, including Reclaim the Streets (RTS), Earth First! and Disarm DSEi. He also attended the G8 in Scotland in 2005, focusing on those who were associated with the Dissent! Network. Bishop was exposed by activists in July 2013.<ref name="Netpol">Network for Police Monitoring, [https://netpol.org/2013/07/25/jason-bishop-new-allegations-of-undercover-policing-of-protest/ New Allegations of Undercover Policing of Protest], 25 July 2013 (accessed 1 June 2018).</ref> On the 1st May 2018, it was announced by the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ ''Undercover Policing Inquiry''] that core participant HN3 was the police officer who had used the Jason Bishop alias.<ref name="CoverNames"/> 
==Deployment==

Jason Bishop's presence was first noted in 1999 by activists at a land occupation to celebrate the 350th anniversary of early-English communists [https://libcom.org/history/1642-1652-diggers-levellers The Diggers], at St. George's Hill, Surrey.<ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016">Undercover Research Group: Interview with 'Fred' 14 August 2016.</ref> However, the Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) dates his deployment starting in 1998.<ref name="CoverNames"/><ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/><ref>Christopher Hill, ''The World Turned Upside Down'', Penguin Books. 1972.</ref> Again, while activists recall him leaving London in 2004/5, the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Undercover Policing Inquiry] states that his deployment ends in 2006.<ref name="CoverNames"> Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names] 20 June 2018 (accessed 10 July 2018). </ref> He appears, like his National Public Intelligence Order Unit (NPIOU) successor, [[Mark Kennedy]] (aka 'Mark Stone') to have got himself involved himself in as many key anarchist campaigns and groups as possible (within London) at the time of his deployment (1999-2005). For instance, Bishop was involved with RTS, Disarm DSEi, Earth First!, Anti-GM activities and latterly the G8 mobilisation in 2005. In 'Undercover' by Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, Bishop's deployment is referred to as ‘uneventful’,<ref>Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, pp.196-197, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britains' Secret Police'', 2013, Faber & Faber.</ref> while in 2018, Sir John Mitting, the chair of the UCPI, said that Bishop’s deployment was ‘unremarkable’.<ref name="Note.6"/> Material presented below casts doubt on this.

==='Jason Bishop' and 'Dave Evans'===

Bishop’s deployment overlapped with several other undercover officers (see Overlap), most notably [[Dave Evans (alias)|Dave Evans]] with whom his deployment almost entirely coincided. Bishop shared a flat with him and worked with him undercover on a variety of actions. However, it seemed while Evans accompanied Bishop on actions towards the end of his deployment (G8 and Smash EDO - see below) relating to his target groups, as far as it is known this arrangement was not reciprocated by Bishop, though on one occasion he did cover for the latter, when he disappeared without reason from his deployment.<ref>AR Spycatcher, [https://network23.org/arspycatcher/2018/05/31/two-more-spycops-confirmed-by-public-inquiry-dave-evans-and-matt-rayner/ Two more spycops confirmed by public inquiry: Dave Evans and Matt Rayner] 31 May 2018 (accessed 10 July 2018).</ref> The nature of this close working relationship is thought to be unique amongst both SDS and later NPOIU officers.

==Personality==
'Jason Bishop' was said to be very intelligent, sociable and easy to get on with. One activist remembered him as: 'Very friendly, smiley, a bit of a teddy bear'.<ref name= "Interview.'Lori',13Dec2016">Undercover Research Group: Interview with 'Lori', 13 December 2016.</ref> Although, he was also remembered as someone who was often 'grumpy' - and 'controlling'.<ref name="InterviewCharlie">Undercover Research Group: Interview with 'Charlie', 2 Nov 2016 (accessed 23 May 2018).</ref> Another activist also said that they 'trusted him'. However, she later also recalled how he had a conversation with him in which he told her that he trusted another activist 'with his life'. In retrospect, she now believes that this was a ploy so that she associated Bishop with trustworthiness.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018">Undercover Research Group: Interview with ‘Tina’ 7 June 2018.</ref> 

Bishop drank, but not to excess but was someone who 'smoked dope regularly' <ref>Emily Apple,''The Canary'',[https://www.thecanary.co/opinion/2018/05/01/today-i-found-out-my-friend-was-an-undercover-cop-and-i-had-to-discover-it-on-a-website/ Today I found out my friend was an undercover cop and I had to discover it on a website], 1 May 2018 (accessed 3 May 2018).</ref> - and got you stoned.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017">Undercover Research Group: Interview with 'Jake', 5 March 2017.</ref><ref>Undercover Research Group: Interview, “Rose”, 16 June 2016 (accessed 22 May 2018).</ref> Jason said that he was a devoted fan of the band '[http://www.oysterband.co.uk/ The Oysterband'], and professed to follow them around when they were on tour.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> This part of his personality connects to his real life, as the only sighting of 'Jason Bishop' post-deployment was at an Oysterband gig in London some years later. Bishop's email address holybandits@yahoo.com is also taken from an album title by the band.<ref name= "Lori.E-mail"> Undercover Research Group, E-mail, 'Lori', 10 August 2018.</ref><ref> Discogs, Oysterband. [https://www.discogs.com/Oysterband-Holy-Bandits/master/155316 Holy Bandits] (1993)(accessed 17 August 2018).</ref> He volunteered to work at 'Workers Beer' bars to raise money for campaigning, which would have been an easy way to get to know other campaigners from outside his target group. He was also ready to help with technical-related tasks. For instance, Bishop offered one activist to install normally expensive, pirated music software on his computer. One activist recalled:
'He was the 'go to' guy for all things digital'.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/> This fitted in with his fictional job as a seller of counterfeit DVD's. In addition, he claimed he had connections with 'hackers' in the Netherlands.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018">Undercover Research Group: Interview with 'Jennifer', February 2018 (accessed 10 June 2018).</ref> 

Like almost all [[SDS]] (and later [[NPOIU]]) undercover officers, driving activists (in his old land rover)<ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/> to and from meetings and actions was an integral part of his ''Modus Operandi''. The importance of this is referred to in the [[Special Demonstration Squad]]'s [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/evidence/tradecraft/ 'Tradecraft Manual'] <ref> Andy Coles, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180319-TC-Documents_Final_Version.pdf Tradecraft Manual], pp.30-31 & pp.58, 19 March 2018 (accessed 1 May 2018).</ref> Despite being involved with a lot of anti-military and anti-war campaigning, Bishop made it clear that he was not from a 'pacifist' background in terms of his activist persona and generally avoided situations likely lead to arrest. <ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> In connection with this, he professed to prefer small covert actions and was regularly involved in direct action training.

==Background==

Unlike other UCO's, Bishop was not known to have a backstory and did not talk about his family.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/>

===Residence and Communications===

* e-mail account: holybandits@yahoo.com

* Bishop was registered as living alone in 2002 at 37, Abbeyfields Close, Willesden, London, NW10 7EF

* Bishop lived at 64 Dyne Road, London.NW6 7DS with fellow undercover officer 'Dave Evans' who infiltrated animal rights groups, including London Animal Action. This was his last known UK address, prior to his staged exit.

* Bishop also said he rented a storage unit in connection with his job selling fake DVD's.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> No address is known for this.

* Bishop gave two address relating to his supposed connection to The Netherlands:

:: 1) Sarphatistraat 230, 1018 GV Amsterdam

:: 2) Tweede Hugo de Grootstraat 76H, 1052 LH Amsterdam

::According to an e-mail dated 3 March 2005, he said that he was moving to the second address on 11th March 2005.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018">Undercover Research Group: Interview with ‘Tina’ 7 June 2018.</ref> This address was the one activists' sister 'Tina' stayed while travelling around Europe in early 2005.

* Mobile number (Netherlands): 0031623197908

===Occupation===

Bishop was a supposed seller of counterfeit DVD's. One person recalled going to his flat and seeing black bags of DVD's. He said he rented a lock-up (storage unit) in connection with this business. This is unique, insofar that his fake job involved criminal activity (though Mark Kennedy also claimed that he used to be a drug smuggler as part of his back story). This story was reinforced by his technological know-how, and that he supplied supposedly unlicensed software to help with the design of activist propaganda, including for DSEi.<ref>"Defence and Security Equipment International." See DSEi section for more details.</ref><ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Just prior to his exit he said that he trained as a picture framer, and he would be taking a job as one when he moved to the Netherlands in 2004.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/>

===Vehicles===
Bishop was recalled by several activists as owning an old Land Rover, which he frequently used to drive to and from actions and other events during his deployment.<ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/>

==Groups and Mobilisations Infiltrated==

===Reclaim the Streets and Mayday===

[http://beautifultrouble.org/case/reclaim-the-streets/ Reclaim the Streets] (RTS) began as an activist group in London:
:: Its tactics: blending party and protest, spread around the world. Merging the direct action of Britain’s anti-road building movement and the criminalised rave scene, RTS became a catalyst for the global anti-capitalist movements of the late 1990s. RTS was able to close down major transport infrastructure, while simultaneously holding parties that thousands of people attended and participated in. In 1998, 70 simultaneous street parties happened around the world.<ref>[http://beautifultrouble.org/case/reclaim-the-streets/ Beautiful Trouble, Reclaim The Streets], No Date (accessed 8 May 2018).</ref>

In May 2001, RTS was listed as a 'terrorist threat' by the [https://archives.fbi.gov/archives/news/testimony/fbi-file-management FBI.]<ref>Louis J. Freeh, Director FBI, [https://archives.fbi.gov/archives/news/testimony/fbi-file-management Testimony] 16 May 2001 (accessed 1 July 2018).</ref> According to a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/RABN-Annex-A.pdf Metropolitan Police] document, RTS was 'remarkably efficient at organising events; and "were able to deliver on their proposals'.<ref>''Metropolitan Police Counter Terrorism Command'', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/RABN-Annex-A.pdf Tactical Threat Assessment: Domestic Extremist Groups], 10 February 2011 (accessed 8 May 2018).</ref>
[[Jim Boyling]] aka 'Jim Sutton' and [['Jaqueline Anderson']] were other [[SDS]] officers who infiltrated RTS.<ref name="CoverNames"/>

After his initial appearance at the 'Diggers' occupation in 1999, Jason Bishop' then appeared on the activist scene at a 'Reclaim the Streets' meeting in 1999, which would have been held at 'The Cock Tavern', in Somers Town, London.<ref>AR Spycatcher, [https://network23.org/arspycatcher/2017/10/19/27-october-plaques-project-tour-of-spycops-sites-in-london/ 27 October: Plaques Project tour of spycops sites in London] October 2017 (accessed 5 June 2018).</ref><ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/>. Later, the RTS meetings that Bishop would have attended (2000-2001) were held in The Arsenal Tavern, Blackstock Road, N4 2JS.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/>

This was the period after the high profile [http://history-is-made-at-night.blogspot.nl/2009/06/j18-1999.html 'J18' ] (or 'Carnival against Capitalism') protest. This 'riot' was followed by a well-publicised police hunt for those caught on camera with warnings of future unrest. However, police said they were 'frustrated' as no national database of photographs existed at that time.<ref> Gary Jones, ''The Mirror'', Stop The Anarchy; Police Hunt Riot Suspects As New Rampage Looms, 29 November 1999 (accessed via Nexis 17 July 2018).</ref> 

Bishop, at his known RTS meeting, reportedly asked the crime correspondent of ''The Times'' newspaper, why he had come along rather than the political correspondent.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/> He also took part in the November 30th, 1999 RTS rally at Euston Station, which was planned to coincide with the WTO meeting taking place in Seattle. Fellow [[Special Demonstration Squad]] officer [[Jim Boyling]] was also in attendance, Bishop seemed to have been in the process of replacing him.

In autumn 1999, [http://bak.spc.org/j18/site/sundayt.htm ''The Sunday Times''] and ''The Observer'' had run [http://bak.spc.org/j18/site/guardian.htm questionable] articles suggesting that RTS had been purchasing 'CS Gas Grenades and Tasers' in preparation.<ref>Edin Hamzic and Mark MacAskill, ''The Times'', [http://bak.spc.org/j18/site/sundayt.htm City anarchists stockpile arms], 17 October 1999 (accessed 4 May 2018).</ref><ref>Roy Greenslade, ''The Guardian'', [https://www.theguardian.com/media/1999/nov/08/sundaytimes.mondaymediasection Is the Sunday Times telling the whole truth?] November 8 1999 (accessed 4 May 2018).</ref>

Prior to Mayday 2000, media interest and an anticipation of disorder - some warned of a 'bloodbath'- <ref>Lucy Panton, ''The People'', [https://www.nexis.com/search/newssubmitForm.do Riot Police Alert over Protesters' Web Ploy], 23 April 2000 (accessed via Lexis 6 June 2018).</ref> generated both publicity and a significant police response.<ref>John Vidal, ''The Guardian'',[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2000/apr/22/johnvidal Guerilla gardeners plot to reclaim the world]; On May Day London will see the latest protest by a group out to inspire opposition to global capitalism, 22 April 2000 (accessed 6 June 2018).</ref> Despite this, a 'Guerilla Gardening' protest took place in Parliament Square, in which temporary gardens were installed. The protest was largely peaceful but attracted media approbation due to a statue of Winston Churchill being 'defaced' and a 'grass Mohawk' being placed on his head, which was later to become an iconic image.[[File:Chruchill.jpeg |160px|thumb|right|Mayday 2000]] Prime Minister, Tony Blair called the protesters 'an absolute disgrace'.<ref>BBC News, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/may/1/newsid_2480000/2480215.stm On this day, 1 May 2000] (accessed 1 June 2018).</ref>

At [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=djv3ja5QhLI Mayday 2000], Bishop made himself [https://netpol.org/2013/07/25/jason-bishop-new-allegations-of-undercover-policing-of-protest// 'invaluable'] by doing a lot of the driving in the preparation for Mayday protests.<ref name = Netpol/> Prior to the demonstration, it was decided that a building was needed to act as accommodation and a resource centre for those who were coming from outside London. Both Bishop and [[Jim Boyling]] were involved with this. In order to get inside a padlock had to be removed. In the process of doing this, Boyling almost injured another activist. Once inside, Bishop helped change the locks.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/><ref name = Netpol/> He said that he was arrested for driving a van of manure to the Guerilla Gardening protest although no charges were ever brought against him.<ref name = Netpol/> A week after his arrest, an activist arranged to meet him outside Charing Cross Police Station, where he was answering police bail. Bishop's lawyer seemed excited about the fact that the police operation had been directed at 'cabinet level'.<ref name="UKimcJB".>UK Indymedia, Comments, Jason Bishop – [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2013/07/511601.html New allegations of undercover policing of protest], 25 July 2013 (accessed 6 June 2018).</ref>

On 19 February 2001, RTS organised a [https://mob.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/02/1807.html?c=on#c1851 protest] in front of Parliament took place when the Terrorist Act 2000 came into force. <ref>UK Indymedia, [https://mob.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/02/1807.html?c=on#c1851 'New terrorists' protest in front of Parliament], 21 February 2001 (accessed 10 July 2018).</ref> Bishop was present, helping a friend attach a 'Terrorist' banner to a statue of Nelson Mandela.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/>

Later, in April 2001, Bishop was involved with an RTS performance-theatre action on the day of BP's AGM at the Royal Festival Hall.<ref> UK Indymedia, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/04/3081.html?c=on BP: bye bye planet],19 April 2001 (accessed 23 July 2018).</ref>

At Mayday in London during 2003, Bishop was described within disclosed legal documents as

::An IC1 (White European} male of large build with a full beard who has been seen at Pre-Mayday meetings and at the BP AGM at the Royal Festival Hall. His most distinctive appearance on all occasions was a dark coloured baseball cap with a red peak.<ref> Legal Documents, 'Jennifer', No date (accessed 22 July 2018).</ref>

[[File:Jason-extract-two.jpg|700px|centre|credit:''The Canary'']]

=== DSEi - Arms Fair Protests===
Protests and direct action have been targeting the biannual Defence and Security Equipment International Exhibition (DSEi), more commonly referred to by activists as a arms fair, since it began in 1999 when it took place in Chertsey, Surrey. From 2001, it was sited at the [https://www.excel.london/ Excel Centre] in East London. 

Originally, Disarm DSEi was a coalition of groups which included Reclaim the Streets organisers and those involved with Campaign Against the Arms Trade. In 2001, the coalition also included the anarchist anti-capitalist group, the W.O.M.B.L.E.S.,<ref>W.O.M.B.L.E.S. is the acronym for: 'White Overalls Movement Building Libertarian Effective Struggles'</ref> another off-shoot of Reclaim the Streets, and which was then being targeted by another undercover, [[Rod Richardson]]. From 2003, Disarm DSEi was an umbrella group, with other groups, for instance, The Quakers and [http://womeninblack.org/ Women in Black], affiliating to the campaign.<ref> Undercover Research Group, E-mail, 'Jennifer', 31 July 2018.</ref><ref>Undercover Research Group, E-mail, 'Tina', 9 August 2018.</ref> There was a [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/08/276066.html?c=on large variety of activities] including a conference, as well as [https://DSEi.org/action-history/ different types of direct action,] which included trying to prevent delegates and exhibits from reaching the arms fair. Different tactical strategies were employed on different days. For instance, some days were focused on [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2003/07/273811.html Non-Violent Direct Action], which refers to those tactics of protest which are strictly pacifist.

The arms fair had always been controversial, in 2017, even the politically moderate Mayor of London said he [https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/DSEi-2017-london-arms-fair-weapons-saudi-arabia-excel-centre-sadiq-khan-cancel-a7853286.html wanted to stop the arms fair] but did not have the powers to do it. Prior to this, in 2015 activists were acquitted in court as the district judge found 'compelling evidence that illegal arms were on sale at DSEI'.<ref>Jon Stone, ''The Independent'', [https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/dsei-protesters-acquitted-london-arms-fair-illegal-weapons-sales-a6985766.html Protesters who blockaded London arms trade fair acquitted after judge sees evidence of illegal weapons on sale], 15 April 2016 (accessed 16 August 2018).</ref>

'Jason Bishop' was involved with all of the counter-mobilisations which fell within his deployment: 1999; 2001; 2003 and 2005.<ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/> In fact, Bishop, alongside a small handful of other organisers was one of the few common denominators over this entire period..<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> In 1999 and 2001, Bishop’s involvement was via Reclaim the Streets, and meetings during this period took place in pubs, next to Grays Inn Road and near Finsbury Park.<ref name="E-Mail.Jennifer17Aug2018">E-mail, Jennifer, 17 August 2018.</ref> [[Martin Hogbin]], a corporate spy who infiltrated The Campaign Against The Arms Trade, also attended the meetings, normally arriving just before the meetings ended.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/> From 2003, Disarm DSEi became an independent organising group in which Bishop was part of the logistics groups (or ‘logs’ group).<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Meetings took place at various venues from 2003, including The Swan Pub, Islington, London Action Resource Centre (LARC) and the [https://freedomnews.org.uk/ Freedom Newspaper] Offices.<ref name="Alex.interview">Undercover Research Group: Interview with 'Alex', No Date.</ref><ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/>

Bishop had many roles within these mobilisations, including facilitating and taking minutes in meetings. He also utilised his old land rover to aid the logistics group he was part of and he took part in covert actions. Again, consistent with his 'tech' knowledge, he provided 'cracked' software to those who designed the flyers and posters for the mobilisation.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Bishop attended mass days of action but remained peripheral in terms of direct confrontation with the police, or any attempt to enter the conference centre.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/>

[[File:800px-Disarmdsei.jpg|400px|right|Flyer for Disarm DSEi 2001]]

====2001====

In 2001, just prior to DSEi [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/09/10862.html on two squatted social centres were raided,] 'The Dentist Factory', corner of Great Dover Street and Globe Street and another Social Centre at 126 Tooley Street, South-East London.<ref>UK Indymedia,[https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2001/09/10862.html Tooley Street and Dentist Factory RAIDED,] 7 September 2001 (accessed 23 August 2018).</ref> Both were being used to make props and banners for the arms fair protests. The Dentist Factory had also been used to store material for the W.O.M.B.L.E.S. Bishop had prior knowledge of what the venues were being used for, though was not present during the raids, unlike NPOIU officer [[Rod Richardson]].<ref name="Alex.interview"/><ref> E-mail from 'Jennifer', 21 June 2018 (accessed 24 June 2018).</ref>

====2002 and 2003====

During 2002, in the run-up to the 2003 mobilisation, Bishop became a signatory for the Disarm DSEi bank account, thus committing an act of fraud as it was not in his real name.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> During this mobilisation, he attended meetings at a variety of venues, including the London Action Resource Centre, the Bar in the Royal Festival Hall and the offices of Freedom Newspaper in Whitechapel.<ref name="Alex.interview"/><ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Bishop advocated tactically targeting arms fair organisers Spearhead and Elsevier Reed, citing the successful Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty (SHAC) campaign group as inspiration - a group that was itself targeted by undercover operatives, for instance by [[RC]] and [[Dave Evans (alias) Dave Evans]].<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> In papers disclosed in a seperate legal case, Bishop was identified as 'Subject Q' by the police during the protests.<ref> Legal Disclosure, 'Jennifer', No date (accessed 23 July 2018).</ref>

In 2003, the police widely used 'stop and search' powers granted by Section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 during the protests. Two people who were stopped and searched took legal action against the UK government, which resulted in a European Court of Human Rights judgement which found that their right to privacy (Article 8(2)) had been breached.<ref> [http://www.statewatch.org/news/2010/jan/echr-judgment-gillan-quinton.pdf ''Gillan and Quinton v the United Kingdom] [2010] ECHR 28.''</ref> In a submission to the Inquiry, activists who are taking part in the inquiry (core participants) stated that as a member of the Disarm DSEi logistics group, Bishop could well have had 'relevant (and
undisclosed) involvement in the case'.<ref name="KaufmannBrander.20July2018.">Phillipa Kaufmann and Ruth Brander,
[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180720-NPSCP_submissions.pdf Note on behalf of the non-police, non-state core participants in relation to the restriction order applications of HN1, HN3, HN8, HN9, HN12, HN19, HN20, HN27, HN60, HN72, HN355, HN353, HN6, HN21, HN28, HN53, HN76, HN86,HN1361 ,HN87, HN101, HN102, HN112, HN91, HN97, HN88, HN340, HN354, HN155, HN106, HN44, HN65, HN67, HN80, HN90, HN303 & HN351] ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 July 2018 (accessed 17 August 2018).</ref>

====2004 and 2005====

In December 2004, Bishop left the activist scene, (see Exit section below) therefore his involvement in the smaller 2005 DSEi mobilisation was more limited. However, he returned to London, again, in August 2005, in order to join the mobilisation in September. One activist recalled how he told her that he got stopped and searched - and was threatened with the confiscation of a small black box. He told the activist that it was just a 'wifi detector', but she now suspects it was some kind of surveillance device.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Part of the arms fair included the showcasing of naval vessels. In response, activists attempted to block and disrupt this part of the exhibition on several occasions.<ref> Disarm DSEi [https://dsei.org/action-history// Action History], (accessed 19 July 2017).</ref> In 2005 a 'boat action' was planned, however, the police had gained prior knowledge and was according to one activist: 'blown totally including all backup plans'. Both [[Martin Hogbin]] (a corporate spy who infiltrated The Campaign Against The Arms Trade) and Jason Bishop were involved in the planning of the action.<ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/>

It is worth noting that during the DSEi mobilisations, undercover policing was not the only form of surveillance employed by the Metropolitan Police. Forward Intelligence Teams (FIT) openly photographed and [https://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/emily-apple/i-was-arrested-75-times-how-violent-policing-destroys-mental-health harassed] protesters, calling them by name and continually filming and photographing them. For instance, in 2005 they recorded activists as they arrived at the [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/09/322870.html convergence centre] for the mobilisation. They also singled out specific protesters who were often followed for long periods of time and arrested for little, or no reason. One activist recalled when they and Bishop were followed all day by uniformed officers.<ref>Emily Apple, Open Democracy, I was arrested 75 times: how violent policing destroys mental health, 14 May 2014 (accessed 10 May 2018).</ref><ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> The same activists who were targeted by [[SDS]] or [[NPOIU]] undercover officers were also the target of FIT officers. It is unknown whether information gained through covert policing informed who FIT officers' targeted, or vice versa. FIT teams were under the command of the Public Order Operational Command Unit (CO11). It was remarked upon by activists that Bishop, unlike almost all the others who were in the same organising groups never appeared as a 'person of interest' on FIT team [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2009/oct/25/spotter-cards 'spotter cards'](see below).<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/><ref>''The Guardian'', [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2009/oct/25/spotter-cards Spotter cards: What they look like and how they work], 25 October 2009 (accessed 11 May 2018).</ref>

Also during 2004, in the run-up to the 2005 mobilisation, there was a suspected campaign of [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/07/295565.html?c=on disinformation] about the DSEI protests on [[UK Indymedia]]. Several activists thought the police were behind the posts (One commentator on the original post, accused the organisers of Disarm DSEi of being 'public schoolboys'; A known tactic of undercover officers was to exploit class tensions within groups).<ref name="Alex.interview"/> Activists discovered that the posts came from Government Secure Intranet known as ''Gateway 303'', a state network which provides a secure proxy network behind which state agents can maintain their anonymity. Several of the protest organisers wrote a statement addressing the issue. However, Bishop persuaded them not to publish it.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/><ref>UK Indymedia, Arms Trade Protest - A New Way Forward, 30 July 2004 (accessed 10 May 2018).</ref> In 2011, ''The Intercept'' released [https://theintercept.com/document/2015/06/22/behavioural-science-support-jtrig/ leaked documents] that revealed that GCHQ was involved in applying behavioural science techniques to manipulate public opinion online. This included work for [[NPOIU]] and 'monitoring domestic extremist groups'.<ref> Glenn Greenwald and Andrew Fishman, The Intercept, [https://theintercept.com/2015/06/22/controversial-gchq-unit-domestic-law-enforcement-propaganda/ Controversial GCHQ Unit Engaged in Domestic Law Enforcement, Online Propaganda, Psychology Research]. 22 June 2015 (accessed 29 May 2018).</ref>

===Other anti-militarist protests===

Bishop also attended other anti-military protests. This included [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/05/291898.html?c=on Farnborough Airshow in 2004], where protesters aimed to disrupt an event which included B-52 Bombers, just returned from the 2003 Iraq War. In this action, Bishop stayed overnight at the Reading Quakers Friends Meeting House. There was a blockade of buses trying to enter the airshow, in which [[Martin Hogbin]] was the drop-off driver. While Jason Bishop did not take part in this action, he did suggest replacing signs for the airshow with the ones that he had painted anti-war slogans on. In fact, Bishop had stayed up all night, making the signs. When going out to replace them, he and a genuine activist were stopped by the police. However, after Bishop talked to the police, they were left alone. The next day the placards were already replaced with the official signage.<ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/> 

In 2005, Bishop also attended a demonstration in Brighton in June 2005, aimed at arms manufacturer EDO-MDM.<ref>BBC News, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/southern_counties/4084304.stm Anti-war protesters march on city], 11 June 2005 (accessed 15 July 2018). </ref><ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> Fellow SDS officer [[Dave Evans (alias)| Dave Evans]] was also on this action. This campaign, known as [https://theecologist.org/2012/mar/20/smash-edo-inside-story-activists-battle-against-arms-giant 'Smash EDO'] was at the time being infiltrated by NPOIU undercover [['Marco Jacobs']]. A [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/EDO_MBM_Technology_Ltd_v_Campaign_to_Smash_EDO temporary injunction] severely restricting protests near the ED0-MDM factory had just been put in place in April 2005 which was at least partially based on information provided by the NPOIU and Sussex Police.<ref>[https://lexisweb.co.uk/cases/2005/april/edo-mbm-technology-ltd-and-others-v-campaign-to-smash-edo-and-others ''EDO MBM Technology Ltd and others v Campaign to Smash EDO and others''], 29 April 2005 (accessed 16 July 2018).</ref>

===Fairford Coaches===

On 22 March 2003, police from seven forces, acting under the direction of Gloucestershire Constabulary, stopped coaches carrying 120 protesters outside Lechlade, near RAF Fairford base. The protesters had been planning to join a legal demonstration against the 2003 Iraq war.<ref>''The Guardian'', [https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2006/dec/13/antiwar.uk Law lords ruling backs anti-war campaigners], 13 December 2006 (accessed 3 May 2018).</ref> [[File:Fairford coachstopcredit.jpg|350px|right|The Fairford coached.credit:David Kaplowitz]]

A report co-authored by Gloucestershire Weapons Inspectors, Berkshire Citizens Inspection Agency and Liberty described what happened:

::The coaches were led onto the M4 motorway, where it became apparent that the passengers were to be driven straight back to London. They were not allowed to stop, and passengers could not even visit the toilet en route. According to one passenger, 'The return journey to London was organised by the police to make us look like we were terrorists. A convoy of police accompanied our buses and the motorways were sealed off to the public. Even the roundabouts leading towards and away from the motorway were sealed off.' The buses were cordoned off from other vehicles. This obviously had the effect of preventing other drivers from seeing the makeshift placards the protesters had put in the coach windows with messages saying 'Help – we are being kidnapped' and 'Terrorists ahead and behind'.<ref> Gloucestershire Weapons Inspectors, Berkshire Citizens Inspection Agency and Liberty, Casualty of War: 8 Weeks of Counter Terrorism in Rural England, July 2003 (accessed 11 August 2018).</ref>

A lengthy legal battle ensued, with a final House of Lord's judgement concluding that the police had unlawfully detained them, and had breached their rights to lawful assembly and freedom of movement.<ref> ''House of Lords, judgements - [https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200607/ldjudgmt/jd131206/lapor-1.htm R (on the application of Laporte) (FC) (Original Appellant and Cross-respondent) v. Chief Constable of Gloucestershire] (Original Respondent and Cross-appellant)''.</ref> Gloucestershire police's justification for stopping and detaining the protesters was intelligence that members of the W.O.M.B.L.E.S. were on board. Bishop was involved with the hiring of the coaches.

On the day itself, Bishop was driving the minibus for the protestors' legal team which followed a different route to the coaches and therefore was not held by the police, one activist recalled that when the legal minibus passed a parked police car (tucked in a siding) Bishop commented on it. Further, not revealed to the courts was that NPOIU undercover [[Rod Richardson]], who had infiltrated the W.O.M.B.L.E.S, was on board one of the coaches.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/><ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/><ref>Eveline Lubbers, Undercover Research Group, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2017/06/21/rod-richardson-spycop-was-used-to-undermine-protest/ Rod Richardson: #spycop was used to undermine protest] 21 June 2017 (accessed 23 August 2018).</ref>

Within the context of The Inquiry, Sir John Mitting had previously stated Bishop's deployment was 'unremarkable'. However, Mitting had indicated if evidence emerged that Bishop was key in organising the coaches, or had privileged knowledge of the DSEi 'Stop and Search' civil case then he was prepared to review that assessment. (see in 'The Undercover Policing Inquiry').<ref name="Ruling11">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180730_SDS_anonymity_ruling_11.pdf 'Ruling 11'], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 30 July 2018 (accessed 10 August 2018).</ref>

===Anti-GM and Earth First! Activities===

During the period that Bishop was operating there was a significant anti-genetically modified food movement.<ref>David King, ''The Ecologist'' [https://theecologist.org/2017/dec/01/anti-gm-food-campaign-celebrates-20-years-success-we-cant-be-complacent-argues-dr-david The anti-GM food campaign celebrates 20 years of success - but we can't be complacent], 1 December 2017 (accessed 3 May 2015).</ref>
This included a radical direct action element who 'trashed' genetically modified crops both overtly and covertly.<ref> Brian Doherty & Graeme Hayes, [https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.02048.x ''Tactics, Traditions, and Opportunities: British and French Crop Trashing Actions in Comparative Perspective''], European Journal of Political Research, 51/4, pp.540-562, 12 December 2011 (accessed 29 August 2018).</ref> Bishop was the first meeting of the London branch of the environmental direct action group Earth First! in 2003.<ref name= "Interview.'Lori',13Dec2016"/> He also attended several national [http://earthfirst.org.uk/actionreports/gatherings Earth First gatherings] between 2000 and 2003. This included driving to the Snowdonia Gathering in June 2000. <ref>Earth First!, [http://www.earthfirst.org.uk/efau/EFAU069-jun00.pdf. Action Update], June 2000 (accessed 10 June 2018).</ref> Just before leaving the RTS office in Finsbury Park, London they checked the tyres of the van and discovered they were slashed. [[Jim Boyling]] also attended this Earth First Gathering.<ref name= "Interview.'Lori',13Dec2016"/> In July 2000, Bishop took part in an anti-prison action organised by CAGE (an off-shoot of Earth First!) outside of a site for a planned women's prison in Ashford, Surrey.<ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/><ref>Do or Die, Issue 9, 2000 [http://www.eco-action.org/dod/no9/prison_lockdown.html ''The Lowdown on Lockdown: Striking Back Against the Prison State''](accessed 1 August 2018).</ref> In 2003, activists recall him attending a workshop on activist security.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/><ref name="Jake.interview.5 March 2017"/>

While during the period that Bishop infiltrated Earth First!, a number of GM 'decontaminations' took place and it is thought that Bishop took part in some of them. However, at present, we are unable to confirm the precise location or date of said actions and would very much like to hear from anyone with more detailed information.

===G8 Scotland 2005===

Between the 6th and 8th July 2005 , it was the UK's turn to host the G8 inter-governmental summit. This took place at the Gleneagles resort in Auchterarder, Scotland, alongside a number of counter-mobilisations.[http://dissent-archive.ucrony.net/dissent-uk-2005/content/view/62/52/ Dissent!] was the libertarian and anarchist grouping which took an explicitly confrontational and anti-capitalist stance.<ref>[http://dissent-archive.ucrony.net/dissent-uk-2005/content/view/62/52/ Dissent Network], Introduction to the Dissent! Network, 16 September 2004 (accessed 30 May 2018).</ref> 'Jason Bishop' targeted this network, attending some of the earlier organising meetings in 2004, and driving a minibus at the mobilisation itself which led to his arrest. Alongside Bishop, fellow undercover officers [[Dave Evans (alias)| Dave Evans]], [[Mark Kennedy]], [[Lynn Watson]] and [[Marco Jacobs]] were also in attendance. Jacobs, Bishop and Kennedy were all in a logistics meeting a week prior to the mobilisation in which they would have been privy to a number of plans for direct action.<ref name="InterviewCharlie"/>

A [https://www.hmics.scot/publications/strategic-review-undercover-policing-scotland Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabularies report] published in 2018. stated that six officers were each deployed by respectively the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] and the [[NPOIU]] plus an additional six from the 'wider-cadre'.<ref>HMICS, [https://www.hmics.scot/publications/strategic-review-undercover-policing-scotland Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabularies report Strategic Review of Undercover Policing in Scotland], 7 February 2018 (accessed 30 May 2018).</ref> Also, 5 undercover officers were sent by Germany, who were under the command of NPOIU during the summit.<ref>Helen Pidd, ''The Guardian'', [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/feb/20/germany-undercover-police-g8-protests Germany sent five undercover police officers to G8 protests], 20 February 2011 (accessed 30 May 2018).</ref> [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317711.html Over 700 hundred arrests] were made over the course of the summit, many being attributed to the NPOIU's Forward Intelligence Teams targeting of 'known' activists.<ref>UK Indymedia, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317711.html G8 2005, Gleneagles: Repression, Resistance and Clowns], 14 July 2005 (accessed 30 May 2018).</ref> Despite this extensive surveillance operation, The Chief Constable of Fife Constabulary at the time commented:' We learned not to know on a day-by-day basis what we would have pitched at us'.<ref>BBC News, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/4666985.stm G8 summit police made 350 arrests], 9 July 2005, accessed 19 July 2018). </ref>

Jason Bishop and 'Dave Evans' drove up to Scotland in Bishop's Land Rover. Bishop had been absent from the groups he had been targeting since December 2004. However, he returned to London in late June 2005, just before the G8 counter-mobilisation.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Both of them stayed at Stirling Eco-Camp [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4654077.stm "Horizone"] (as did corporate spy Martin Hogbin). The camp was the focus for many attending protesters, including many of the those who would be associated themselves with the Dissent! Network. This meant that several confrontational actions aiming to interrupt the summit was launched from there, this included protesters blocking the nearby motorway.<ref>UK Indymedia, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317077.html G8 Day 1: G8 Blockades, Mass Arrests and Fence Breaches], 7 July 2005 (accessed 22 July 2018). </ref> The camp subsequently attracted substantial police attention, including multiple arrests at and near the camp.<ref>BBC News, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/4666985.stm G8 summit police made 350 arrests], 9 July 2005, accessed 19 July 2018). </ref>

====Bishop and Evans Arrested====
On the 6th July, the W.O.M.B.L.E.S. requested a lift from Glasgow to the Stirling eco-village. Bishop responded 'grumpily' to this request but went along in the vehicle which 'Dave Evans' was driving. The mini-bus was stopped 10 minutes after it picked up the W.O.M.B.L.E.S.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> A [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317577.html contemporaneous report] described what happened: 

::The bus had travelled just two blocks when they were suddenly blocked in and surrounded by five vans of riot police, some 12 police motorbikes and three vans of police dogs. A police helicopter circled overhead. The 11 people were arrested on suspicion of 'conspiracy to cause a breach of the peace' and then bundled into a police prison transporter van with tiny blacked out windows and individual cells. Over 100 officers are said to have been involved in the operation, most were reported to have not been wearing their identity numbers. The transporter was then escorted as part of a giant police motorcade with police bikes blocking of street entrances and junctions ahead, and vans providing cover and front and back of the 11 arrested suspects. Inside the prison transporter, many of the activists reported via mobile phones that they seemed to be the target of a kind of 'special forces operation'. One of the Wombles said that 'it felt like they thought [Osama] Bin Laden was in the minibus''.<ref name="Ukimc.Wombles."> UK Indymedia, [https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2005/07/317577.html Unprecedented police harassment operation against Wombles], 8 July 2005 (accessed 30 May 2018).</ref>

One of those arrested had their one-year-old child accompanying them. On arrest, the police threatened that if they did not find a responsible adult to pick him up, then he would be transferred to social services.<ref name="Ukimc.Wombles."/>

After being held in 'poor conditions' in two police stations, those arrested and charged with an 'indictable' (serious) version of 'Breach of the Peace' and they were then transported to Edinburgh Sheriffs Court. The defendants were told that they would not be released on bail and would be remanded .<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> At 4 pm, it was announced that the charges were 'stayed' and they were all then released. However, Police harassment continued at the pub they went to afterwards, and during a confrontation with the police, three people were then arrested. The dropping of charges follows a pattern where undercover officers in which no charges are brought, or later suddenly dropped An example of this was Mark Kennedy's arrest at [http://powerbase.info/index.php/Mark_Kennedy:_A_chronology_of_his_activities Hartlepool Nuclear power station in 2006]. Significantly, according to former SDS officer and whistleblower Peter Francis, 'if there was any chance of the SDS officer going to prison, they would not go.' He further states 'I know of cases that were pulled because the SDS officer would have been charged with something serious'.<ref name = Netpol/>

The arrests are mentioned in the risk assessment for the SDS cover officer [[HN30]], who seems to have been in a support role for Bishop (N3) and Evans (N60).<ref name="hn30.ra.28Aug2018">Adrian Baxter, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/11-20180831-HN30-Gisted_Risk_Assessment.pdf N30 - Risk Assessment (gisted)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 28 August 2018 (accessed 2 October 2018, via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

[[File:HN30 risk assessment on Bishop-Evans arrests.png|700px|Extract from Risk Assessemnt of <a href="HN30">HN30</a>.]]

HN36 is the as yet unidentified Detective Chief Inspector who headed up the Special Demonstration Squad at the time, while [[HN53]], was a Detective Inspector, and 'Second in Operational Command' of the SDS.

==Exit Plan==
Bishop's exit plan was also in accordance with the [[SDS]] manual that suggested a 'phased withdrawal'.<ref> Andy Coles, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180319-TC-Documents_Final_Version.pdf Tradecraft Manual], p.49, 19 March 2018 (accessed 1 May 2018).</ref> Sometime prior to his actual exit, Bishop said that he was going to live in the Netherlands with his girlfriend, 'Kalinder' (or 'Kalinda') whom he said he had met on a train in Europe while travelling with [[Dave Evans (alias)|Dave Evans]] and disapproved of his involvement with [https://netpol.org/2013/07/25/jason-bishop-new-allegations-of-undercover-policing-of-protest/ radical activism].<ref name = Netpol/><ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Bishop mentioned several times that he intended to make his living from picture framing when he arrived there. He originally left the activist scene and moved out of his house in London in December 2004, supposedly to the Netherlands.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> Prior to this, he had mentioned a connection to activism in the Netherlands as well as a flat there. In March 2005, a sister of an activist known to Bishop was travelling around Europe requested to stay at Bishop's Amsterdam flat. In an e-mail exchanged arranging the visit, Bishop said that the flat would be in 'chaos' as they had would have only recently moved in.<ref>'Tina', E-mail with 'Jason Bishop', 3 March 2006 (accessed 15 July 2018).</ref> However, on the visit, the flat was said to be appeared to be un-lived in.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> To date, checks have suggested there is no evidence that this was anything but a fabrication as he was unknown within activism in Holland.<ref> Undercover Research Group, Eveline, Unknown date, (accessed 2 May 2018).</ref> 
 

After what seems to be a seven-month break from his deployment, Bishop returned to London in late June 2005, just prior to the G8 meeting in July.<ref name="Tina.Interview.7June2018"/> He then was recalled turning up again in London in late August 2005, just before the DSEi mobilisation. His last remembered appearance was in October, at the 2005 London Anarchist Bookfair. At the bookfair, he appeared to be in a state of distress, confiding that his partner had a miscarriage.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/><ref name= "Interview.'Lori',13Dec2016"/>This melodramatic ploy, as it must now be seen was in keeping with other 'exit' excuses which have included supposed [http://powerbase.info/index.php/John_Dines#Exit mental breakdowns]. This was the last anybody saw of him. People him remained in contact by email, but after six months, he stopped answering, causing them to worry for his welfare.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> By chance, some years after his deployment, an activist working at an Oysterband gig bumped into him and not being aware of any suspicions around him had a friendly conversation, expressing surprise that he had not seen him around for a while.<ref name= "Lori.E-mail"/>

==Suspicions and Confirmation==

As with many of the undercover officers, revealed since [['Mark Kennedy's]] exposure, there was a reluctance by activists to believe that one of their friends was, in reality, an undercover police officer. However, the manner in which he 'completely disappeared' did raise concerns.<ref>Undercover Research Group, E-mail, 'Jennifer', 5 June 2018 (accessed 10 July 2018).</ref> In retrospect, activists also identified two key incidents which could have identified Bishop as a police infiltrator. The first was Bishops' non-appearance on the FIT spotter cards (the 'spotter cards' were a collection of named photographs of activists that police used as an aid in identifying them). This was despite that all the activists in the same group did appear on it, and he was known by name by FIT police officers.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/> Secondly, was Bishops' presence on the high-profile arrest of the W.O.M.B.L.E.S. at the G8 in 2005, and subsequently, the charges being dropped.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/>

While the connection between Boyling and Bishop was already known <ref name="E-Mail.Jennifer17Aug2018"/> it was not until Rob Evans and Paul Lewis' ''Undercover'' was published in 2013, and the connection between him and the anonymous 'bearded, stocky man' who was described as Jim Boyling' successor and Jason Bishop was confirmed.<ref name="Undercover.">Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, pp.196-197, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britains' Secret Police'', 2013, Faber & Faber.</ref><ref name="Fred.interview.4November2016"/> The book recounts an episode in which Bishop's predecessor [[Jim Boyling]] (aka 'Jim Sutton') was attending Kingston Green Fair in South-West London in 2003 and was told his then partner, Rosa, to hide as Boyling spotted a fellow undercover (Bishop) and was worried they would be recognised.

Rosa has provided more detail regarding this event.<ref>Undercover Research Group: Conversation with Rosa, 2 & 12 September 2018. Note:Rosa is the pseudonym of a political activist who was active in Reclaim the Streets and other groups, and who was targeted by undercover officer Jim Boyling for a relationship, while simultaneously targeting her as a political activist whom he reported back on. She has been granted an anonymity order by the courts to protect her identity. For more of her account see Police Spies Out Of Lives - https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/our-stories/rosas-story</ref> While an undercover, Boyling had relationships with at least three women that are known of. After his exit, he then re-entered the life of his last activist partner, Rosa, and on doing so, told her that though an officer, he had in fact converted to being a genuine activist and needed help to escape the police. This went hand-in-hand with other claims that he was the only one sent into spy on protest groups and that political groups were not spied up on. Given her personal and political background, she had wanted to help him leave the police. However, as part of this manipulation, he said such an escape put them in danger from his (former) colleagues, so there was a need for secrecy.<ref>When the man she believed to be Jim Sutton vanished from her life, Rosa, concerned for his well-being, had begun a search for him using the few clues he had left behind. This inadvertently led her to the SDS headquarters, though she did not know what was at the time. It was shortly after this happened, that he made his re-entry into her life, beginning the manipulation of her into an abusive relationship.
The events at Kingston Green Fair were the start of the unravelling of the Boyling's lies to Rosa. Though each time something came up his explanations were plausible in the moment, they eventually began to conflict with each other. Rosa eventually escaped to a refugee, along with the two children she had by Boyling. By this stage, she had realised that his claims of wanting to leave the police were no longer credible. It is not known if it was because she chanced upon the SDS headquarters that he was sent back into her life - deliberately, or whether it was simply a coincidence. At one point, before she escaped to the refuge, she was visited at home by Boyling's boss, former SDS head, [[Bob Lambert]] and another SDS officer, in what was described by another ex-SDS officer as a 'containment exercise'. This and other material cast considerable doubt on it being a coincidence.</ref>

This narrative was disrupted when visiting the Kingston Green Fair, Boyling told Rosa she had to hide as he had seen an old friend of theirs who was not who he said he was. Rosa had encountered Jason at some point previously as an activist, so was able to recognise him when Boyling pointed him out, though could not recall his name. Boyling said he was totally shocked to see Bishop, as he had believed that Bishop had only been sent into the field to oversee Boyling's exit and not to continue infiltrating. Boyling insisted his planned escape from police, with Rosa's help, would be ruined as soon as Bishop saw them as he would report it to his supervisors.

At the time, Boyling's claims came across as credible, though it is now clear he never had any intention to leave the police and that this story was rather part of a wider web of deception and abuse he placed around Rosa. As part of this, Boyling later identified to Rosa other activists to be undercover police officers, names that were otherwise confirmed at a later stage by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and other means.

Following publication of the Undercover book, activists who had known Jason had been able to recognise him from the passage, leading them to go public via the Network for Police Monitoring (NetPol), on 25 July 2013.<ref> Netpol, [https://netpol.org/2013/07/25/jason-bishop-new-allegations-of-undercover-policing-of-protest/ Jason Bishop - new allegations of undercover policing of protest], 25 July 2013 (accessed 10 September 2018).</ref>

==Overlap with other undercover officers==

[[Jim Boyling]] (aka 'Jim Sutton') was just finishing his deployment, which also included infiltrating RTS, while 'Jaqueline Anderson' was also doing so at the same time.<ref name="CoverNames"/> At the time of Bishop's deployment, animal rights campaigns were being monitored by other undercover officers, including his one-time flatmate [[Dave Evans (alias)| Dave Evans]] 1998-2005) and anti-fascist activity which was covered by [['Carlo Neri']] (2000-2006).<ref name="CoverNames"/> Bishop's deployment also coincided with that of [[Rod Richardson]] (1999-2003) whose paths would have crossed in both the Fairford Coaches episode, and at DSEi in 2001. It also overlapped with the beginning of [[Lynn Watson]]'s and [[Mark Kennedy]]'s deployment in 2002/3. Additionally, '[[Simon Wellings]]' (who was the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated anti-globalisation group 'Globalise Resistance') was involved in organising the 2003 'Disarm DSEi' protests. [['Marco Jacobs']] had was towards the beginning of his deployment which started in Brighton, before moving to Cardiff in 2005.

In addition, [http://www.evel.nl/spinwatch/TRReport.htm Martin Hogbin] a corporate spy who worked for [[Threat Response International]]. He surveilled the Campaign Against The Arms Trade on behalf of British Aerospace from 1997 [https://secretmanoeuvres.org/2012/10/24/emily-apple-writing-about-martin-hogbin/ until his exposure in 2003].<ref>Eveline Lubbers, Spinwatch, [http://www.evel.nl/spinwatch/TRReport.htm The Threat Response Spy Files - Report 2004], November 2004 (accessed 25 August 2018).</ref><ref>Campaign Against The Arms Trade, Report of an Investigation into Suspicious Activity of Martin Hogbin, 17 February 2004 (accessed 18 June 2018).</ref>He worked alongside 'Jason Bishop' in the organising group for Disarm DSEi and attended private organising meetings at The Swan Pub, Islington. His relationship with Bishop was described as 'friendly but not close'.<ref name="Jennifer.interview.February2018"/>

==Human Rights Complaint in Investigatory Powers Tribunal==

The [https://www.ipt-uk.com/ Investigatory Powers Tribunal] hears complaints about surveillance by public bodies, including the police. This claim centres around the fact that police violated Kate Wilson's Human Rights when they deceived her into a long-term, intimate relationship with an undercover police officer, Mark Kennedy.<ref>Investigatory Powers Tribunal, [https://www.ipt-uk.com/ Announcements: ''Kate Wilson v 1) Commissioner Of Police of the Metropolis and (2) Association of Chief Police Officers''],28 June 2018 (accessed 5 September 2018).</ref> In addition, the details also state that 'Wilson's right to privacy was also infringed by the extensive presence in her life of at least 6 Undercover Officers between 1998 and 2010', including 'Jason Bishop'.<ref> Police Spies Out of Lives, [Summary of Human rights pleadings https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/human-rights-case/human-rights-pleadings/] April 2018 (accessed 5 September 2018).</ref> The latest hearing was scheduled for 3 October 2018.<ref> Police Spies Out of Lives, [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/callout-iptdemo-oct2018/ Call for demonstration as police seek to shut down undercover relationships Human Rights case] 5 September 2018 (accessed 5 September 2018).</ref>

Nearly two years later, in a case spanning over a decade, on 13 October 2020, the legal representative for the Metropolitan Police Service and National Police Chiefs Council admitted 'that they breached Kate’s Article 8 ECHR rights – to a private and family life – after conceding that her surveillance by at least six undercover officers over a sustained period, was neither proportionate nor justified'.<ref name="COPS Update">[https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/admissions-in-human-rights-case-highlights-needs-for-limits-on-intrusion-by-undercover-police/ Admission in Human Rights Case Highlights need for limits on Intrusion by Undercover Police] 13 October 2020.</ref> One of those undercover police officers is Jason Bishop. The case is still to be heard in full.

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

On 11 December 2017, Chairman, Sir John Mitting told legal representatives that by 22nd December 2017 responses should be submitted anonymity application orders for
[http://powerbase.info/index.php/N_officers HN3].<ref> Undercover Policing Inquiry,[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171211-directions-SDS-anonymity.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Directions], 9 December 2017 (accessed 11 August 2018).</ref>On 24 January 2018, it was announced that applications for restriction orders in terms of both cover name and the real name had been received. The Chairman said that he needs more information before issuing a 'minded to' note.<ref> Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-December-tranche-impact-led-and-HN353-minded-to-sanitised.pdf 'Minded To' Note 4], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 24 January 2018 (accessed 10 August 2018).</ref>

The anonymity application for HN3 was considered by the Chair of the Inquiry, Sir John Mitting, in his Minded-To note of 22 March 2018. According to Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180322_SDS_anonymity_Minded_to_6.pdf ‘HN3 is retired from the Metropolitan Police Service, but is still gainfully employed'.] He also stated Bishop: ‘was deployed against three groups between the late 1990s and the mid-2000s’. On the 1 May 2018, the cover name of Jason Bishop was released by the Inquiry, and the aforementioned three groups were revealed to be: Reclaim the Streets, Disarm DSEi and Earth First! His deployment was dated as 1998-2006.<ref name="CoverNames"/> This is different from the timeline that has been reconstructed from interviews with activists and other sources which dates it as starting in 1999 and ending in 2005.

In stating that the cover name would be released but the real name restricted, Mitting said:

::The deployments were unremarkable and give rise to little or no risk of violence from any member of the target groups. HN3 is concerned about the risk of harassment by them, a concern which is not irrational. If it were to materialise, it would interfere significantly with the private and family life of HN3. It is not necessary to run that risk. The cover name of HN3 will be published and will permit members of the target groups and others to provide information and give evidence about the deployments. Publication of the real name of HN3 is not necessary to permit that to happen or to enable the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. In those circumstances, publication of the real name is neither proportionate nor justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention on Human Rights ('the European Convention').<ref name="Note.6"> Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180322_SDS_anonymity_Minded_to_6.pdf 'Minded To' Note 6 and Ruling 4], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 22 March 2018 (accessed 17 June 2018).</ref>

Given the details above in the profile, Mitting’s assessment of Jason Bishop’s deployment as [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180322_SDS_anonymity_Minded_to_6.pdf ‘unremarkable’] is difficult to understand. In concluding that Bishop’s fear that he would face ‘harassment’ from the groups he infiltrated was a ‘rational’ one, Mitting is presumably referring to evidence presented in the ‘closed note’ that is not in the public domain.<ref name="Note.6"/>

On 3 July 2018, it was directed that any objections to Mitting's intention to restrict the real name to be made by 20 July 2018.<ref name="mitting.directions.3July2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180703_direction_SDS_anonymity_MT8.pdf Restriction Order Applications by HN1, HN3, HN8, HN9, HN12, HN19, HN20, HN27, HN60. HN72, HN353 and HN355], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 3 July 2018 (accessed 10 August 2018).</ref>

On 20 July 2018, in a response to this note, a statement was made on behalf of those activists participating in The Inquiry:<ref name="KaufmannBrander.20July2018."/>

::In the case of Jason Bishop, the assertion [that his deployment was 'unremarkable'] is already demonstrably false. As the Inquiry is aware, Bishop is alleged to have been involved in the events surrounding the detention by police of coaches travelling to RAF Fairford in March 2003, which were the subject of a legal challenge, considered by all levels of court up to the House of Lords. As far as is presently known, Bishop’s involvement was concealed from the courts. It is also possible that Bishop, as a member of Disarm DSEi at the material time, had relevant (and undisclosed) involvement in another prominent case, R (Gillan) v Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis [2006] 2 AC 307, which, was not only considered all the way up to the House of Lords domestically, but was also adjudicated on by the European Court of Human Rights. He is also known to have been arrested twice in his undercover identity - once driving a van of manure to the Guerrilla Gardening Mayday in 2000 and once at the G8 in Scotland in 2005 as part of a large-scale police operation. It is understood that on that occasion charges were dropped shortly before the defendants were due to appear in court. He is also known to have taken part in many instances of direct action involving criminal damage, both as a driver and as a participant. This is in no sense an 'unremarkable' deployment.

While on 30 July 2018, the UCPI issued 'Ruling 11'. which stated that HN3's (Bishop) real identity will not be released. In the ruling Mitting also stated:

:: It is submitted that my observation that the deployments of HN3 were unremarkable is 'already demonstrably false'. I am prepared to, and do, qualify that observation so that it reads 'apparently unremarkable'. The allegation that HN3 was 'involved in the events surrounding the detention by police of coaches travelling to RAF Fairford in March 2003' is, on the information available to me, disputed. It is one of the issues which may have to be explored in the substantive phase of the Inquiry. If it were then to be established that he did play a part in the events which gave rise to two legal challenges of constitutional significance, and the part which he played was itself significant then the position may have to be reviewed. I have no present reason to believe that it will have to be.<ref name="Ruling11"/>

==Notes==
<references/>

Douglas Edwards (alias)

2025-10-02T06:47:51Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN326'|Alias=Douglas "Doug" Edwards|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1971|Targets=Anarchist groups, Independent Labour Party, Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee}}

'''Douglas "Doug" Edwards''' is the cover name of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated anarchist groups (including West Ham Anarchists). He later spied on the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Through the ILP he monitored campaigning groups Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee (DMC) from late 1968 to May 1971. His cover personality created for his deployment was commonly known as 'Doug’ and gave a date of birth as 8 August 1945.
His real name is restricted by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and he is also known by the cipher HN326 for the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]).<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* ''' An updated version of this profile can be found here:'''*[

HN326 gave live evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 13 November 2020. The majority of the following derives from his written<ref name= "Doug1st">HN326, [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426722-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 First Written Statement of HN326] 16 April 2019 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0738584, 1 December 2020).</ref> and oral testimony<ref name= "EHDay1"/> as well as Special Branch Intelligence reports released by the Inquiry in November 2020.

==Police Career before SDS==
Doug Edwards joined the Metropolitan Police in 1964, after completing his initial training he was posted to a North London police station.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Unhappy in this policing role, he successfully applied to join Special Branch and began working there in 1968 as a ‘PC CID’, having passed the relevant course.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Doug states:

:: Initially, upon joining Special Branch, I was posted to C Squad which dealt with left-wing enquiries (sic) [redacted]. Day-to-day, I would carry out these enquiries (sic). Sometimes there would be a little bit of subterfuge involved. We would do what was called a 'knock-knock' and pretend to be someone else to find out about the individual who was the subject of an enquiry.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

‘C Squad’ dealt with Communists and Subversives, public order issues and what was later labelled ‘ Domestic Extremism’. It is thought that the SDS was within ‘C’ Squad in Edwards’ era – although later moved into ‘S’ (Specialist/Technical Support) Squad.<ref name="DLOOS">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426753-20201028-opening_statement-dl_clients Opening statement from the Designated Lawyer Officers] ''Designated Lawyer Officers'', 28 October 2020 (source: ucpi.org.uk). </ref>

Evidence released by the Inquiry regarding the Vietnam Solidarity Committee contains a telegram from HN326 reporting on a Marylebone magistrates court hearing on 3 July 1968.<ref name="MPS-0722098p.50">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 June 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0722098).</ref> It describes three people being sentenced to fines for a demonstration in Powis Square in Notting Hill on 25 May 1968.<ref name="VSCTG">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427448-mps-0731916 Police Telegram] Demonstration by members of VSC and Black Power Movement] ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 25 May 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk).</ref> (This event also relates to other undercover officers [[Helen Crampton]] and [[Don de Freitas]] ). As this trial pre-dates the formation of the SDS, this was not undercover work. Rather, the officer would have attended the court in plain clothes as part of standard Special Branch activity gathering intelligence on behalf of ‘C ‘ Squad.

==Special Demonstration Squad==
After a short time in Special Branch (SB), Doug was recruited by Detective Inspector Saunders<ref> Note Saunders was Doug’s Detective Inspector on C Squad.</ref> into the SDS in late 1968, which had only begun in July of 1968. Although he joined in 1968, Doug was deployed after the Grosvenor Square October 1968 demonstration and therefore does not belong to the very first cohort of SDS officers.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> At the time, Edwards was still on two years’ SB probation.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

===Attitude and Opinions===
To date, no one from Edwards' target groups has provided information on his infiltration, and it is unclear how much effort the Inquiry made to locate contemporary witnesses,<ref> Note: It is not known if the Inquiry managed to trace anyone from those groups but if so, no evidence written or otherwise played a part in the evidentiary hearings.</ref> this means that any comments on Edward's attitude and personality entirely rely on his testimony of 13 November 2020, 50 years after his deployment. Further, no questions were posed to Doug how he presented himself to the groups that he infiltrated or what his cover personality was like.

Whilst there are several Special Branch reports published on his infiltration, the reports were according to Edwards, typed and completed by other police personnel.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name= "EHDay1"/> This issue is explored in more detail below.

In reply to written questions submitted by the Inquiry, Doug says he did not know why the SDS had been set up but commented that: 'What was going on at these demonstrations was quite nasty and frightening at times’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

On being a Special Branch officer:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::[...] you needed to identify people and try and understand what their political beliefs were. And it was [...] reported back so that there were records of these people to be called upon if need be.

Doug outlined why people's political beliefs were being recorded:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::Well, it was just part and parcel of being an SB officer, to try and get this information, to try and understand what groups that they were allocated to; because there's all sorts of rivalries in different groups and some were Trotskyite (sic) people that were bent on causing violence, and anarchist groups that were causing violence at demonstrations.

===Training===
Doug states that before joining the SDS the only policing that he carried out that could be described as undercover was when he had been assigned to monitor a fellow officer drinking after hours.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like other former SDS officers whose statements have been released as of November 2020, Doug said he ‘did not receive any training, formal or informal, for the role of an undercover police officer before I was deployed’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Nor did he receive any formal ethical guidance on whether it was permissible to enter to any sexual relationships with members of the groups he was monitoring – commenting that: […] in those days, we lived by what I perceive to be higher moral standards than today. This sort of activity simply would not be done.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug stated he also received no guidance on what to do if brought before a court whether as a defendant or as a witness or if he would obtain access to legally privileged information.

===Development of Cover Identity===
Before his deployment, Edwards states that he: ‘[…] was not given any guidance or instruction about the creation of a false identity [...] I was just told to get an identity and to get a job.’<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like many of the officers from the early days of the SDS, Douglas ‘legend’ or back story was not well developed, commenting that he ‘just played it by ear’ and relied on his cover employment as a lorry driver.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> This is an early example of SDS use of fake (or 'duff' in SDS parlance) jobs which required working away from home to give the officer excuses as for being far away from his undercover address. HN326 also said this job meant that he also could not easily be reached by telephone. Like many of the undercovers of the time, Doug changed his appearance by growing his hair and beard to fit into the activist milieu better.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> It was this tactic that gained the SDS’ nickname ‘The Hairies’. The only identity document that Edwards had in his cover name, was his rent book for his cover address in the E15 postcode area of east London.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===As an SDS Officer===
Edwards served for two and a half years as a Special Demonstration Squad officer, with two years in the field and six months in the back office. He started in November 1968, leaving the SDS in May 1971.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>
Although Doug states his initial tasking was to infiltrate anarchist groups, the earliest report released by the Inquiry in relation to his undercover work concerns a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. He was one of five undercovers who attended a large public meeting on the back of the anti-Vietnam War demonstration of October 1968. Among the other undercovers was SDS founder and commanding officer [[Conrad Dixon]].<ref name= "12Nov68VSC"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427409-mps-0730768 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC ‘reporting back’ on the October demonstration], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'',12 November 1968 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0730768).</ref> Commenting on the numbers of officers present at this meeting, Edwards said ' The presence of so many officers was probably Conrad Dixon's way of showing how active the SDS was.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===SDS Secrecy===
In his personal statement, Doug writes:<ref name="HN326PS">'HN326', [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20414285-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 Open personal statement of HN326], Metropolitan Police Service, 2017 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Discretion and secrecy was the order of the day – ‘stum und krum'<ref> Note: An aphorism that I can not trace.</ref>. Say nothing about anything, this was communicated to me right from the very start. Even other members of my unit were not aware of my undercover name and which groups I infiltrated. It was very much ‘keep quiet about the whole thing’. To be honest, I can't recall a conversation about secrecy at the end of my deployment. It was just the nature of the job that you didn't talk about it.
He added: 'At the time of my deployment, I was living with my parents. I told them I was on the Drugs squad [...]’<ref name= "HN326PS"/>

See: [[Conrad Dixon]] and [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-2/ Special Branch Files] for further information on the Anti-Vietnam war protests and the founding of the SDS.

==The authorship and process of creating Special Branch Intelligence Reports==

The Inquiry has released a number of reports submitted in the name of HN326 (see table below). In his oral statement. However, the former officer has thrown doubt on the authorship and provenance of the intelligence contained in them. In his written statement he sketched out the report writing process that suggested little can be unambiguously attributed to him personally. A detailed account of the process of the creation of the reports which contrasts with his recollection of the content of them:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::After attending a meeting or a demonstration, I wrote out by hand or typed out what I had learnt on a bit of paper in the SOS<ref>Note: 'Special Operations Squad' - one of the other names that the SDS went by.</ref> flat. This bit of paper would then be taken over to the Yard via a secure bag: either someone from the Yard would come to the SDS flat with the secure bag in order to pick up the information, or we would meet someone at a location away from the Yard in order to hand the information over. Sometimes it was [Detective Inspector] Phil Saunders who would go between the Yard and the SDS flat to collect our intelligence, but it was also often an officer of a lesser rank. Reports were then collated and typed up in full in the office, either by the officers in the office — [[Bill Furner]], [[Roy Creamer]] and [[Dave Smith]] — or by the typing pool. They typed the reports with the appropriate formatting and alignment on a better typewriter than we had access to in the SDS flat. When drafting the reports, those in the office would collate all of the information provided about a particular meeting, demonstration, or issue. They would look at the information I provided on the bits of paper alongside other information[..]

Edwards also suggested that some reports were attributed to him and other undercover officers to justify their deployments:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

::When there were quieter periods for SDS officers, I assume that intelligence reports were put in their name to justify their continued deployment. It is an assumption I have made since being shown the reports […] because there are certain reports which bear my name but I do not recall having any involvement with these groups.

Edwards says that he has: ‘no independent recollection of any of the meetings or events referred to within these reports save where I have expressly stated otherwise'.<ref name="Doug1st"/>. However, with most of the reports, he did agree he was likely to be the ‘reliable source’ of at least some of the information in the report. Though he did not type them up himself, he submitted handwritten notes which were used alongside other material. He also points out that he only signed one of the reports discussed below.<ref name="Doug1st"/>.

Often in the evidence hearing itself, when asked if recalled particular details of a report, or the attitude of fellow officers he exclaimed that he could not be expected to remember them after such a long period: ‘Cor, blimey! I can't remember that. Goodness me’.<ref name= "EHDay1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20507597-20201113-ucpi_evidence_hearings_transcript UCPI Evidence Hearings: Tranche 1 (Phase 1) | Day 10 (Full day) (Transcript)] 13 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk ).</ref> In contrast, Douglas was able to specifically deny he attended two meetings of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

==Anarchist Groups==

As stated, HN326 was tasked to infiltrate anarchist groups in the east end of London,<ref name= "Doug1st"/> with the only direction he was given was to ‘hang around’ Piccadilly Circus to be recruited into a group; this was where they thought these anarchist groups tended to congregate’. No context was given by Edwards to this instruction.<ref>Note: One possible reason for it was the presence of a high-profile squat in the area at 144 Piccadilly in September 1969, which was widely reported in the media at the time although this post-dates the beginning of Edwards’ deployment. See: Phil Cohen,[https://philcohenworks.com/the-way-we-were/ The Way we were] undated (sourced: 1 December 2020). However, there was reportedly another squatted building occupied in Endell Street, before this - although the precise date is uncertain. More generally, Piccadilly Circus also had a reputation as a centre of queer and gay culture – and drug use – which the police may have connected with an imagined anarchist lifestyle.</ref><ref name="TheSquatters">Ron Bailey, The Squatters (1973), Penguin.</ref> Edwards also mentions that among other back office staff in the SDS, supposed police expert on anarchist groups, Roy Creamer (later of the Bomb Squad- and involved in ‘The Angry Brigade’ investigations) then a Sergeant with the SDS, gave him some advice.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Having failed to make any inroads with the anarchists around Piccadilly Circus, Edwards moved his attention elsewhere:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::I then decided to go to the East End of London in order to be nearer the action, so to speak. I hung around in the local pubs because I thought it was likely that people involved in these anarchist groups would go there to have a drink. I infiltrated a few groups at this stage; by 'infiltrate' in this instance I mean attending a few meetings to get up to date with what the groups were doing, rather than penetrating the groups or becoming a card-carrying member. The groups whose meetings I attended included the West Ham Anarchists and Freedom Press. There may have been other groups but due to the passage of time, I cannot recall their names. Some of these groups were quite nasty pieces of work insofar as they would cause criminal damage and go wild at demonstrations. For example, I remember at a demonstration outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square cries of ‘Anarchista!’ and demonstrators throwing objects at the Embassy.

On this demonstration, Edwards commented:
:: […] It got a bit tasty. They started smashing windows and it was violent and – there we are. The mounted police came in then, to try and stop things.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The Inquiry released three intelligence reports based on Edwards' spying which predominantly relates to West Ham Anarchists. This group, based in the east end of London appeared to have been active between 1966 and 1969.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-7996/page/2/mode/2up?q=West+Ham+Anarchists Direct Action] Syndicalist Workers Federation, April 1966 (accessed via Sparrows Nest, 1 December 2020).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-18.pdf Freedom News] 18 January 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> In 1966, they disrupted a husting during the general election which was captured on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc film].<ref>Note: Nick Heath (aka Charles Mowbray) stated that the hecklers interrupting a Conservative Party candidate in the 1966 General election at 37.09-41.00 are members of West Ham Anarchists. See: Joseph Strick, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers] 1966 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref>

[[File:WesthamanarchistsFreedom26November1966.png|300px|left|thumb|Freedom Newspaper 26 November 1966]][[File:WestHamAnarchists.png|right|300px|thumb|Screenshot (from [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers]) of West Ham Anarchists disrupting a 1966 Election Hustings]]

Beyond this – and what Edwards reported, little is known about their activities, although they did publish a newspaper named ‘Black Mass’ in 1969.<ref> Note: No archived copy can be found but there is a review of it in ''Freedom News'': [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-09-27.pdf ''Freedom News''] 27 September 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> The fact that the group's apparent demise happened at the same time as Doug’s infiltration is not known to be connected.<ref>Note: The stated ‘demise’ is only based on a lack of any listing or mention of the groups in any archived anarchist publications from 1970 onwards.</ref>

The first report is dated 22 January 1969 and discussed some leafleting that West Ham Anarchists were going to carry out around a local by-election, and the making of another leaflet attacking the fascist National Front(NF).<ref name= "WHA1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 22 January 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008160).</ref>
It stated that the leaflet was to be printed at Freedom Press, home of the longest-running British anarchist newspaper.<ref name= "WHA1"/>

===East London Libertarians and the Family Squatting Campaign===
The intelligence report on the WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians was present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on 9 February 1969. The East London Libertarians were a group that operated in the same area as the West Ham Anarchists, with a particular focus on squatting. There was an overlap in activities between the two groups.<ref>Note:' Libertarian' is now a term currently used to self-identify those on the extreme right of the political spectrum but in the context of the 1960/70s it was adopted by anarchists.</ref> For instance, some members of West Ham Anarchists took part in the Family Squatting Campaign.<ref name="TheSquatters"/>

The Family Squatting Campaign was formed in 1968 but also had its antecedents in the first half of the 20th Century. Among its organisers was Ron Bailey.<ref name="manalive">[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m Extract from BBC Man Alive - The Squatters] BBC, 1973 (accessed 27 December 2020).</ref> The same SB intelligence report on a WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 (and filed on 22 January 1969) also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians, another anarchist group that operated in the same area was also present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on the 9 February 1969. While Ron recalls going to some WHA's meetings (as a member of East London Libertarians) he is unable to recall whether he was at this specific meeting.<ref name="RBinterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Ron Bailey, 10 December 2020.</ref><ref> Ron also said that none of the physical descriptions given at the end of the Special Branch report fit his appearance at the time.</ref><ref name="RBinterview"/>

HN326 writes in his statement that he did not attend any meetings of the East London Libertarians, stating that this was because they engaged in criminalised activity (such as ‘sit-ins’) which he was not permitted to participate in.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards emphasized in his witness testimony that they were not in allowed to take part in any criminal activity, no matter how minor.<ref name="EHDay1"/> However, elsewhere he expressed the view that he was not given any guidance on such matters. It also seems opposed to the goals of the SDS - to monitor criminal activity by political activists if they were not even allowed to attend meetings of groups who allegedly broke the law. On this point, Edwards’ testimony also appears especially contradictory given his recollections of WHA committing minor criminal offences.

[[File:800px-ClipfromManAlive1969.png|right|450px|thumb|Screenshot from the BBC documentary [[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m The Squatters]] (1969). This footage was taken on 9 February 1969 of the Squatting action in Redbridge, London]]

The person who is placed was at the WHA meeting from East London Libertarians <ref>Note, that in the reports published by the inquiry, activist's names are normally redacted, making it impossible to identify which individual is being reported on.</ref> mentioned a plan taking place on the 9 February 1969 to ‘establish some homeless families [...] in empty council houses’.<ref name= "WHA1"/> This was a successful action by the Family Squatting Campaign, in which although they arranged to meet at Manor Park Underground station in the London Borough of Newham they occupied four houses in the adjacent borough of Redbridge.<ref name="RonInterview"> Note: You can hear Ron Bailey talk about this at 10:54 into this interview: Mallen Baker, [http://mallenbaker.net/podcast/ron-bailey-successful-campaigns-against-powerful-opponents Episode #22: Ron Bailey – Successful campaigns against powerful opponents] 19 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020).</ref> Some members of West Ham Anarchists took a squat, a former post office building on Cleveland Road.<ref name="TheSquatters"/> Again, in the hearings, Edwards comments that this kind of activity is something he would not get involved with due to its criminality.<ref>Note: Squatting was not a criminal offence in England and Wales until 2012.</ref><ref>Note: A article on the squatting campaigns in 1969, including that mention in Redbridge, can be found here:[https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/02 Today in London housing history: Family Squatting Campaign occupies 4 houses in Ilford, 1969] Past Tense (blog) 9 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020.</ref>

It is unclear if the intelligence on the 9 February action was passed on to uniformed police. It certainly did not impact on the group as it was successful. However, it may be that the police were wrong-footed in that the meeting place was given as Manor Park station in the neighbouring borough of Newham.<ref name="RonInterview"/><ref> Note: The police subsequently tried to bring some of the squatters to court for theft of electricity but he was foiled by the fact that meter readings had been taken and pre-payment made to the electricity board. See: pp.48 of 'The Squatters'.</ref>

As with other Special Branch reports published by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this one also contains descriptions of those attending the meetings. This is mainly related to physical appearances, but one attendee is described as a ‘drug addict’,<ref name="WHA1"/> (likely a pejorative description for someone using marijuana - see below).

===West Ham Anarchists===
The second report concerning West Ham Anarchists is dated 26 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008161).</ref> A gap of almost four months between the first and second report, suggests that several unpublished reports, based on Edwards’ intelligence are missing; or for whatever reason have not been published by the Inquiry.

This report, which also contains personal information, describes the alleged decline of the group, in the frequency of meetings and the number of people attending - ‘no more than 12’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> Whether this represented a marked decline in membership of the group is not known. However, to put this in context the anarchist movement from this period (and to the present day) are often small - and local groups this size are commonplace.

The report also dismissively described the group members as students and school leavers who all are around ‘20 years of age’ - and ‘long haired’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> It says that they participated in other activities such as anti-Vietnam war marches and ‘minor acts of malicious damage’ against the local Conservative and Labour Party offices. The report then critiques the members supposed lack of knowledge about anarchist political theory.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

The report also mentions one particular member as being connected with other groups, including the umbrella London Federation of Anarchists<ref>Note: The successor group Federation of London Anarchist Groups was targeted by [[Jim 'Jimmy' Pickford (alias)]].</ref> and the Ilford Branch of the International Socialism Group, as well as the aforementioned Freedom Press and East London Libertarians. Another member is described as being involved in a 'breakaway group’ that committed criminal damage after a demonstration outside Rhodesia House on 12 January 1969.<ref name= "WHA2"/><ref>
[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1969/jan/20/disturbances-strand DISTURBANCES, STRAND] Hansard, 20 January 1969 vol 776 cc44-7 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref> A West Ham Anarchist's mother is noted as having moved away from anarchism towards Christianity.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

It is also mentioned that WHA met in two pubs, The Railway Tavern, and The Golden Horse both within the London postcode area of E15. Further comments include the accusation that members spend their weekends ‘taking the drug cannabis’<ref name="WHA2"/><ref>Note: The report also mentions that the WHA is subject of a Special Branch Registry File No: RF.400/66/70.</ref>

The third and final published based on Edwards intelligence on WHA's is dated 29 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427933-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 29 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008162, 1 December 2020).</ref> It concerns the personal details of two members of the WHA, recording that one of their fathers is employed as a motor mechanic and while the WHA is a clerk at ‘Stratford Goods Yard, E15’. On the reason for recording the information about the subjects’ father, Edwards did not elaborate beyond saying that it was probably intelligence from the back office of the SDS that was inserted into the report.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name="WHA3"/>

==Switch of Targets: From anarchist groups to the Independent Labour Party==
According to Edwards: ‘[…] it became apparent to me and my supervisors that these [anarchist] groups were a waste of time. Accordingly, it was decided that I would join the Independent Labour Party (ILP)’. He added that the decision to withdraw from the anarchist groups was approved by [[Conrad Dixon]], the commanding officer of the SDS at the time.<ref name= "EHDay1"/> Further context to this decision is given in the SDS 1969 Annual report which said of anarchists and anarchist groups:<ref name="AnnualReport1969">Phil Saunders, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427367-mps-0728973 Special Demonstration Squad Annual Report 1969] Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 7 November 1969 (sourced via: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0728973).</ref>

::The distasteful nature of the way of life of such people, which officers must assume, adds to the difficulties of penetration. Small groups can be and have been penetrated with some success by the S.O.S. but their tendency to act in isolation makes the value of full time coverage questionable.

Despite this 'distaste' for their lifestyles and the decentralised organising structure of anarchist groups, the choice of the Edwards' initial target appears to be closer the SDS' raison d'être - as targeting of the WHA could be justified in the realm of public order issues. The same could not be said of surveilling the Independent Labour Party, at least according to Edwards:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

:: They were quite left-wing but very pleasant, sociable people wrapped up in the world of intellectual Marxism. They were people who would like to have been politicians. The ILP did not do very much, to be honest. They would support different demonstrations depending on the issue.

However, Edwards defended the selection of what became his main target between 1969 until 1971:
::[It was] to have a 'handle to swing' into other groups. By this, I mean that I could use my membership of the ILP as a means of going to almost any other meeting.

==='A handle to swing'===
The Independent Labour Party, was a small, left-wing political party. Established in 1893 its heyday predated the Second World War. In the early 1960s, it was involved in opposition to the nuclear arms race and promoted ideas such as workers' control. It also campaigned for decolonisation.<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independent_Labour_Party Independent Labour Party], last updated July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>
At the time of Edwards infiltration, its national membership totalled 742 and the London Division (which Edwards monitored) included branches in west London, Woolwich, Bexleyheath, and Tower Hamlets.<ref name="ILP1"/>

::The SDS did not have any real interest in the ILP: it was merely a vehicle for obtaining information. Through my membership of the ILP, I targeted Tri-Continental (sic), the Dambusters Mobilising Committee (‘DMC’) and linked anti-apartheid groups which were causing a lot of problems at the time.
Edwards said: 'they [the ILP] did support demonstrations that were seen to have the potential to undermine parliamentary democracy'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> However, in the live evidence hearings, Edwards states that he probably used the ‘wrong words’ in this context, though without further elaborating what he meant.<ref name="EHDay1"/> In his statement, he also stated that the ILP did not participate in criminal activity, or public disorder.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

It can be noted that the other groups that Doug targeted: Tricontinental, Dambusters and anti-apartheid groups for the most part did not fit into either a subversion or public disorder risk categories.

In opposition to Edwards assessment of the ILP, in 1969 they were presented as one of the 'main' threats to public order in the SDS annual report of that year.<ref name="AnnualReport1969"/>

===Activities within the ILP===
Doug describes his activities when infiltrating the ILP in oral testimony as: ‘Making posters and things, I think. Yeah, there was you had to sort of go willing to stay a member, sort of thing, to be -- you had to go to the branch meetings […]’<ref name="EHDay1"/>
He claimed he generally only interacted with members of the ILP at meetings and drinks afterward. However, it is clear that he became quite integrated into the group, and he himself says he was invited to the wedding of two ILP members. While he did not go to the registry office ceremony itself, he did attend the reception.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>He also became the treasurer of the Tower Hamlets ILP branch, a position indicating a degree of trust, and which would have also given access to bank and membership details.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

===Reporting on the ILP===
The first report on the Independent Labour Party (ILP) is dated 16 June 1969. In its opening paragraphs, it states: ‘The I.L.P. are on the whole content to work within the framework of conventional politics.’<ref name="ILP1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427947-ucpi0000008203 Special Branch report containing background information regarding the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 June 1969 (source: upci.org.uk as document UCPI-0000008203 ).</ref> However, it also states: ‘there is a trend within the party towards Revolutionary' socialism and this has brought some of its members to notice in a public order context’.<ref name= "ILP1"/> This is at odds with Edwards's retrospective view that the ILP themselves were not of interest to the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
This report seems to function as an introduction to the ILP and outlines its structure and size, and political tensions within the group. These tensions are described as being between revolutionary and non-revolutionary wings. This might seem to serve as an implicit justification for monitoring the group.<ref name="ILP1"/> However, Edwards himself brings this reasoning into doubt. When asked how militant the Tower Hamlets branch that he infiltrated was, he answers: '[...] I don't think they were that [militant] there were some pleasant enough blokes there. They'd turn out for the usual demonstrations, that's all'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
The second report based on Edward's intelligence is dated 14 June 1969.<ref name="ILP2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 June 1969 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008204).</ref> It records a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the ILP, a planned demonstration against a fascist rally at Laurie Hall in Romford, Essex on 29 June 1969, and a leaflet regarding a local rent struggle.<ref name="ILP2"/> It is also noted that whereas there was an SB file on the ILP, there was not one on the Tower Hamlets branch.<ref name="ILP2"/>

The third report dated 22 August 1969 contains the details of a member of the ILP and is dated 22 August 1969. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969 (see also ICRSC section below).<ref name="ILP3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008205, 2 December 2020).</ref>

===National Front Debate===
The fourth, fifth and sixth reports, dated 26 September 1969, 3 October 1969 and 16 October 1969 respectively, mainly concern the organising committee of the ILP and plans for a controversial debate with the fascist National Front.<ref name="ILP4">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party] 26 September 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008206 ).</ref><ref name="ILP5">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch''’, 3 October 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008207).</ref><ref name="ILP6">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008208, 2 December 2020).</ref>

The last of these three reports concerned a meeting held on 14 October 1969<ref name="ILP6"/> which was only attended by 3 people. In the evidence hearing of the Inquiry, the Counsel for the Inquiry (CTI) raised the issue of Doug Edward's involvement in decision making at ILP meetings, including ones with very low attendance. Edwards stated that he definitely did not influence the 'direction of travel' of the group but did not explain how he avoided expressing support (or opposition) for proposals within such a small group. Edwards also played down the significance of his role as Tower Hamlets branch treasurer in this regard, seemingly not understanding how having an official role in a group he is infiltrating might be controversial, instead emphasising the very small amounts of money involved.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The planned debate between the ILP and the NF led to one of the few incidents that Edwards could remember during his deployment in detail, albeit confusedly.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

Debating with fascists had generally been seen as unacceptable – and a ‘no platform’ policy across the left was inspired by popular anti-fascist actions across the UK both before and after the Second World War.<ref>Evan Smith, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, pp65-75 Routledge, 2020.</ref> The proposed ILP-NF debate attracted similar criticism.

Edwards recalls:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::The only thing I remember, they tried to organise a - a meeting with - have a debate with the right-wing fascists. And that got a bit out of order. The fascists (sic) got to hear of this debate taking place and there was a mob of - I don't know what they called themselves in those days, the 20s -- I can't remember what it was called. But we were all sitting outside the pub having a pint before the meeting when there was a big swarm of people came in and started punching everybody and sorting it all out.

However, despite saying it was initially fascists who caused the violence, Edwards corrected himself by saying it was in fact members of the International Socialists (now SWP) who attacked members of the ILP as they were angry that they had agreed to debate with the NF. He added that fellow SDS officers [[Phil Saunders]] and [[Riby Wilson]] were in a car outside the pub – and subsequently told him if Doug had been attacked they would have helped out. Edwards was not sure if this would have been the case.<ref>Note: In the telling, this anecdote had the feel of an amusing story told several times – perhaps at SDS reunions and other social occasions - with Edwards' doubt his fellow officers willingness to intervene serving as the punchline. It is also unclear why Phil Saunders and Riby Wilson would have been waiting outside the pub.</ref>

Other SDS reports in HN326's name on the ILP include administrative details such as the fact that the HQ in Bethnal Green, in east London is too expensive.<ref name="ILP7">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 Dec 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008210).</ref> In 1970, a meeting of the ILP is said to be a ‘showdown’ between moderates and militants within the party was planned for October in Leeds.

A conference, ‘The Convention of the New Left’ is also attended by Doug Edwards on 11 April 1970, along with another unnamed member (s) of the ILP and another group, ‘The New Socialists’.<ref name="ILP8">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 April 1970 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008211).</ref> A later report, gives personal details on a member of the ILP of whom it is said he could be described as a ‘militant’ and they were also involved with Southern Africa Solidarity Committee, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref name="ILP9">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008213).</ref>

===End of deployment===
::My involvement in the ILP came to an end when I realised I had had enough of being an undercover officer on the SDS.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> I simply stopped attending meetings and demonstrations and disappeared from the ILP - commenting that: ‘They wouldn't have missed me'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==Other groups reported on==

===Action Committee Against NATO and Tricontinental===
Contemporarily with attending ILP meetings, Edwards also went to some other group’s discussions. This included the Action Committee Against NATO (ACAN).<ref name="NATO"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 November 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008209).</ref> Little is known about this group, and it seems likely was an ad hoc organising committee rather than a long-term campaign group.

The Special Branch report says that a group called Tricontinental paid the deposit for a meeting at Conway Hall on 10 December 1969. This decision was relayed to several other groups who may have had representatives on the committee.<ref> Note: These were Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece, and The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship.</ref> The London-based Tricontinental Committee is described in another Special Branch report as '[...] a small Cuba/Moscow oriented group' <ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447642-mps-0736221 Stop the Seventy Tour] 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0736221).</ref>

When questioned at the evidence hearing about his attendance at these meetings, Edwards could only reply in generalities to why they were monitored - or why Special Branch was interested in them - saying that they it was due to NATO's importance in the UK's security policy - and that some of the people attending such demonstrations were likely to be troublemakers.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

===Dambusters Organising Committee===
The Dambusters Organising Committee (DMC) was a ‘[…] coalition of groups that included the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Haslemere Group and the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guiné. Its focus was preventing the construction of the huge Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique. This was a collaboration between South Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal - the project was intended to supply electricity to apartheid South Africa. They were also spied upon by SDS undercover Stewart Goodman from autumn 1971<ref>Note: For example see:[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427925-ucpi0000008117 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing a planned day of action against British companies involved in a particular project] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 January 1971 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI000008117).</ref><ref>[https://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-5E6 STOP CABORA BASSA DAM] African Activist Archive (website), no date (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref>

In the evidence hearings, Edwards suggests that a group like Dambusters might have been of interest to Special Branch - due to its connection to 'all the trouble with the movement against apartheid'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards then cites anti-apartheid actions - such as the rugby match at Twickenham between England and South Africa, which was disrupted by the 'Stop the Seventy Campaign' (see main profile: [[Mike Ferguson]]). However, there is no suggestion in any of the reports on the Dambusters Mobilising Campaign group that they might be a public disorder problem themselves.
The first of these intelligence reports is dated 11 February 1970 and describes the group's plans – and reports back from previous events.<ref name= "DB1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as UCPI0000008111).</ref>.
Subsequent reports filed in Douglas Edwards' name said that as part of their campaign a member of DMC had purchased 100 shares in Barclays bank in early 1971.<ref name="DB3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 5 April 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008109).</ref><ref> Note: A report dated 7 October 1970 on the group was also published by the Inquiry as if it was associated with Doug Edwards. However, neither his name is not attached to the report, but that of [[Stewart Goodman]]. See:[ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427920-ucpi0000008112 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing future actions of the group].</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===
Douglas also reported on three meetings of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in the autumn of 1970, two years after the large October 1968 demonstration. In his written statement, Doug said, like the rest of the meetings he could remember nothing of them.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug reports that on 22 September 1970 a meeting of the VSC took place and planning for a weekend of action in October, including a march in London’s West End. This would include the blocking of roads and ‘disorder’ as well as a plan to attack President Richard Nixon’s car.<ref name= "DouglasVSC">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 25 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005813).</ref> there is a further report from a meeting on 29 September <ref>Note: This mentioned some other groups, including the Agitprop Bookshop and the Young Communist League (YCL) who were also the subject of surveillance by the SDS.</ref> which states the intention of some attending this meeting to cause ‘damage and disruption’ during the demonstration.<ref name="DougVSC2"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration ] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 6 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005814).</ref> The final report states that the VSC is withdrawing support for an action on 31 October 1970, much to the apparent chagrin of some present.<ref name="DougVSC3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 9 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005816).</ref>

===Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign===
The ICRSC was closely connected to the International Socialists (later the SWP) and counted the well-known Civil Rights campaigner and MP (1969-1974), Bernadette Devlin, as a member.<ref name="Devlinarticle">Kitty Holland, [https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293 Bernadette McAliskey: ‘I am astounded I survived. I made mad decisions’] 22 September 2016 (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref> The group was extensively monitored and infiltrated and reported on by several other SDS officers: [[Sean Lynch]], [[Andy Bailey]] and [[Mike Ferguson]]. It should also be noted that the political situation in the north of Ireland was used to justify the continuance of the SDS in the opening hearing by legal representatives of the various police bodies.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426759-20201103-ucpi_opening_statements_transcript Opening Statements, Day 2] 3 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

Edwards’ name is put to three Special Branch reports which mention the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/> As well as the two reports (discussed in detail below), Edwards sent a Metropolitan Police telegram as a member of 'CI Dixon's Squad'<ref name="DougTelegram1"/> to the Commander<ref>Note: the addressing of correspondence to the ‘Commader of Special Branch’ would have been a formality.</ref> of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969 at 10.10 pm.<ref name="DougTelegram1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736646).</ref>
The telegram reads:
::Whilst attending. to another Matter at The Dolphin P.H., Bidborough Street., W.C.1., I overheard a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign at which a decision was made by about 15 to 20 young person’s immediately to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, W.1. with the intention of causing mischief. The group were in a militant mood and may cause malicious damage.

[[Image:MPSTelgramHN326toCmdrSB.png|right|400px|thumb|MPS Telegram from HN326 ('Doug Edwards') to Cmdr of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969]]

Edwards, at the hearing in November 2020 did not fully explain his presence at the venue - though vaguely intimated that he may have been working in tandem with another officer (who may have been [[Sean Lynch]] who both infiltrated the ICRSC - and was a close friend of Edwards).<ref name="EHDay1"/> Edwards said that he was '[...] waiting for a signal from him [an undercover officer] to tell him that this thing [act of malicious damage] was going to go ahead [...]'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

Edwards said he never attended any other meetings of the ICRSC, so could not see how he would be the intelligence source for the reports attributed to him on this group. Doug speculated that the ‘reliable source’ in the case of these reports might have been another ‘hairy’ - member of the SDS. At the time [[Sean Lynch]], [[Mike Ferguson]] and [[Andy Bailey]] were infiltrating the ICRSC. Doug responded that he could not comment on why these particular reports were copied to MI5. He also inaccurately alleged that members of the group ‘were a front for the IRA’,<ref name="Doug1st"/> - something that Edwards said he probably gleaned through another member of the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second of the reports, dated 22 August 1969, contains the details of a member of the ILP. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969. the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/>

The third of these reports is of a redacted individual entering the UK.<ref name= "ICRSC1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as MPS-0732317, 2 December 2020).</ref> One report dated 7 October 1970 is exclusively concerned with an anonymised individual who is a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 7 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000026969).</ref>
A further report dated 28 January 1971 contains a leaflet attacking the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland. <ref name= "ICRSC2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 28 January 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0738228).</ref><ref>Note: At this time, CS gas had not been used elsewhere in the British Isles and its use by the Royal Ulster Constabulary in the Bogside area of Derry in 1969 was very controversial. not least as it caused choking, vomiting and irritation of the eyes and skin to residents. Frank Roche and Bowes Egan, members of a group called ‘People’s Democracy’ (also mentioned in a number of other published SB reports)</ref> Support for the two men's trial is also voiced in the leaflet, alongside mentions of two other groups: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and Clann na h’Eireann.<ref name="ICRSC2"/>

In his written statement, Doug did recall attending a demonstration outside of the ‘the Northern Irish offices in Barclay Street and bumping into another Undercover officer, [Sean Lynch]] and going to the pub with him and a genuine member of the ILP, Bill Turner.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> No date is given for this event.

===Single Mentions===
Two reports signed by Douglas concern groups not otherwise mentioned in Douglas’ intelligence. The first regarded the founding of a new group; the ‘Socialist Alliance Against Racism (which included a ‘faction’ of the ILP).<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736231).</ref> During the evidence hearings, the Counsel to the Inquiry asked why, if this was the first meeting of a campaign group, it would have been of interest to Special Branch. This seems to implicate that for the Inquiry, a group that had not started yet could not be designated either a ‘public order’ or ‘subversive threat’ to allow targeting by the SDS Edwards could only reply in the most general of terms saying that it was unfair to criticise the gathering of such information in hindsight - especially given the political context of the times.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second report covered a meeting of a group called the British Albania Society that took place in Derbyshire in May 1970. Again, Douglas could not recall anything about this group or reporting on it. The meeting was led by Harpal Brar, who was the chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) until 2018. In the hearings, Douglas disavowed that he could have had any direct knowledge of this group, despite his name being on the report.<ref name="Albania">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 27 May 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0739668).</ref>

In his statement, Doug also mentions that he visited the offices of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) although this was only ‘as a result of my involvement in the ILP’.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

==Post-SDS career==
In the last two or three years of Edward's police career, he was posted to the 'vetting office'. This section of the MPS conducted security vetting for applicants for jobs within the MPS, with Edwards stating it was a collaborative process with MI5.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==In the Preliminary stages of the Undercover Policing Inquiry==
According to Edward's risk assessment:<ref name = HN326RA>Kevin Shanahan, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN326-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Open risk assessment for HN326], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (sourced: via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: He was recruited by Special Branch management into the Special Operations Squad, whose function was to monitor protest groups who were a major concern of the Government. He had no formal induction or form of training (3.3).
:: At the time of his recruitment was informed by his senior management (Detective Chief Inspector & Detective Inspector) that the Unit he was seconded to was highly secret and was to be deployed as a result of the ongoing large-scale public disorder being a major concern of the Government at that time (late 1968) (3.4).
:: Not offered or provided with support during his deployment; it was ad hoc and uncoordinated (4.19).

According to his written statement, Edwards was also involved in [[HN16]]'s deployment in an administrative role.<ref name="HN326PS"/> In his risk assessment he points out that when he was asked to provide information about HN16, he had specifically requested officers from ‘an operation'’ [redacted, most probably Operation Herne] not to visit his home address. Despite his request, in his words 'unthinking officers unable to accept that he is retired' did visit him there, 'creating a great deal of distress to his wife'.<ref name = HN326RA/>

The MPS applied in August 2017 for a restriction order over his real name with open versions published.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry ('', 3 August 2017.</ref>
No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry '', 3 August 2017.</ref> and it was formally released in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

According to Mitting (Aug 2017): <ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: He has been careful to preserve his anonymity and is worried about disclosure of his real name. He is concerned that it may be discovered by organisations such as undercoverresearch.net and fears media intrusion. He suffers from conditions that may be exacerbated by worry. His cover name will be published.

The application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref> I am satisfied that publication of HN326's real name would interfere with his right to respect for his private life and that the interference is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN326.pdf Restriction Order] over his real was made on 8 December 2017. See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Table of Special Branch Reports attributed to Edwards' Reporting==

{| class="wikitable" style="border-spacing: 2px; border: 2px solid Blue;"
! Date
! Title of Report
! Target Group
! Notes
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/07/68
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)]
|VSC
|Reports on a Court Case in Bow Street Magistrates; 'C' Squad report, prior to Doug’s move to the SDS
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|22/01/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election]
|West Ham Anarchists/East London Libertarians/Family Squatting Campaign
|Reports of leaflets regarding by-election and Squatting Actions Signed off by CI Conrad Dixon
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/06/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|23/08/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|12/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Telegram from HN326 ('from CI Dixon's squad') to Cmdr Special Branch
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|26/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; National Front
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|16/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders; CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/11/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]
|Action Committee Against NATO; Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece: The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship
|Signed off by CI Saunders and CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/12/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI (?) R Wilson
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee; Haslemere Group
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism]
|Socialist Alliance Against Racialism; New Socialists;Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain; Indian Marxist-Leninist Association; Socialist Current
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|21/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|27/05/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society]
|British Albania Society
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/09/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Member passing through Port of Dover
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|07/10/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC]
|Islington Branch of the ICRSC
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|28/01/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland]
|Irish Solidarity Campaign, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Clann na h'Eireann
|Signed off by Ch. Supt Watts and CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; Palestine Solidarity Campaign; Southern African Solidarity Committee; VSC.
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|05/04/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|25/09/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]
|VSC, Black Power
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|06/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration]
|Agitprop, Young Communist League
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|09/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration]
|VSC; Agitprop; Anti-Imperalist Movement
|Signed off by CI HN294
|}

==Notes==

<references/>

Douglas Edwards (alias)

2025-10-02T06:47:22Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN326'|Alias=Douglas "Doug" Edwards|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1971|Targets=Anarchist groups, Independent Labour Party, Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee}}

'''Douglas "Doug" Edwards''' is the cover name of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated anarchist groups (including West Ham Anarchists). He later spied on the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Through the ILP he monitored campaigning groups Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee (DMC) from late 1968 to May 1971. His cover personality created for his deployment was commonly known as 'Doug’ and gave a date of birth as 8 August 1945.
His real name is restricted by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and he is also known by the cipher HN326 for the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]).<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* ''' A -n updated version of this profile can be found here:'''*[

HN326 gave live evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 13 November 2020. The majority of the following derives from his written<ref name= "Doug1st">HN326, [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426722-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 First Written Statement of HN326] 16 April 2019 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0738584, 1 December 2020).</ref> and oral testimony<ref name= "EHDay1"/> as well as Special Branch Intelligence reports released by the Inquiry in November 2020.

==Police Career before SDS==
Doug Edwards joined the Metropolitan Police in 1964, after completing his initial training he was posted to a North London police station.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Unhappy in this policing role, he successfully applied to join Special Branch and began working there in 1968 as a ‘PC CID’, having passed the relevant course.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Doug states:

:: Initially, upon joining Special Branch, I was posted to C Squad which dealt with left-wing enquiries (sic) [redacted]. Day-to-day, I would carry out these enquiries (sic). Sometimes there would be a little bit of subterfuge involved. We would do what was called a 'knock-knock' and pretend to be someone else to find out about the individual who was the subject of an enquiry.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

‘C Squad’ dealt with Communists and Subversives, public order issues and what was later labelled ‘ Domestic Extremism’. It is thought that the SDS was within ‘C’ Squad in Edwards’ era – although later moved into ‘S’ (Specialist/Technical Support) Squad.<ref name="DLOOS">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426753-20201028-opening_statement-dl_clients Opening statement from the Designated Lawyer Officers] ''Designated Lawyer Officers'', 28 October 2020 (source: ucpi.org.uk). </ref>

Evidence released by the Inquiry regarding the Vietnam Solidarity Committee contains a telegram from HN326 reporting on a Marylebone magistrates court hearing on 3 July 1968.<ref name="MPS-0722098p.50">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 June 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0722098).</ref> It describes three people being sentenced to fines for a demonstration in Powis Square in Notting Hill on 25 May 1968.<ref name="VSCTG">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427448-mps-0731916 Police Telegram] Demonstration by members of VSC and Black Power Movement] ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 25 May 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk).</ref> (This event also relates to other undercover officers [[Helen Crampton]] and [[Don de Freitas]] ). As this trial pre-dates the formation of the SDS, this was not undercover work. Rather, the officer would have attended the court in plain clothes as part of standard Special Branch activity gathering intelligence on behalf of ‘C ‘ Squad.

==Special Demonstration Squad==
After a short time in Special Branch (SB), Doug was recruited by Detective Inspector Saunders<ref> Note Saunders was Doug’s Detective Inspector on C Squad.</ref> into the SDS in late 1968, which had only begun in July of 1968. Although he joined in 1968, Doug was deployed after the Grosvenor Square October 1968 demonstration and therefore does not belong to the very first cohort of SDS officers.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> At the time, Edwards was still on two years’ SB probation.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

===Attitude and Opinions===
To date, no one from Edwards' target groups has provided information on his infiltration, and it is unclear how much effort the Inquiry made to locate contemporary witnesses,<ref> Note: It is not known if the Inquiry managed to trace anyone from those groups but if so, no evidence written or otherwise played a part in the evidentiary hearings.</ref> this means that any comments on Edward's attitude and personality entirely rely on his testimony of 13 November 2020, 50 years after his deployment. Further, no questions were posed to Doug how he presented himself to the groups that he infiltrated or what his cover personality was like.

Whilst there are several Special Branch reports published on his infiltration, the reports were according to Edwards, typed and completed by other police personnel.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name= "EHDay1"/> This issue is explored in more detail below.

In reply to written questions submitted by the Inquiry, Doug says he did not know why the SDS had been set up but commented that: 'What was going on at these demonstrations was quite nasty and frightening at times’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

On being a Special Branch officer:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::[...] you needed to identify people and try and understand what their political beliefs were. And it was [...] reported back so that there were records of these people to be called upon if need be.

Doug outlined why people's political beliefs were being recorded:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::Well, it was just part and parcel of being an SB officer, to try and get this information, to try and understand what groups that they were allocated to; because there's all sorts of rivalries in different groups and some were Trotskyite (sic) people that were bent on causing violence, and anarchist groups that were causing violence at demonstrations.

===Training===
Doug states that before joining the SDS the only policing that he carried out that could be described as undercover was when he had been assigned to monitor a fellow officer drinking after hours.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like other former SDS officers whose statements have been released as of November 2020, Doug said he ‘did not receive any training, formal or informal, for the role of an undercover police officer before I was deployed’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Nor did he receive any formal ethical guidance on whether it was permissible to enter to any sexual relationships with members of the groups he was monitoring – commenting that: […] in those days, we lived by what I perceive to be higher moral standards than today. This sort of activity simply would not be done.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug stated he also received no guidance on what to do if brought before a court whether as a defendant or as a witness or if he would obtain access to legally privileged information.

===Development of Cover Identity===
Before his deployment, Edwards states that he: ‘[…] was not given any guidance or instruction about the creation of a false identity [...] I was just told to get an identity and to get a job.’<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like many of the officers from the early days of the SDS, Douglas ‘legend’ or back story was not well developed, commenting that he ‘just played it by ear’ and relied on his cover employment as a lorry driver.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> This is an early example of SDS use of fake (or 'duff' in SDS parlance) jobs which required working away from home to give the officer excuses as for being far away from his undercover address. HN326 also said this job meant that he also could not easily be reached by telephone. Like many of the undercovers of the time, Doug changed his appearance by growing his hair and beard to fit into the activist milieu better.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> It was this tactic that gained the SDS’ nickname ‘The Hairies’. The only identity document that Edwards had in his cover name, was his rent book for his cover address in the E15 postcode area of east London.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===As an SDS Officer===
Edwards served for two and a half years as a Special Demonstration Squad officer, with two years in the field and six months in the back office. He started in November 1968, leaving the SDS in May 1971.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>
Although Doug states his initial tasking was to infiltrate anarchist groups, the earliest report released by the Inquiry in relation to his undercover work concerns a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. He was one of five undercovers who attended a large public meeting on the back of the anti-Vietnam War demonstration of October 1968. Among the other undercovers was SDS founder and commanding officer [[Conrad Dixon]].<ref name= "12Nov68VSC"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427409-mps-0730768 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC ‘reporting back’ on the October demonstration], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'',12 November 1968 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0730768).</ref> Commenting on the numbers of officers present at this meeting, Edwards said ' The presence of so many officers was probably Conrad Dixon's way of showing how active the SDS was.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===SDS Secrecy===
In his personal statement, Doug writes:<ref name="HN326PS">'HN326', [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20414285-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 Open personal statement of HN326], Metropolitan Police Service, 2017 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Discretion and secrecy was the order of the day – ‘stum und krum'<ref> Note: An aphorism that I can not trace.</ref>. Say nothing about anything, this was communicated to me right from the very start. Even other members of my unit were not aware of my undercover name and which groups I infiltrated. It was very much ‘keep quiet about the whole thing’. To be honest, I can't recall a conversation about secrecy at the end of my deployment. It was just the nature of the job that you didn't talk about it.
He added: 'At the time of my deployment, I was living with my parents. I told them I was on the Drugs squad [...]’<ref name= "HN326PS"/>

See: [[Conrad Dixon]] and [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-2/ Special Branch Files] for further information on the Anti-Vietnam war protests and the founding of the SDS.

==The authorship and process of creating Special Branch Intelligence Reports==

The Inquiry has released a number of reports submitted in the name of HN326 (see table below). In his oral statement. However, the former officer has thrown doubt on the authorship and provenance of the intelligence contained in them. In his written statement he sketched out the report writing process that suggested little can be unambiguously attributed to him personally. A detailed account of the process of the creation of the reports which contrasts with his recollection of the content of them:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::After attending a meeting or a demonstration, I wrote out by hand or typed out what I had learnt on a bit of paper in the SOS<ref>Note: 'Special Operations Squad' - one of the other names that the SDS went by.</ref> flat. This bit of paper would then be taken over to the Yard via a secure bag: either someone from the Yard would come to the SDS flat with the secure bag in order to pick up the information, or we would meet someone at a location away from the Yard in order to hand the information over. Sometimes it was [Detective Inspector] Phil Saunders who would go between the Yard and the SDS flat to collect our intelligence, but it was also often an officer of a lesser rank. Reports were then collated and typed up in full in the office, either by the officers in the office — [[Bill Furner]], [[Roy Creamer]] and [[Dave Smith]] — or by the typing pool. They typed the reports with the appropriate formatting and alignment on a better typewriter than we had access to in the SDS flat. When drafting the reports, those in the office would collate all of the information provided about a particular meeting, demonstration, or issue. They would look at the information I provided on the bits of paper alongside other information[..]

Edwards also suggested that some reports were attributed to him and other undercover officers to justify their deployments:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

::When there were quieter periods for SDS officers, I assume that intelligence reports were put in their name to justify their continued deployment. It is an assumption I have made since being shown the reports […] because there are certain reports which bear my name but I do not recall having any involvement with these groups.

Edwards says that he has: ‘no independent recollection of any of the meetings or events referred to within these reports save where I have expressly stated otherwise'.<ref name="Doug1st"/>. However, with most of the reports, he did agree he was likely to be the ‘reliable source’ of at least some of the information in the report. Though he did not type them up himself, he submitted handwritten notes which were used alongside other material. He also points out that he only signed one of the reports discussed below.<ref name="Doug1st"/>.

Often in the evidence hearing itself, when asked if recalled particular details of a report, or the attitude of fellow officers he exclaimed that he could not be expected to remember them after such a long period: ‘Cor, blimey! I can't remember that. Goodness me’.<ref name= "EHDay1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20507597-20201113-ucpi_evidence_hearings_transcript UCPI Evidence Hearings: Tranche 1 (Phase 1) | Day 10 (Full day) (Transcript)] 13 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk ).</ref> In contrast, Douglas was able to specifically deny he attended two meetings of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

==Anarchist Groups==

As stated, HN326 was tasked to infiltrate anarchist groups in the east end of London,<ref name= "Doug1st"/> with the only direction he was given was to ‘hang around’ Piccadilly Circus to be recruited into a group; this was where they thought these anarchist groups tended to congregate’. No context was given by Edwards to this instruction.<ref>Note: One possible reason for it was the presence of a high-profile squat in the area at 144 Piccadilly in September 1969, which was widely reported in the media at the time although this post-dates the beginning of Edwards’ deployment. See: Phil Cohen,[https://philcohenworks.com/the-way-we-were/ The Way we were] undated (sourced: 1 December 2020). However, there was reportedly another squatted building occupied in Endell Street, before this - although the precise date is uncertain. More generally, Piccadilly Circus also had a reputation as a centre of queer and gay culture – and drug use – which the police may have connected with an imagined anarchist lifestyle.</ref><ref name="TheSquatters">Ron Bailey, The Squatters (1973), Penguin.</ref> Edwards also mentions that among other back office staff in the SDS, supposed police expert on anarchist groups, Roy Creamer (later of the Bomb Squad- and involved in ‘The Angry Brigade’ investigations) then a Sergeant with the SDS, gave him some advice.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Having failed to make any inroads with the anarchists around Piccadilly Circus, Edwards moved his attention elsewhere:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::I then decided to go to the East End of London in order to be nearer the action, so to speak. I hung around in the local pubs because I thought it was likely that people involved in these anarchist groups would go there to have a drink. I infiltrated a few groups at this stage; by 'infiltrate' in this instance I mean attending a few meetings to get up to date with what the groups were doing, rather than penetrating the groups or becoming a card-carrying member. The groups whose meetings I attended included the West Ham Anarchists and Freedom Press. There may have been other groups but due to the passage of time, I cannot recall their names. Some of these groups were quite nasty pieces of work insofar as they would cause criminal damage and go wild at demonstrations. For example, I remember at a demonstration outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square cries of ‘Anarchista!’ and demonstrators throwing objects at the Embassy.

On this demonstration, Edwards commented:
:: […] It got a bit tasty. They started smashing windows and it was violent and – there we are. The mounted police came in then, to try and stop things.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The Inquiry released three intelligence reports based on Edwards' spying which predominantly relates to West Ham Anarchists. This group, based in the east end of London appeared to have been active between 1966 and 1969.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-7996/page/2/mode/2up?q=West+Ham+Anarchists Direct Action] Syndicalist Workers Federation, April 1966 (accessed via Sparrows Nest, 1 December 2020).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-18.pdf Freedom News] 18 January 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> In 1966, they disrupted a husting during the general election which was captured on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc film].<ref>Note: Nick Heath (aka Charles Mowbray) stated that the hecklers interrupting a Conservative Party candidate in the 1966 General election at 37.09-41.00 are members of West Ham Anarchists. See: Joseph Strick, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers] 1966 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref>

[[File:WesthamanarchistsFreedom26November1966.png|300px|left|thumb|Freedom Newspaper 26 November 1966]][[File:WestHamAnarchists.png|right|300px|thumb|Screenshot (from [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers]) of West Ham Anarchists disrupting a 1966 Election Hustings]]

Beyond this – and what Edwards reported, little is known about their activities, although they did publish a newspaper named ‘Black Mass’ in 1969.<ref> Note: No archived copy can be found but there is a review of it in ''Freedom News'': [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-09-27.pdf ''Freedom News''] 27 September 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> The fact that the group's apparent demise happened at the same time as Doug’s infiltration is not known to be connected.<ref>Note: The stated ‘demise’ is only based on a lack of any listing or mention of the groups in any archived anarchist publications from 1970 onwards.</ref>

The first report is dated 22 January 1969 and discussed some leafleting that West Ham Anarchists were going to carry out around a local by-election, and the making of another leaflet attacking the fascist National Front(NF).<ref name= "WHA1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 22 January 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008160).</ref>
It stated that the leaflet was to be printed at Freedom Press, home of the longest-running British anarchist newspaper.<ref name= "WHA1"/>

===East London Libertarians and the Family Squatting Campaign===
The intelligence report on the WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians was present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on 9 February 1969. The East London Libertarians were a group that operated in the same area as the West Ham Anarchists, with a particular focus on squatting. There was an overlap in activities between the two groups.<ref>Note:' Libertarian' is now a term currently used to self-identify those on the extreme right of the political spectrum but in the context of the 1960/70s it was adopted by anarchists.</ref> For instance, some members of West Ham Anarchists took part in the Family Squatting Campaign.<ref name="TheSquatters"/>

The Family Squatting Campaign was formed in 1968 but also had its antecedents in the first half of the 20th Century. Among its organisers was Ron Bailey.<ref name="manalive">[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m Extract from BBC Man Alive - The Squatters] BBC, 1973 (accessed 27 December 2020).</ref> The same SB intelligence report on a WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 (and filed on 22 January 1969) also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians, another anarchist group that operated in the same area was also present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on the 9 February 1969. While Ron recalls going to some WHA's meetings (as a member of East London Libertarians) he is unable to recall whether he was at this specific meeting.<ref name="RBinterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Ron Bailey, 10 December 2020.</ref><ref> Ron also said that none of the physical descriptions given at the end of the Special Branch report fit his appearance at the time.</ref><ref name="RBinterview"/>

HN326 writes in his statement that he did not attend any meetings of the East London Libertarians, stating that this was because they engaged in criminalised activity (such as ‘sit-ins’) which he was not permitted to participate in.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards emphasized in his witness testimony that they were not in allowed to take part in any criminal activity, no matter how minor.<ref name="EHDay1"/> However, elsewhere he expressed the view that he was not given any guidance on such matters. It also seems opposed to the goals of the SDS - to monitor criminal activity by political activists if they were not even allowed to attend meetings of groups who allegedly broke the law. On this point, Edwards’ testimony also appears especially contradictory given his recollections of WHA committing minor criminal offences.

[[File:800px-ClipfromManAlive1969.png|right|450px|thumb|Screenshot from the BBC documentary [[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m The Squatters]] (1969). This footage was taken on 9 February 1969 of the Squatting action in Redbridge, London]]

The person who is placed was at the WHA meeting from East London Libertarians <ref>Note, that in the reports published by the inquiry, activist's names are normally redacted, making it impossible to identify which individual is being reported on.</ref> mentioned a plan taking place on the 9 February 1969 to ‘establish some homeless families [...] in empty council houses’.<ref name= "WHA1"/> This was a successful action by the Family Squatting Campaign, in which although they arranged to meet at Manor Park Underground station in the London Borough of Newham they occupied four houses in the adjacent borough of Redbridge.<ref name="RonInterview"> Note: You can hear Ron Bailey talk about this at 10:54 into this interview: Mallen Baker, [http://mallenbaker.net/podcast/ron-bailey-successful-campaigns-against-powerful-opponents Episode #22: Ron Bailey – Successful campaigns against powerful opponents] 19 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020).</ref> Some members of West Ham Anarchists took a squat, a former post office building on Cleveland Road.<ref name="TheSquatters"/> Again, in the hearings, Edwards comments that this kind of activity is something he would not get involved with due to its criminality.<ref>Note: Squatting was not a criminal offence in England and Wales until 2012.</ref><ref>Note: A article on the squatting campaigns in 1969, including that mention in Redbridge, can be found here:[https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/02 Today in London housing history: Family Squatting Campaign occupies 4 houses in Ilford, 1969] Past Tense (blog) 9 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020.</ref>

It is unclear if the intelligence on the 9 February action was passed on to uniformed police. It certainly did not impact on the group as it was successful. However, it may be that the police were wrong-footed in that the meeting place was given as Manor Park station in the neighbouring borough of Newham.<ref name="RonInterview"/><ref> Note: The police subsequently tried to bring some of the squatters to court for theft of electricity but he was foiled by the fact that meter readings had been taken and pre-payment made to the electricity board. See: pp.48 of 'The Squatters'.</ref>

As with other Special Branch reports published by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this one also contains descriptions of those attending the meetings. This is mainly related to physical appearances, but one attendee is described as a ‘drug addict’,<ref name="WHA1"/> (likely a pejorative description for someone using marijuana - see below).

===West Ham Anarchists===
The second report concerning West Ham Anarchists is dated 26 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008161).</ref> A gap of almost four months between the first and second report, suggests that several unpublished reports, based on Edwards’ intelligence are missing; or for whatever reason have not been published by the Inquiry.

This report, which also contains personal information, describes the alleged decline of the group, in the frequency of meetings and the number of people attending - ‘no more than 12’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> Whether this represented a marked decline in membership of the group is not known. However, to put this in context the anarchist movement from this period (and to the present day) are often small - and local groups this size are commonplace.

The report also dismissively described the group members as students and school leavers who all are around ‘20 years of age’ - and ‘long haired’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> It says that they participated in other activities such as anti-Vietnam war marches and ‘minor acts of malicious damage’ against the local Conservative and Labour Party offices. The report then critiques the members supposed lack of knowledge about anarchist political theory.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

The report also mentions one particular member as being connected with other groups, including the umbrella London Federation of Anarchists<ref>Note: The successor group Federation of London Anarchist Groups was targeted by [[Jim 'Jimmy' Pickford (alias)]].</ref> and the Ilford Branch of the International Socialism Group, as well as the aforementioned Freedom Press and East London Libertarians. Another member is described as being involved in a 'breakaway group’ that committed criminal damage after a demonstration outside Rhodesia House on 12 January 1969.<ref name= "WHA2"/><ref>
[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1969/jan/20/disturbances-strand DISTURBANCES, STRAND] Hansard, 20 January 1969 vol 776 cc44-7 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref> A West Ham Anarchist's mother is noted as having moved away from anarchism towards Christianity.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

It is also mentioned that WHA met in two pubs, The Railway Tavern, and The Golden Horse both within the London postcode area of E15. Further comments include the accusation that members spend their weekends ‘taking the drug cannabis’<ref name="WHA2"/><ref>Note: The report also mentions that the WHA is subject of a Special Branch Registry File No: RF.400/66/70.</ref>

The third and final published based on Edwards intelligence on WHA's is dated 29 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427933-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 29 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008162, 1 December 2020).</ref> It concerns the personal details of two members of the WHA, recording that one of their fathers is employed as a motor mechanic and while the WHA is a clerk at ‘Stratford Goods Yard, E15’. On the reason for recording the information about the subjects’ father, Edwards did not elaborate beyond saying that it was probably intelligence from the back office of the SDS that was inserted into the report.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name="WHA3"/>

==Switch of Targets: From anarchist groups to the Independent Labour Party==
According to Edwards: ‘[…] it became apparent to me and my supervisors that these [anarchist] groups were a waste of time. Accordingly, it was decided that I would join the Independent Labour Party (ILP)’. He added that the decision to withdraw from the anarchist groups was approved by [[Conrad Dixon]], the commanding officer of the SDS at the time.<ref name= "EHDay1"/> Further context to this decision is given in the SDS 1969 Annual report which said of anarchists and anarchist groups:<ref name="AnnualReport1969">Phil Saunders, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427367-mps-0728973 Special Demonstration Squad Annual Report 1969] Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 7 November 1969 (sourced via: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0728973).</ref>

::The distasteful nature of the way of life of such people, which officers must assume, adds to the difficulties of penetration. Small groups can be and have been penetrated with some success by the S.O.S. but their tendency to act in isolation makes the value of full time coverage questionable.

Despite this 'distaste' for their lifestyles and the decentralised organising structure of anarchist groups, the choice of the Edwards' initial target appears to be closer the SDS' raison d'être - as targeting of the WHA could be justified in the realm of public order issues. The same could not be said of surveilling the Independent Labour Party, at least according to Edwards:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

:: They were quite left-wing but very pleasant, sociable people wrapped up in the world of intellectual Marxism. They were people who would like to have been politicians. The ILP did not do very much, to be honest. They would support different demonstrations depending on the issue.

However, Edwards defended the selection of what became his main target between 1969 until 1971:
::[It was] to have a 'handle to swing' into other groups. By this, I mean that I could use my membership of the ILP as a means of going to almost any other meeting.

==='A handle to swing'===
The Independent Labour Party, was a small, left-wing political party. Established in 1893 its heyday predated the Second World War. In the early 1960s, it was involved in opposition to the nuclear arms race and promoted ideas such as workers' control. It also campaigned for decolonisation.<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independent_Labour_Party Independent Labour Party], last updated July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>
At the time of Edwards infiltration, its national membership totalled 742 and the London Division (which Edwards monitored) included branches in west London, Woolwich, Bexleyheath, and Tower Hamlets.<ref name="ILP1"/>

::The SDS did not have any real interest in the ILP: it was merely a vehicle for obtaining information. Through my membership of the ILP, I targeted Tri-Continental (sic), the Dambusters Mobilising Committee (‘DMC’) and linked anti-apartheid groups which were causing a lot of problems at the time.
Edwards said: 'they [the ILP] did support demonstrations that were seen to have the potential to undermine parliamentary democracy'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> However, in the live evidence hearings, Edwards states that he probably used the ‘wrong words’ in this context, though without further elaborating what he meant.<ref name="EHDay1"/> In his statement, he also stated that the ILP did not participate in criminal activity, or public disorder.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

It can be noted that the other groups that Doug targeted: Tricontinental, Dambusters and anti-apartheid groups for the most part did not fit into either a subversion or public disorder risk categories.

In opposition to Edwards assessment of the ILP, in 1969 they were presented as one of the 'main' threats to public order in the SDS annual report of that year.<ref name="AnnualReport1969"/>

===Activities within the ILP===
Doug describes his activities when infiltrating the ILP in oral testimony as: ‘Making posters and things, I think. Yeah, there was you had to sort of go willing to stay a member, sort of thing, to be -- you had to go to the branch meetings […]’<ref name="EHDay1"/>
He claimed he generally only interacted with members of the ILP at meetings and drinks afterward. However, it is clear that he became quite integrated into the group, and he himself says he was invited to the wedding of two ILP members. While he did not go to the registry office ceremony itself, he did attend the reception.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>He also became the treasurer of the Tower Hamlets ILP branch, a position indicating a degree of trust, and which would have also given access to bank and membership details.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

===Reporting on the ILP===
The first report on the Independent Labour Party (ILP) is dated 16 June 1969. In its opening paragraphs, it states: ‘The I.L.P. are on the whole content to work within the framework of conventional politics.’<ref name="ILP1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427947-ucpi0000008203 Special Branch report containing background information regarding the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 June 1969 (source: upci.org.uk as document UCPI-0000008203 ).</ref> However, it also states: ‘there is a trend within the party towards Revolutionary' socialism and this has brought some of its members to notice in a public order context’.<ref name= "ILP1"/> This is at odds with Edwards's retrospective view that the ILP themselves were not of interest to the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
This report seems to function as an introduction to the ILP and outlines its structure and size, and political tensions within the group. These tensions are described as being between revolutionary and non-revolutionary wings. This might seem to serve as an implicit justification for monitoring the group.<ref name="ILP1"/> However, Edwards himself brings this reasoning into doubt. When asked how militant the Tower Hamlets branch that he infiltrated was, he answers: '[...] I don't think they were that [militant] there were some pleasant enough blokes there. They'd turn out for the usual demonstrations, that's all'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
The second report based on Edward's intelligence is dated 14 June 1969.<ref name="ILP2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 June 1969 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008204).</ref> It records a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the ILP, a planned demonstration against a fascist rally at Laurie Hall in Romford, Essex on 29 June 1969, and a leaflet regarding a local rent struggle.<ref name="ILP2"/> It is also noted that whereas there was an SB file on the ILP, there was not one on the Tower Hamlets branch.<ref name="ILP2"/>

The third report dated 22 August 1969 contains the details of a member of the ILP and is dated 22 August 1969. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969 (see also ICRSC section below).<ref name="ILP3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008205, 2 December 2020).</ref>

===National Front Debate===
The fourth, fifth and sixth reports, dated 26 September 1969, 3 October 1969 and 16 October 1969 respectively, mainly concern the organising committee of the ILP and plans for a controversial debate with the fascist National Front.<ref name="ILP4">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party] 26 September 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008206 ).</ref><ref name="ILP5">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch''’, 3 October 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008207).</ref><ref name="ILP6">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008208, 2 December 2020).</ref>

The last of these three reports concerned a meeting held on 14 October 1969<ref name="ILP6"/> which was only attended by 3 people. In the evidence hearing of the Inquiry, the Counsel for the Inquiry (CTI) raised the issue of Doug Edward's involvement in decision making at ILP meetings, including ones with very low attendance. Edwards stated that he definitely did not influence the 'direction of travel' of the group but did not explain how he avoided expressing support (or opposition) for proposals within such a small group. Edwards also played down the significance of his role as Tower Hamlets branch treasurer in this regard, seemingly not understanding how having an official role in a group he is infiltrating might be controversial, instead emphasising the very small amounts of money involved.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The planned debate between the ILP and the NF led to one of the few incidents that Edwards could remember during his deployment in detail, albeit confusedly.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

Debating with fascists had generally been seen as unacceptable – and a ‘no platform’ policy across the left was inspired by popular anti-fascist actions across the UK both before and after the Second World War.<ref>Evan Smith, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, pp65-75 Routledge, 2020.</ref> The proposed ILP-NF debate attracted similar criticism.

Edwards recalls:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::The only thing I remember, they tried to organise a - a meeting with - have a debate with the right-wing fascists. And that got a bit out of order. The fascists (sic) got to hear of this debate taking place and there was a mob of - I don't know what they called themselves in those days, the 20s -- I can't remember what it was called. But we were all sitting outside the pub having a pint before the meeting when there was a big swarm of people came in and started punching everybody and sorting it all out.

However, despite saying it was initially fascists who caused the violence, Edwards corrected himself by saying it was in fact members of the International Socialists (now SWP) who attacked members of the ILP as they were angry that they had agreed to debate with the NF. He added that fellow SDS officers [[Phil Saunders]] and [[Riby Wilson]] were in a car outside the pub – and subsequently told him if Doug had been attacked they would have helped out. Edwards was not sure if this would have been the case.<ref>Note: In the telling, this anecdote had the feel of an amusing story told several times – perhaps at SDS reunions and other social occasions - with Edwards' doubt his fellow officers willingness to intervene serving as the punchline. It is also unclear why Phil Saunders and Riby Wilson would have been waiting outside the pub.</ref>

Other SDS reports in HN326's name on the ILP include administrative details such as the fact that the HQ in Bethnal Green, in east London is too expensive.<ref name="ILP7">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 Dec 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008210).</ref> In 1970, a meeting of the ILP is said to be a ‘showdown’ between moderates and militants within the party was planned for October in Leeds.

A conference, ‘The Convention of the New Left’ is also attended by Doug Edwards on 11 April 1970, along with another unnamed member (s) of the ILP and another group, ‘The New Socialists’.<ref name="ILP8">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 April 1970 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008211).</ref> A later report, gives personal details on a member of the ILP of whom it is said he could be described as a ‘militant’ and they were also involved with Southern Africa Solidarity Committee, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref name="ILP9">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008213).</ref>

===End of deployment===
::My involvement in the ILP came to an end when I realised I had had enough of being an undercover officer on the SDS.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> I simply stopped attending meetings and demonstrations and disappeared from the ILP - commenting that: ‘They wouldn't have missed me'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==Other groups reported on==

===Action Committee Against NATO and Tricontinental===
Contemporarily with attending ILP meetings, Edwards also went to some other group’s discussions. This included the Action Committee Against NATO (ACAN).<ref name="NATO"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 November 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008209).</ref> Little is known about this group, and it seems likely was an ad hoc organising committee rather than a long-term campaign group.

The Special Branch report says that a group called Tricontinental paid the deposit for a meeting at Conway Hall on 10 December 1969. This decision was relayed to several other groups who may have had representatives on the committee.<ref> Note: These were Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece, and The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship.</ref> The London-based Tricontinental Committee is described in another Special Branch report as '[...] a small Cuba/Moscow oriented group' <ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447642-mps-0736221 Stop the Seventy Tour] 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0736221).</ref>

When questioned at the evidence hearing about his attendance at these meetings, Edwards could only reply in generalities to why they were monitored - or why Special Branch was interested in them - saying that they it was due to NATO's importance in the UK's security policy - and that some of the people attending such demonstrations were likely to be troublemakers.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

===Dambusters Organising Committee===
The Dambusters Organising Committee (DMC) was a ‘[…] coalition of groups that included the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Haslemere Group and the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guiné. Its focus was preventing the construction of the huge Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique. This was a collaboration between South Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal - the project was intended to supply electricity to apartheid South Africa. They were also spied upon by SDS undercover Stewart Goodman from autumn 1971<ref>Note: For example see:[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427925-ucpi0000008117 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing a planned day of action against British companies involved in a particular project] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 January 1971 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI000008117).</ref><ref>[https://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-5E6 STOP CABORA BASSA DAM] African Activist Archive (website), no date (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref>

In the evidence hearings, Edwards suggests that a group like Dambusters might have been of interest to Special Branch - due to its connection to 'all the trouble with the movement against apartheid'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards then cites anti-apartheid actions - such as the rugby match at Twickenham between England and South Africa, which was disrupted by the 'Stop the Seventy Campaign' (see main profile: [[Mike Ferguson]]). However, there is no suggestion in any of the reports on the Dambusters Mobilising Campaign group that they might be a public disorder problem themselves.
The first of these intelligence reports is dated 11 February 1970 and describes the group's plans – and reports back from previous events.<ref name= "DB1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as UCPI0000008111).</ref>.
Subsequent reports filed in Douglas Edwards' name said that as part of their campaign a member of DMC had purchased 100 shares in Barclays bank in early 1971.<ref name="DB3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 5 April 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008109).</ref><ref> Note: A report dated 7 October 1970 on the group was also published by the Inquiry as if it was associated with Doug Edwards. However, neither his name is not attached to the report, but that of [[Stewart Goodman]]. See:[ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427920-ucpi0000008112 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing future actions of the group].</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===
Douglas also reported on three meetings of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in the autumn of 1970, two years after the large October 1968 demonstration. In his written statement, Doug said, like the rest of the meetings he could remember nothing of them.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug reports that on 22 September 1970 a meeting of the VSC took place and planning for a weekend of action in October, including a march in London’s West End. This would include the blocking of roads and ‘disorder’ as well as a plan to attack President Richard Nixon’s car.<ref name= "DouglasVSC">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 25 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005813).</ref> there is a further report from a meeting on 29 September <ref>Note: This mentioned some other groups, including the Agitprop Bookshop and the Young Communist League (YCL) who were also the subject of surveillance by the SDS.</ref> which states the intention of some attending this meeting to cause ‘damage and disruption’ during the demonstration.<ref name="DougVSC2"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration ] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 6 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005814).</ref> The final report states that the VSC is withdrawing support for an action on 31 October 1970, much to the apparent chagrin of some present.<ref name="DougVSC3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 9 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005816).</ref>

===Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign===
The ICRSC was closely connected to the International Socialists (later the SWP) and counted the well-known Civil Rights campaigner and MP (1969-1974), Bernadette Devlin, as a member.<ref name="Devlinarticle">Kitty Holland, [https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293 Bernadette McAliskey: ‘I am astounded I survived. I made mad decisions’] 22 September 2016 (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref> The group was extensively monitored and infiltrated and reported on by several other SDS officers: [[Sean Lynch]], [[Andy Bailey]] and [[Mike Ferguson]]. It should also be noted that the political situation in the north of Ireland was used to justify the continuance of the SDS in the opening hearing by legal representatives of the various police bodies.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426759-20201103-ucpi_opening_statements_transcript Opening Statements, Day 2] 3 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

Edwards’ name is put to three Special Branch reports which mention the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/> As well as the two reports (discussed in detail below), Edwards sent a Metropolitan Police telegram as a member of 'CI Dixon's Squad'<ref name="DougTelegram1"/> to the Commander<ref>Note: the addressing of correspondence to the ‘Commader of Special Branch’ would have been a formality.</ref> of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969 at 10.10 pm.<ref name="DougTelegram1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736646).</ref>
The telegram reads:
::Whilst attending. to another Matter at The Dolphin P.H., Bidborough Street., W.C.1., I overheard a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign at which a decision was made by about 15 to 20 young person’s immediately to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, W.1. with the intention of causing mischief. The group were in a militant mood and may cause malicious damage.

[[Image:MPSTelgramHN326toCmdrSB.png|right|400px|thumb|MPS Telegram from HN326 ('Doug Edwards') to Cmdr of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969]]

Edwards, at the hearing in November 2020 did not fully explain his presence at the venue - though vaguely intimated that he may have been working in tandem with another officer (who may have been [[Sean Lynch]] who both infiltrated the ICRSC - and was a close friend of Edwards).<ref name="EHDay1"/> Edwards said that he was '[...] waiting for a signal from him [an undercover officer] to tell him that this thing [act of malicious damage] was going to go ahead [...]'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

Edwards said he never attended any other meetings of the ICRSC, so could not see how he would be the intelligence source for the reports attributed to him on this group. Doug speculated that the ‘reliable source’ in the case of these reports might have been another ‘hairy’ - member of the SDS. At the time [[Sean Lynch]], [[Mike Ferguson]] and [[Andy Bailey]] were infiltrating the ICRSC. Doug responded that he could not comment on why these particular reports were copied to MI5. He also inaccurately alleged that members of the group ‘were a front for the IRA’,<ref name="Doug1st"/> - something that Edwards said he probably gleaned through another member of the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second of the reports, dated 22 August 1969, contains the details of a member of the ILP. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969. the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/>

The third of these reports is of a redacted individual entering the UK.<ref name= "ICRSC1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as MPS-0732317, 2 December 2020).</ref> One report dated 7 October 1970 is exclusively concerned with an anonymised individual who is a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 7 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000026969).</ref>
A further report dated 28 January 1971 contains a leaflet attacking the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland. <ref name= "ICRSC2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 28 January 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0738228).</ref><ref>Note: At this time, CS gas had not been used elsewhere in the British Isles and its use by the Royal Ulster Constabulary in the Bogside area of Derry in 1969 was very controversial. not least as it caused choking, vomiting and irritation of the eyes and skin to residents. Frank Roche and Bowes Egan, members of a group called ‘People’s Democracy’ (also mentioned in a number of other published SB reports)</ref> Support for the two men's trial is also voiced in the leaflet, alongside mentions of two other groups: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and Clann na h’Eireann.<ref name="ICRSC2"/>

In his written statement, Doug did recall attending a demonstration outside of the ‘the Northern Irish offices in Barclay Street and bumping into another Undercover officer, [Sean Lynch]] and going to the pub with him and a genuine member of the ILP, Bill Turner.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> No date is given for this event.

===Single Mentions===
Two reports signed by Douglas concern groups not otherwise mentioned in Douglas’ intelligence. The first regarded the founding of a new group; the ‘Socialist Alliance Against Racism (which included a ‘faction’ of the ILP).<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736231).</ref> During the evidence hearings, the Counsel to the Inquiry asked why, if this was the first meeting of a campaign group, it would have been of interest to Special Branch. This seems to implicate that for the Inquiry, a group that had not started yet could not be designated either a ‘public order’ or ‘subversive threat’ to allow targeting by the SDS Edwards could only reply in the most general of terms saying that it was unfair to criticise the gathering of such information in hindsight - especially given the political context of the times.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second report covered a meeting of a group called the British Albania Society that took place in Derbyshire in May 1970. Again, Douglas could not recall anything about this group or reporting on it. The meeting was led by Harpal Brar, who was the chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) until 2018. In the hearings, Douglas disavowed that he could have had any direct knowledge of this group, despite his name being on the report.<ref name="Albania">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 27 May 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0739668).</ref>

In his statement, Doug also mentions that he visited the offices of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) although this was only ‘as a result of my involvement in the ILP’.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

==Post-SDS career==
In the last two or three years of Edward's police career, he was posted to the 'vetting office'. This section of the MPS conducted security vetting for applicants for jobs within the MPS, with Edwards stating it was a collaborative process with MI5.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==In the Preliminary stages of the Undercover Policing Inquiry==
According to Edward's risk assessment:<ref name = HN326RA>Kevin Shanahan, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN326-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Open risk assessment for HN326], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (sourced: via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: He was recruited by Special Branch management into the Special Operations Squad, whose function was to monitor protest groups who were a major concern of the Government. He had no formal induction or form of training (3.3).
:: At the time of his recruitment was informed by his senior management (Detective Chief Inspector & Detective Inspector) that the Unit he was seconded to was highly secret and was to be deployed as a result of the ongoing large-scale public disorder being a major concern of the Government at that time (late 1968) (3.4).
:: Not offered or provided with support during his deployment; it was ad hoc and uncoordinated (4.19).

According to his written statement, Edwards was also involved in [[HN16]]'s deployment in an administrative role.<ref name="HN326PS"/> In his risk assessment he points out that when he was asked to provide information about HN16, he had specifically requested officers from ‘an operation'’ [redacted, most probably Operation Herne] not to visit his home address. Despite his request, in his words 'unthinking officers unable to accept that he is retired' did visit him there, 'creating a great deal of distress to his wife'.<ref name = HN326RA/>

The MPS applied in August 2017 for a restriction order over his real name with open versions published.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry ('', 3 August 2017.</ref>
No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry '', 3 August 2017.</ref> and it was formally released in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

According to Mitting (Aug 2017): <ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: He has been careful to preserve his anonymity and is worried about disclosure of his real name. He is concerned that it may be discovered by organisations such as undercoverresearch.net and fears media intrusion. He suffers from conditions that may be exacerbated by worry. His cover name will be published.

The application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref> I am satisfied that publication of HN326's real name would interfere with his right to respect for his private life and that the interference is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN326.pdf Restriction Order] over his real was made on 8 December 2017. See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Table of Special Branch Reports attributed to Edwards' Reporting==

{| class="wikitable" style="border-spacing: 2px; border: 2px solid Blue;"
! Date
! Title of Report
! Target Group
! Notes
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/07/68
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)]
|VSC
|Reports on a Court Case in Bow Street Magistrates; 'C' Squad report, prior to Doug’s move to the SDS
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|22/01/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election]
|West Ham Anarchists/East London Libertarians/Family Squatting Campaign
|Reports of leaflets regarding by-election and Squatting Actions Signed off by CI Conrad Dixon
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/06/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|23/08/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|12/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Telegram from HN326 ('from CI Dixon's squad') to Cmdr Special Branch
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|26/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; National Front
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|16/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders; CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/11/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]
|Action Committee Against NATO; Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece: The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship
|Signed off by CI Saunders and CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/12/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI (?) R Wilson
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee; Haslemere Group
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism]
|Socialist Alliance Against Racialism; New Socialists;Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain; Indian Marxist-Leninist Association; Socialist Current
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|21/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|27/05/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society]
|British Albania Society
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/09/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Member passing through Port of Dover
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|07/10/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC]
|Islington Branch of the ICRSC
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|28/01/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland]
|Irish Solidarity Campaign, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Clann na h'Eireann
|Signed off by Ch. Supt Watts and CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; Palestine Solidarity Campaign; Southern African Solidarity Committee; VSC.
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|05/04/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|25/09/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]
|VSC, Black Power
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|06/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration]
|Agitprop, Young Communist League
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|09/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration]
|VSC; Agitprop; Anti-Imperalist Movement
|Signed off by CI HN294
|}

==Notes==

<references/>

Carlo Neri (alias)

2025-10-02T06:46:42Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Carlo Soracchi|Alias=Carlo Neri|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Carlo 4(face only).jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=2001-2006|Targets=Socialist Party, No Platform / Antifa & trade union activism}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 



'''Carlo Neri''' is the alias of an undercover police officer who infiltrated the Socialist Party and anti-fascists groups. He was active from 2001 to 2006 and based in north and central London - which makes it likely he served with the [[Special Demonstration Squad]]. His real name is '''Carlo Soracchi'''.

Much of the following information comes from interviews with various members of the Socialist Party and anti-fascist activists who knew Carlo, worked with him and befriended him,<ref name="mj">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Mike' & 'John', Socialist Party activists, 22 June 2015; all names have been anonymized on request.</ref><ref name="a.a.f">Undercover Research Group: conversation with 'Andy', 'Andrea' & 'Fred', activists who knew and worked with Carlo, 14 July 2015; names have been anonymized at their request.</ref> and in particular from two of his partners while undercover.<ref name="a.e">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Andrea', who was in a relationship with Carlo. Her name has been anonymized on request.</ref>

An investigation conducted through summer and autumn 2015 by the [http://UndercoverResearch.net Undercover Research Group] together with those spied upon provided sufficient material to identify Carlo's real name and documents confirming he was a serving police officer at the time (details below). We decided not to publish Carlo's real surname as its distinctiveness would invade the privacy of various parties who are not otherwise involved.

Carlo Neri was exposed on ''[http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-35345802 Newsnight]'' and in ''[http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/jan/18/police-spy-carlo-neri-woman-sues-psychological-torture/ the Guardian]'' in January 2016. It took the police and the Pitchford Inquiry ten months [http://undercoverresearch.net/2016/11/18/2278/ to acknowledge] that he indeed had been an undercover officer at the time.<ref>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content Update on anonymity applications - N104 ("Carlo Neri")], 16 November 2016 (accessed November 2016)</ref>

In April 2019, journalist Michael Gillard revealed [https://twitter.com/mr_gillard/status/1112723892953665548 Carlo's real name Soracchi] on Twitter. Gillard is an investigative journalist who has a particular interest in police corruption. In March 2020, notorious fascist Robert Fiore said he intends to take the Metropolitan Police to court, because Carlo tried to persuade two anti-fascist activists to firebombe a large property he owned in London in 2003.<ref name = PEgillard>Michael Gillard, Fiore furore, ''Private Eye'', 4 March 2020</ref>

''N.B. This page is a work in process; we welcome additions from those who encountered Carlo. [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net Contact us here], PGP available on request.''

==Personal Details==
[[File:Carlo1.jpg|right|200px]]
Carlo was a large man,<ref name="mj"/> with thinning black hair that he kept short and a beard that he kept trimmed as a goatee or allowed to grow long.<ref name="a.a.f"/> One ear was pierced.<ref>See photos of Carlo Neri.</ref> He gave his birthday as 12 February 1971.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="a.e"/> He was considered a friendly, sociable person who was 'good crack to be around',<ref name="mj"/> and a 'genuinely nice fella'.<ref name="j.email.1"/>

He said very little about his political background prior to becoming a member of the Socialist Party, and visitors to his first known residence noticed nothing political other than a few left-leaning novels. He did not give the impression of looking for information and nor did he seem interested in reading up on stuff (though he would not have been unusual in this).<ref name="j.interview">Interview with 'Jay', Undercover Research Group, 9 July 2015.</ref> He is considered to have weak politics, not talking much about stuff; people who knew him said they had no Marxist or Trotskyite conversations with him, but rather tended to discuss music and football.<ref name="mj"/> In terms of music he had what was described as the 'usual Italian left classics'.<ref name="j.email.1"/>

He was a keen supporter of Arsenal,<ref name="j.email.1"/><ref name="mj"/> though he had a love of rugby in Italy. His partner at the time, Donna, wrote that he 'was a huge fan of Bologna - we went to see them in England and in Italy - in England the only team we went to see play was Fulham when they were housed at QPR.' (QPR refers to the Loftus Road stadium of Queens Park Rangers in West London)<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/> He was also into speed cycling, and despite his size his muscles looked as a cyclist's.<ref name="j.interview"/> Andrea recalls an album with lots of photos of him at various cycling races when younger, and also of him snorkelling and diving. By the time he was living with her, Carlo was much more in to motorbikes, including using the email address, 'MinesADucati@Yahoo.co.uk'. <ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>

He was one of the few people in the Socialist Party who had a car, which meant he was often called on to help with house moves, etc. He was also willing to take other people on long drives to other parts of the country, including Cornwall.<ref name="g.e">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Andy', July 2015.</ref>

Interviewees have told us that though Carlo talked about doing illegal activities quite a lot, they have no knowledge of him breaking the law through his political activism. He claimed to have been detained in Italy for urinating in a police car, but this was far removed from his activity in the UK.<ref name="mj"/>

Another theme that came up was the 'clean, slightly obsessive organisation of the few things he had.'<ref name="j.email.1"/><ref name="a.e"/>

===Background & Family===
[[File:Carlo2.jpg|right|200px]]
Neri claimed to be a Londoner of Italian background,<ref name="b"/><ref name="a.e"/> (he told several activists that he was born in the UK,<ref name="M.email.1"/> and London in particular<ref name="j.interview"/>) whose family had run a café for before moving back to Italy when Carlo was 14 or 15 - which must have been around 1985.<ref name="a.e"/> He had only been back in the UK a year or so when he came on the political scene in 2001.<ref name="j.interview"/> There were no relatives left in London.<ref name="b"/> He implied to his partner Donna that the family background had been troubled and involved domestic abuse; at another point he told her he did not get on with his father as he had sexually abused Carlo's sister.<ref name="a.e"/><ref name="a.a.f"/><ref name="mj"/>
These accounts of troubled relations do not seem to correspond with the many visits to his father and his distress over his ill health.

His father, Enrico (Rico),<ref name="a.e"/> lived in Bologna and Carlo would go away for several weeks at a time, supposedly to visit him, especially towards the end of his presence on the scene.<ref name="mj"/> According to Andrea his father died around January 2004,<ref name="a.e"/> and other activists remember Carlo speaking of how ill his father was and crying over the phone.<ref name="j.interview"/> His mother Eva Neri, supposedly died ca. 2001, of ovarian cancer in Italy.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/> He also spoke of a sister Cristina, "Ren", who lived outside of the London (Luton / Cambridgeshire direction), who was apparently ill and he visited regularly.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="j.interview"/> He told Donna that Cristina lived near Peterborough, suffered from depression and had a strained relationship with her husband,<ref name="a.e"/> by whom she had two children. He also spoke of being close to a female cousin, a nurse in Italy. There were photos of all these family members in his photo-album.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>

Carlo had a London accent.<ref name="M.email.1">Email from 'Mike' to Undercover Research Group, 30 June 2015.</ref> He could speak Italian though reluctantly, and he had a British passport in the name Carlo Neri, which he claimed to have to avoid conscription in Italy.<ref name="mj"/>

Visitors to his first flat noted he had less than ten books, none of which were recalled as being in Italian.<ref>Email from 'Jay' to Undercover Research Group, 16 July 2015.</ref> While with Andrea he did have books in Italian, particularly those of [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Italo_Calvino Italo Calvino] the Italian journalist and writer of short stories and novels; she described his collection as 'mainly political or serious novels, Chomsky, some photography books and no rubbish'.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>

=== A son===

About a year into being on the scene, Neri started mentioning that he had son, 'Robbie' / 'Roberto', who lived with his mother.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="a.e"/> He was supposed to be three years old in December 2002.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/> The story was that he was the product of a short relationship with an older woman, Anne, he had met while acting as a locksmith at the family home in North London. At first she did not want Carlo to be involved with raising Robbie, but she subsequently moved to Cornwall and wanted him to help out while she travelled to work.<ref name="a.e"/><ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/> To another activist he said he had re-established contact with his son and would go away for several days at a time to visit him.<ref name="b"/> There seems to have been some secrecy implied in letting this on, and it was only told to people sometime after he came on the scene, and it seemed a big deal for him that he was letting people know.<ref name="j.interview"/><ref name="a.a.f"/><ref name="b"/> He did have pictures of Robbie while living with Andrea, some together with other family pictures out on a bookshelf in the flat.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>

==Occupation==
[[File:Carlo3.jpg|right|200px]]
At first he acted as a locksmith, saying he worked for the locksmiths and tools company, Franchi in Hackney<ref name="mj"/><ref>Franchi PLC is based near King's Cross, and currently has three showrooms - Holloway Road, Kentish Town Road and Grey' Inn Road. See [http://www.franchi.co.uk/contact.html Franchi PLC - contact] (accessed 28 June 2015).</ref> It is of notice that he was a genuine locksmith and changed the locks on the houses for various people in and around the Socialist Party.<ref name="mj"/> According to Andrea he was indeed handy with such stuff,<ref name="a.e"/> for instance he managed to open the car of an activist who had left the keys inside by accident.<ref name="b"/>

He was also a good cook, doing genuine Bolognese cuisine<ref name="j.interview"/> and was at ease cooking for large numbers of people - he once cooked a Burns night meal for 50-60 people at Andrea's flat.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015">Undercover Research Group: Email from 'Andrea', 16 July 2015.</ref> At one point he took various friends to an Italian restaurant, De Santis on Old Street,<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from 'John', 15 July 2015.</ref> and cooked them a meal there, claiming it belonged to a friend of his father<ref name="j.email.1"/> This was shortly before he took up a job as a chef at an Italian import/export company.<ref> Undercover Research Group: email from 'Jay', 9 July 2015.</ref> He said he had never planned to be a cook/chef, but had fallen into it through this friend - and that he was trying out different jobs.<ref name="j.interview"/>

Circa October/November 2003<ref name="a.e"/> he said he held a job with a North London delicatessen / restaurant / catering firm which was involved in importing food, and on whose behalf he would have to do considerable travelling to Modena and elsewhere to purchase food.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="a.e"/> The job allowed him to give a friend an Italian coffee maker as a present.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="ca.5Nov2015">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Caro', a Socialist Party activist who knew Carlo, 5 November 2015.</ref> At another point, he turned up at a party of an SP activist with a very large bottle (storage jar size) of wine, saying the delivery man for the company he was working for brought it back from Italy for him.<ref name="j.interview"/>

He was very big into to the history of Italian coffee in the UK, and was also apparently trained in fixing coffee machines.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/> He was noted for his fondness for veal,<ref name="a.a.f"/> and for always having fine food around. Andrea also noted that despite not having much money, they did eat out quite a bit in nice restaurants, including some that were quite expensive.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>

==Vehicles==
[[File:Carlo Neri 3.jpg|right|200px]]
Unlike others around him, Neri had a car, which meant he was called on to help out with various things.<ref name="a.e"/> He was ready to use it to help others on the political scene.<ref name="mj"/> In his time with Andrea he had two cars (one blue, one black), both estates loaned to him by his work. He also owned a Suzuki motorbike which he had purchased on moving in with her - he claimed that his work had loaned him the money for it, and he had paid them back. She also said of him that in hindsight 'he drove like a cop'.<ref name="a.e"/>

==Activities: Groups==

Carlo principle activities were with the Socialist Party.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="b"/> He claimed he had been involved with Anti-Fascist Action (which had dissolved as an organisation by then) and that he had connections to the Red Brigades (the revolutionary group in Italy), though without giving detail.<ref name="b">Emails from 'Bill', July 2015.</ref> By mentioning the Red Brigades in conversation he may have been on a ‘fishing expedition’ not realising that the SP is opposed to all terrorism.<ref name = Mcons>Email from Mike, 11 January 2016, after consultation with Bill, Andrea, Caro, John and two others.</ref>

Carlo demonstrated no interest in trade union activity.<ref name="mj"/> He does not appear to have sought to provoke activities (with the one exception - the Roberto Fiore shop, see below).<ref name="j.email.1"/>

===Socialist Party===
[[File:Carlo Neri 2.jpg|right|200px]]
Carlo's first identified arrival on the political scene in North London was in 2001 when he started talking to Socialist Party (SP) members on a demonstration in London.<ref name="ca.5Nov2015"/> The Socialist Party is a Trotskyist political party previously known as Militant (Labour). It also worked through the group Youth against Racism in Europe (YRE), which had been previously targeted by another undercover, [[Peter Francis]]. When Carlo wanted to join the Hackney branch of the party, his details were passed on to local SP members who visited to sound him out - which was normal procedure.<ref name="j.email.1"/>

Carlo regularly attended SP branch meetings in Hackney and Camden, and became friends with party members - in particular with 'Andy' and his partner. (Andy was under constant attention from the police at the time, including on occasion being followed). He did have some involvement in YRE, but the organisation was winding down at that point.<ref name="mj"/> Carlo did befriend Belgian activist who was involved in the international wing of the SP in London and who attended a number of international meetings. The fact that Carlo 'latched onto him'<ref name="a.a.f"/> indicates that he was interested in obtaining information about the international work of the Socialist Party - campaigning work in trade unions, strikes, housing campaigns anti-racist and anti-fascist work across Europe.<ref name = Mcons/>

The Socialist Party was also involved in stewarding anti-war demonstrations and anti-fascist events. Carlo did present himself as a big bloke who could handle himself if needed, and talked himself up about being an anti-fascist to some activists. However, he came across as being wary of taking part in confrontations and as someone who through their size had never had the need to fight.<ref name="j.interview"/><ref name="mj"/> Still, he did attend a number of protests, including on occasion driving a carload of people to anti-fascist demonstrations, the last recalled time being in Shenfield circa 2005.<ref name="g.e"/><ref name="j.email.1"/> There are no accounts of him being arrested.<ref name="g.e"/>

Carlo went out of his way to befriend leading figures of the Socialist Party. For instance, people remember that when going to the ESF event in Florence (see below), he travelled with the General Secretary and National Treasurer of the Party.<ref name = Mcons/>

Carlo had three relationships while undercover, one of them with Donna (see below). Speaking of her time with him, Donna said it felt like they attended every social event in the Socialist Party calendar across London.<ref name="a.a.f"/> In particular, in June 2003 he and Donna attended a party at the house of the daughter of Socialist Party general secretary; noticeable in that it gave Carlo an opportunity to meet many more SP people across all of London and lead to invites to other SP events.<ref name="a.e"/>

==Activism: Specific Events==
[[File:Carlo_1.png|right|200px]]
As noted above, Carlo seemed to be talking up his desire to be confrontational while in fact he actively avoided situations of public order or confrontation. He was more notable for his absence from a number of significant events, including the Socialist Party presence at the front of a large anti-Iraq war protest in London in late 2002.<ref name="mj"/>

*''' Bradford Riots: July 2001'''

::On 7 July 2001, the Anti Nazi League had called a rally in the city of Bradford, following attempts by the British National Party and the National Front to organise in the city. The aftermath saw serious rioting, many people got arrested and a number sent to jail. Carlo drove a group of north London activists to Bradford to support the Anti Nazi League protest. They stayed in Leeds overnight. It appears that driving them up was his main contribution.<ref name="j.interview"/>

*''' European Social Forum, 2002
'''
::Carlo went to Florence, Italy in November 2002 to attend the European Social Forum being held there. He went earlier than others, claiming he was going to meet Italian activists beforehand.<ref name="a.e"/><ref name="mj"/> Socialist Party members did encounter him there, though not his claimed Italian colleagues.<ref name="mj"/><ref>Andrea was meant to go with him, but due to a family illness she passed on her ticket to another activist who did meet Carlo in Florence.</ref><ref name="a.e"/>

* '''Anti War demo: February 2003'''

::Attended the protest in London with a number of his friends from the Socialist Party, and acted as a lead steward.<ref name="a.e"/>

*''' Red, White and Blue Festival: April 2004'''

::The Red, White and Blue Festival was an annual gathering of British National Party activists. In 2004 it took place near Hanningfield Reservoir in Essex, and it is known that Carlo was among a group of anti-fascists who had gathered to protest against it.<ref name="ca.5Nov2015"/>

* '''Picket of the RMT Union, 2004'''.[[File:Carlo Neri.JPG|right|200px]][[File:Neri close up.JPG|right|200px]]

:: In 2004, rail worker Steve Hedley lost his work through a contrived set of demands from rail contractor Westinghouse. A longtime activist with the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers (RMT), where he has since become an assistant general secretary, Hedley was at the time working as a rail testing engineer for a rail agency, which in turn was contracted by the major engineering company Westinghouse. When a box of equipment went missing, Westinghouse demanded that Hedlay personally pay the cost of its replacement (£800), turning down the agency's offer to pay for it. On Hedley's refusal to pay, Westinghouse inappropriately denied him the right to work with them, an action effectively amounting to him being fired.<ref>[http://www.workersliberty.org/node/3247 Steve Hedley: standing up for agency workers], ''Workers Liberty'', 21 October 2004 (accessed 6 June 2016). </ref>
::During a campaign to have Hedley reinstated, Carlo Neri appears behind a banner at a picket. Blacklisting firm [[The Consulting Association]] held a specific 'Rail file' (which was subsequently destroyed). There is considerable concern that, as with Special Branch undercovers [[Mark Jenner]] and [[Peter Francis]], information gathered by Carlo was fed into illegal industry blacklists.<ref>Conrad Landin, [https://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/a-7acc-Blacklist-spy-cop-scandal-reaches-Britains-railways Blacklist Spy Cop Scandal Reaches Britain's Railways], ''Morning Star'', 6 June 2016 (accessed 6 June 2016).</ref> (Photographer Andrew Wiard went through his archives and put together a page of [http://reportphotos.com/albums/qO1oC/undercover-police-officer-carlo-neri-at-union-meeting-1/0f89513ffe5ae0ba576ba38af7c3285768191f58 Carlo Neri at the RMT picket]; two previews shown here.)

* '''Shenfield: ca. 2005'''

::Carlo drove people to a demonstration against a BNP rally in Shenfield organised by the Anti Nazi League and helped steward the demo.<ref name="j.interview"/>

===Inciting to violence: Fiore's charity shop===

In one incident, circa 2003-2004, Neri claimed that a charity shop in North London was a front for a fascist training camp in Spain, run by Italian fascist and suspect Bologna bomber, Roberto Fiore. He came up with a plan to petrol bomb it and tried to involve others, but this drunken scheme was never followed through.<ref name="g.e"/><ref name="mj"/>

More details were published in the second print of the book ''Blacklisted: The Secret War Between Big Business and Union Activists'' by Blacklist Support Group secretary Dave Smith and journalist Phil Chamberlain, which appeared in September 2016.

''The Guardian'' summarised the update under the heading ''Police spy accused of urging anti-racist activists to commit arson'':<ref>Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/sep/15/police-carlo-neri-accused-of-urging-anti-fascist-activists-to-commit-arson?CMP=twt_gu Police spy accused of urging anti-racist activists to commit arson], ''the Guardian'', 15 September 2016 (accessed September 2016</ref>

::Two anti-fascist activists claim the undercover officer suggested the idea at a New Year’s Eve party they were attending.

::Joe Batty, one of the activists, said Neri had proposed that they go and see the charity shop, which was a few minutes’ walk away in London. He said that he and his fellow activists had been drinking, but Neri less so. He said a group went round to see the shop and then returned to the party at Neri’s home. According to Batty, Neri then made the suggestion in an indirect way. “He said something along the lines of ‘it would be unfortunate if it was set alight’, or something like that. It was leading the horses to water to see if they would drink.”

::Batty, a social worker, said he believed Neri was fishing around to see who in the group might take an interest in the idea. He said he had grown close to Neri, who had often said he felt strongly about the 1980 bombing of Bologna railway station, in which 85 people were killed, claiming that his parents came from that region of Italy. The charity shop was run by an Italian fascist who had fled to London and been convicted in his absence of being a member of a group implicated in the Bologna bombing.
[[File:Fiore small.jpg|right|200px|link=media:Fiori.jpg]]
::Dan Gilman, another anti-fascist activist befriended by Neri, said that shortly after the New Year’s Eve party, Neri raised the suggestion again. “There was definitely talk of a petrol bomb from him,” he said. He and Batty had been in a car that the undercover spy had driven past the charity shop. According to Gilman, Neri said this was to “show us how to do what had been talked about”.

::Batty and Gilman, a teacher, said they would not have set fire to the shop because they reject all forms of terrorism.

It appears to be the only time Neri sought to provoke a situation.<ref name="j.email.1"/><ref name="a.a.f"/>

The story took an unusual twist when in March 2020, Roberto Fiore claimed he was going to take the Metropolitan Police to court. The leader of the Forza Nuove (New Force) party is aggrieved that Carlo tried to persuade the two into firebombing his propery. He claims to be 'a victim of a serious crime' and intends to launch a prosecution against Soracchi or Scotland Yard chiefs. Soracchi refused to comment to ''Private Eye'' but said he would give a full account at the inquiry. The Met declined to say if it was investigating. For more on Fiore's long extreme right career, click up the ''Private Eye'' article.<ref name = PEgillard/>

==Residences & Relationships overview==

[[File:Neri_undercover_timeline(2).png|right|x1050px]]

When Jay first met him, in 2001, Carlo lived in a small house in Hackney which Jay described as feeling empty or just moved into, but also clean and organised.<ref name="j.interview"/><ref name="j.email.1">First email from 'Jay' to Undercover Research Group, 9 July 2015.</ref> He then moved to a small one bed flat above a shop also in Hackney,<ref name="j.email.1"/> (some remember it as a shared house<ref name="a.e"/>).

From very early on, Carlo referred to himself as single and indicated he was interested in having a relationship. Having presented as a kind person, his new friends were supportive in this.

Within six months in the party, he began a relationship with Lindsay, which lasted a few months before coming to an end(see below).<ref name="mj"/> Carlo then disappeared for a significant period time,<ref name="j.interview"/> though on his return he quickly started a relationship with Donna in September 2002 (see below), and moved in with her at her place on the other side of north central London in November 2002.<ref name="a.e"/><ref name="mj"/> After their 18-20 month relationship ended in May 2004,<ref name="a.e"/> he went to a flat near the Barbican that belonged to activists who had left the city for six months until November 2004.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="ca.5Nov2015"/>

He then moved into the house of another SP activist, 'Mike' for approximately 8-10 moths until October 2005,<ref name="M.email.1"/> though he was rarely there ('barely stayed a dozen nights'), which did not arouse suspicion as he had started dating Beth (see below).
In the same period, Neri told 'Bill', then an organiser with a trade union,<ref name="mj"/> that being made homeless he was looking for a place to stay. Bill said he could use his spare room, which he did for eight weeks, though he would disappear for days at a time without contact.<ref name="b"/>

After the relationship with Donna ended he embarked on a third relationship, with Beth. He moved in with her in 2006, leaving Bill's house at this point as well.<ref name="b"/> The two of them subsequently disappeared from the scene later that year.

===Lindsay===

Within six months of his first appearance on the scene, Carlo hit it off with 'Lindsey', an ex SP member, at a night out with Hackney SP friends. 'Mike' remembers how Carlo called him on the way to their first date a few days later, asking for directions and advice, sounding genuinely excited to be meeting her. They started a relationship soon afterwards and continued to see each other very regularly, often at Carlo's flat in Hackney, and sometimes at Lindsey's flat in South London. Though socialising a lot together, the only thing she was never invited to were Carlo's nights out with his 'football friends'. The story was that these friends were connected to his work as a locksmith (at Totteridge and Whetstone), and they would play or watch football together. Lindsey was never introduced to any of them.

Some months after they met Carlo began to mention to Lindsey that he had a young son from a short previous relationship, but had not seen him since his son was a baby. He told her that this was a secret, as he was confused as to what to do and to tell people. He sought her advice as to if he should re-establish contact, and she encouraged him to do so, yet he didn't during the remainder of their relationship. Carlo had pictures of his son which he showed to Lindsey, and then to other friends, as his son became less of a 'secret'.

After their first date in May 2001, Carlo continued a seemingly committed relationship with Lindsey. In September that year he travelled to her home town for her surprise birthday party and was introduced to her family and some of her oldest friends. In December, Carlo booked them a surprise holiday to Venice, and voiced intentions to make this a relationship with longevity. (Pictures of this holiday can be found at the bottom of this page.)

In early 2002 however, Carlo began to 'disappear' for 3-4 day periods at a time. The explanation he gave for being completely unreachable during these times was that he was with football mates, one of whom needed his emotional support. This behaviour led Lindsey to lose trust in Carlo's commitment to their relationship and as a result it began to falter, finally ending in roughly April 2002, after just less than 12 months.

Towards the end of their relationship, Carlo's mother apparently became ill and he claimed to have visited her in Italy. At first he was quite upbeat about her recovery, but later he told his friends that she was seriously ill. Although their relationship had ended, he talked to Lindsey about his father's apparently serious illness. They met up as friends a small number of times after that.<ref>Statement from 'Lindsay' to the Undercover Research Group December 2015 and email 12 January 2016, updated 19 July 2018.</ref>

===Donna===

Donna Mclean has written and published a well received memoir focusing on her relationshop with Sorrachi, called ''Small Town Girl''.<ref>Donna McLean, [https://www.hachette.co.uk/titles/donna-mclean/small-town-girl/9781529379853/ Small Town Girl] 2022.</ref>

[[File:Carlo 4.jpg|right|200px]]
Donna McLean (who previoulsy used the pseudonym 'Andrea' ) was not a member of the Socialist Party, but worked for a London homeless organisation. There she got to know Andy, and subsequently became friends with his partner.<ref name="mj"/><ref name="g.e"/>

According to Donna, she met Carlo on an anti-War protest on 28th September 2002, where he was with a group of SP members; he soon moved in with her to her north London housing association flat in November that year. About their relationship she says: 'We were pretty much inseparable at this stage and he seemed keen for me to be involved in all aspects of his (London) social life and political life'. In December 2002, they would make several trips to Scotland, first to the graduation of Donna's sister, and the second to go to a Stiff Little Fingers gig in Kilmarnock - this was apparently at Carlo's suggestion, and they went with another prominent anti-fascist. This is when she first learns Carlo had a son.<ref name="a.e"/>

At the Hogmanay Party they threw at her flat on January 2003, Carlo proposed to her and she accepted. He also encouraged her to get pregnant, though she was not keen on having a child at that stage of her life.<ref name="a.e"/><ref name="a.a.f"/> They travelled to Bologna for his birthday in February 2003, but did not meet his family although they were engaged. He did become very intertwined with her family life though, including ringing them / sending cards of his own volition and joining them on a holiday to Whitby in March 2003. They also had various trips to Cornwall with Andy throughout 2002 and 2003.

Normally Donna organised and paid for any holidays; the only exception to this was a two week trip to France organised for August 2003, which Carlo cancelled the day before, saying his father was ill - this was the only trip which fell through. From Autumn 2003 he was being away much more often than he had been previously, mainly to see his sick father in Italy or his son in Cornwall or so he said, combined with regular work trips.

December 2003, Carlo was meant to spend Christmas with Donna, but he changed plans at the last minute, saying he was going to Italy as his father was sick. Rang in New Year to say he was staying in Italy a bit longer as his father had very little time left to live.

From January 2004, Donna described him as becoming 'increasingly volatile', which at the time she put down to his father's death. He started talking about self-harm, and mentioned that he had a previously history of self-harm and suicidal thoughts. In April 2004 he disappeared for a week and was uncontactable for that time. This caused her concern given his previous conversations about self-harm. When he returned he provided her with the account of being jailed for urinating in a police car in Italy.

At the end of April / early May 2004 Donna received notice on her existing flat and they were supposed to be looking for a place to live together. They kept seeing each other regularly after a gap of several weeks, and he helped her move house several times but they did not live together anymore. By this time he was staying in the Barbican flat. Their relationship continued with him sending her letters, emails, cards and gifts until in November 2004 she received an email saying he no longer wanted contact.<ref name="a.e"/>

===Beth ===

Originally from Brighton, Beth was a 'special needs' teacher in Stratford and lived in North London. She was also a trumpet player in a ska band and not politically active. She was introduced to Carlo by their mutual friend 'Mike'<ref name="mj"/> at a gig she had been playing at. They dated briefly,<ref name="a.a.f"/> but shortly afterwards she went to Australia for an extended trip. In the meantime, Neri had started a relationship with Andrea.<ref name="j.interview"/> It was not until after she came back from Australia that they got together, sometime in 2005/2006. As with Donna, Carlo moved in with her soon after, giving up his other two rooms.<ref name="mj"/>

One activist who knew them both wrote at the time in her diary on 17 January 2005, 'Carlo on the other hand has just disappeared from the face of the earth - it must be love.' Though she would meet him several days later, and again at a dinner party in May 2005.<ref name="ca.5Nov2015"/>

Reflecting on the relationship between Carlo and Beth in hindsight, it was thought it was genuine,<ref name="j.interview"/> and some thought he married her.<ref name="mj"/> The most recent investigations seem to confirm that Carlo and Beth indeed marry and have a daughter, although no official documentation has been found yet.<ref>The confirmation came via friends of friends of friends getting back in touch, but no marriage or birth certificate has been located yet. Email from Mike, 11 January 2016, after consultation with Bill, Andrea, Caro, John and two others.</ref>

==Exit==
[[File:Carlo Venice3.jpg|right|200px]]
'Mike', who knew Carlo through the Socialist Party and had allowed him to stay at his house, noted that Neri was away a lot throughout 2006. He was also exhibiting signs of distress, including having a tearful breakdown at a party in 'Mike's flat,<ref name="mj"/> after he had been given an Arsenal T-shirt with his name on the back as a birthday present.<ref name="j.email.1"/>

After Carlo got together with Beth, he moved in with her, and spoke of his son Robbie coming to live with him. Beth and Carlo moved away in 2006, apparently with the intention of getting married. Contact was soon lost, despite various people leaving messages for him by email and mobile; there were a couple of phone conversations but he did not respond to texts. One interviewee described his disappearance as 'gradual but total', a process starting with the striking up of the relationship with Beth. Cutting everyone off including people who considered him a good friend was considered odd at the time.<ref name="mj"/>

Neri got in touch with some friends out of the blue one more time, but after a social gathering at a busy pub in Islington he vanished completely.<ref name="j.email.1"/><ref name="j.interview"/>

The only known contact after this was in August 2007, when 'Mike' encountered Carlo at a wedding of a mutual friend. He appeared to be still with Beth.<ref name="M.email.1"/> They arranged to meet up, but Carlo did not respond to attempts to make an appointment.<ref name="mj"/>

== Contact details ==

Carlo's mobile was 07951 843 422; it was active until 2014, when people who knew him left messages on it, but it has subsequently been disconnected. He used the emails iamfatherted@yahoo.co.uk <ref name="mj"/> and minesaducati@hotmail.com.<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>

==Suspicions==

[[File:Carlo Venice1.jpg|right|200px]]

Neri disappeared from the North London political scene quite suddenly and hardly left any traces. Until recently, this did not raise many questions, though there were jokes at social events about the 'invisible Carlo', but little more than that.<ref name="j.interview"/> However, as greater understanding of how undercover police emerged, particularly through the Rob Evans and Paul Lewis book, ''Undercover'',<ref>Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, [https://bookshop.theguardian.com/undercover.html Undercover: The true story of Britain's secret police], Guardian Faber, 6 March 2014.</ref> it became clear that he fitted the profile. As well as his disappearance, it was clear he had more things in common with other undercovers that had been exposed. For instance, he did not have much of a political past, nobody ever met his family, he had cars conveniently used to transport activists, he tended to disappear for long periods in time, to name a few. Though as such these similarities do not prove anything and can easily be explained away, it was reason enough for some of those who knew him to start asking questions and dig further.<ref name="mj"/>

From these conversations, various issues and questions about his activities emerged:

* He had no credit card in his name,<ref name="mj"/> and apparently refused to have one; thus when it came to big expenses during their relationship, Andrea would pay rather than him.<ref name="a.e"/> He would always pay in cash as a result, which he did not seem short of<ref name="j.interview"/> but he was generous in buying gifts and paying when eating out - including in quite expensive restaurants, and the flow always seeming to be there.<ref name="a.e"/> Andrea mentioned that during the end of his period with her, there was a 'tangible shift in behaviour towards money', but he was 'generally evolving into someone who was more difficult and volatile' at the time. In hindsight, she saw this as making himself 'unlikeable' in order to extract himself and noted that in his final six months on the scene 'his financial generosity kicked in again'.<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from 'Andrea', 17 July 2015.</ref>

* In May 2004 when he was helping an activist move house and brought a Transit instead of the requested Luton van. When told, he went away and came back with the Luton van, though he had no obvious way of paying for its hire. He also managed to acquire this Luton between midnight and 7am.<ref name="ca.5Nov2015"/><ref name="mj"/>

* At several times he made mention of the Red Brigade, which was considered out of place as the politics of the Socialist Party did not support such activities.<ref name="mj"/> Others at the time considered it an attempt to impress.<ref name="j.email.1"/> It is now thought that this is to similar to undercover officer Peter Francis' hinting at Baader Meinhof connections.<ref name="mj"/>

* Though he spoke of his family and seemed to be close to them, spending quite some time away apparently visiting them, nobody ever met them. Although he had proposed to Donna, he never introduced her to his family.<ref name="a.e"/> Jay noted that though he talked about his family they 'remained hidden'.<ref name="j.email.1"/> When an activist travelled to Bologna for a holiday, Carlo arranged for his father to book them a place to stay and suggest places to visit. Though his father supposedly lived in there, the tips were nothing that would not been in a tourist guide, and his friends never got to meet the father.<ref name="mj"/>

* The apparent closeness to his family, and his father specifically, did not seem to correspond with the earlier stories about troubled relationships due to domestic abuse.

* One activist who knew Carlo well, recalled having dinner with Carlo at Carluccio's restaurant in Smithfield in March 2004. He told her that his father, who had recently passed away, had sexually abused Carlo's sister. The activist, who through their work at the time was used to such disclosures, recalled that what Carlo had said had not rung true, coming across as 'clunky' and 'feeling wrong'.<ref name="ca.5Nov2015"/>

* Around 2005 there were oddities is relationships with individuals. When one person returned to London after several months away, Carlo despite having previously been close to them, made no effort to reconnect with them.<ref name="mj"/>

* Despite the Bologna family connection, Neri demonstrated very little knowledge of the prominent fascist Roberto Fiore who was alleged to have been behind the infamous bombing of the train station there.<ref name="mj"/> However, there is the incident when he claims one of the alleged bombers being in London - as mentioned above.

* Carlo's son Robbie was a mystery. Lindsay knew of him and saw photographs of him. Andrea too was told of his existence a month into their relationship. There were no pictures of him in Carlo's otherwise complete and organised photograph album.<ref name="mj"/> Donna says the album contained photos tracking his whole life, not many people would have an album so 'meticulously catalogued' and 'orderly'. When he lived with her, Carlo had pictures of his family including his son out on a shelf in their flat.<ref name="a.e"/> Beth, the partner he disappeared with, is the only one who claimed she actually had met the boy back in the day.<ref name="mj"/>

* Piecing together Carlo's chronology, there were inconsistencies in what he told people - in hindsight. Carlo always said he left the UK to go to Italy in 1985 / 1986, at the age of 14 or 15 years old. He claimed he did not come back until around 2000/2001, when he would have been 29 or 30. His reluctance to speak Italian seems odd against having spent 15 odd years in Italy at a formative age. And while talking about his son born in the UK and having the age of three in December 2002,<ref name="a.e.16-7-2015"/>) does not fit with when he supposedly came back to England. (Of course there are always inconsistencies in the timeline that are caused by failing memories of people involved).

* There were hardly any tracks of Carlo in official registers. He is not on the electoral register while living in the Barbican property, which was one of the early points of suspicion.<ref name="mj"/> and he then disappears from public records.<ref>Undercover Research Group: a search to locate Carlo Neri in public records was conducted in September 2015, but no trace was found.</ref>

==Locating and confirming the real Carlo==
[[File:Carlo Venice2.jpg|right|200px]]

While putting together the profile of Carlo, as part of the research we conducted a detailed search on public records. It turned out that other than his known activist years, Carlo Neri is a ghost (in the parlance), leaving next to no trace in public records or search engines. An Electoral Roll search found Carlo at known addresses for him in the years 2002-2005. Eliminating others of the same name, it was possible to confirm that there were no further mentions of him in public records before or after he was active in the Socialist Party.<ref>Undercover Research Group: Electoral Roll search conducted June - July 2015.</ref>

After a number of leads failed to materialise, a break-through was achieved when the name Carlo was found associated with Beth under a different surname, one that was quite distinctive. A search on that name identified a family who shared all the first names that Carlo had used when he talked about his family. On top of that, they owned a North London Italian delicatessen, which fitted the occupational part of his legend.<ref>Undercover Research Group: unpublished research, October 2015.</ref> Donna was then able to confirm definitively that images of the family on social media and websites were the same she had seen in Carlo's photo album.<ref name="a.c">Undercover Research Group: conversations with Andrea, October 2015.</ref>

[[File:Officer.JPG|left|500px]]

With the surname now confirmed, it was possible to discover documents from public records that named him as a serving police officer at the time he was infiltrating.<ref>Undercover Research Group: copies of these documents are in the group's possession.</ref>

When we added the new information about his family to the timeline, it emerged that his relation with Beth started about 6-8 months after his wife gave birth to their second child. The fact that he registered at Beth's address under his real name was a major slip up that allowed us to trace him. The need for an official address may be explained by Carlo leaving his wife to move away with Beth. This occurred around the same time he was extracting himself from his undercover role.

Due to the highly unusual nature of Carlo's second name, it would immediately lead to the identification of his family which includes teenage children. For this reason alone, and no other, a decision has been taken to not reveal the undercover's real name.

==Relationship with other undercovers==

Undercover turned whistleblower [[Peter Francis]] himself infiltrated the Socialist Party and YRE from 1995 to 1997. He has not - or not yet - revealed anything about other Special Demonstration Squad officers infiltrating the Socialist Party and its previous incarnation, Militant Labour, or its off-shoots such as Youth against Racism in Europe (YRE).

Some of the people in the affinity group of north London anti-fascist activists that Neri attached himself to had known undercover officer [[Mark Jenner]] as well, though for most it was not a close connection, as noted above.

== In the Undercover Policing Inquiry ==

In August 2017, the Metropolitan police and lawyers for Neri submitted applications for anonymity, including a risk assessment (see below for the list of material submitted). Neri, his current partner and his sister claimed to be concerned about violence being used by (ex)members of the groups he targeted and of media intrusion, and the efforts of those with IT skills to ascertain his real name and whereabouts. 'These concerns are not irrational and have some basis in fact', Mitting summarised.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> Also, according to Prof Fox, (in his report of 8 March 2017), HN104 suffers from significant mental health conditions.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>

At this point in time, Mitting was opposed to publishing of the real name of Carlo Neri (and of other undercover officers for that matter) as it would interfere with Article 8(2) of the Euopean Convention of Human Rights, the right to private and family life. Also, the Chair stated, those who claim sexual relationships with him would not need to know his real name in order to give evidence in acts committed by him under his cover name. Mitting suggests Neri can give evidence from behind a screen.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>

However, the case of Carlo Neri was notable in that the people who investigated him discovered his real name in the process of confirming he was an undercover officer. Thus, responding to the Inquiry, the Non-Police/State Core Participants or NPSCPs (as the people spied upon are called in the Inquiry) explained they already knew Carlo's real name.<ref>Ruth Brander & Philippa Kaufmann QC, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Submissions on behalf of the non-police, non-state core participants re the Chairman's 'Minded To' note dated 3 August 2017 concerning restriction order applications], 5 October 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> Mitting asked the NPSCPs to reconsider their position that HN104's real name should be released.<ref name="mitting.supp.minded-to.23Oct2017">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171023-supplementary-Minded-to.pdf Supplementary 'Minded-To'], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 23 October 2017 (accessed 23 October 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> They declined as the Inquiry failed to publish any further details on Neri.<ref>Ruth Brander & Philippa Kaufmann QC, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171106-submissions-re-SDS-tranche-1-NPNSCPs.pdf Submissions on behalf of the non-police, non-state core participants re the Chairman's 'Minded To' note dated 23 October 2017 concerning restriction order applications], 6 November 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>

In October 2017, Mitting wrote that he could not prevent publication of Neri's real name by other parties outside of the Inquiry.<ref name="mitting.supp.minded-to.23Oct2017"/> And during the public hearing of 21 November, it was effectively recognised that Carlo's real name was going to be published, the matter effectively reduced to who did it. Mitting requested that the NPSCPs stayed their hand on releasing the real name until a closed hearing was held to consider management of the process.<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> Mitting had also modified his position more general, stating during the opening of the hearings of November 2017, that there was a moral obligation that where women had been targeted for relationships by undercover police there was [http://undercoverresearch.net/2017/11/28/2944/ a moral obligation to disclose real names] to any women so deceived.

On 20 December 2017, the Inquiry Chair issued a second 'Minded-To' in relation to HN104, in which he said he was delaying a decision in order to allow dicussions between various parties to take place 'to see if they can agree a way of ensuring that details in respect of "Carlo Neri" can be made known to those who need to know them while avoiding harm to [Carlo's] children'. A deadline of 31 March 2018 for submissions to be made before he made his ruling.<ref name="ucpi.pr.20Dec2017">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-HN-15-HN58-HN104-press-note-final-a.pdf Press Notice: Decisions relating to anonymity applications: Special Demonstration Squad - HN15, HN58 and HN104 "Carlo Neri"], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.</ref> This change in tone appears to have come following representation by his family. He also put forward the idea:<ref name="ucpi.HN104.20Dec2017">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-HN-104-Ruling.pdf On the application of HN104 for a restriction order in respect of his real name], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.</ref>
:: One possible option, which has been used in other inquiries, would be to require HN104 to give evidence publicly and in his real name, but to impose an order restricting publication of the real name outside the hearing from. If that were to be done, I would impose a restriction order in respect of his real name before the hearing, so that no published document would contain it.

Earlier in the same ruling, he also wrote:<ref name="ucpi.HN104.20Dec2017"/>
:: [Carlo] has given a number of different and inconsistent accounts of his relationships with women during his deployment and has been less than frank about them.

===Real name: Carlo Soracchi===
[[File:Gillard Neri grab.JPG|right|250px|link=http://powerbase.info/images/6/64/Gillard_Neri_email_exchange.png|Click up to see full email exchange.]]

In April 2019, journalist Michael Gillard revealed [https://twitter.com/mr_gillard/status/1112723892953665548 Carlo's real name Soracchi] on Twitter. Gillard is an investigative journalist who has a particular interest in police corruption. A couple of weeks later, Gillard published his exchange with the former undercover's lawyer; Carlo declines the invitation to be interviewed, saying he will [https://twitter.com/mr_gillard/status/1128229110969450496 'provide his full story to the Inquiry'].

The women affected were not made aware that the journalist would make the name public, nor was anyone else who was spied on by him. As explained above, the name had been known to them since they found out the truth about Carlo in 2015. Mitting initially refused to grant a restriction order on Neri’s real name, but then went on to appeal to the ‘humanity’ and judgment of the women affected to keep the name confidential, for the sake of his family. With this, the Chair had placed the women in an extremely difficult and distressing position 'using emotional blackmail to silence us'.<ref name = psoolstat>Police Spies Out of Lives, [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/statement-on-carlo-soracchi-neri-hn104/ STATEMENT ON CARLO SORACCHI (NERI) HN104], 4 April 2019 (accessed April 2019)</ref>

In a statement published by the women's support group [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/statement-on-carlo-soracchi-neri-hn104/ Police Spies Out of Live], they say that the Inquiry should have named him; 'Carlo Neri waived his anonymity when he chose to deceive, manipulate and emotionally and sexually abuse women in this appalling way':<ref name = psoolstat/>

::Sir John Mitting promised when he took over as Chair of the UCPI that if during the course of the Inquiry a woman discovered she had a relationship with an undercover police officer she had a right to know the officer’s real name, and the Inquiry would inform her of it:

::He then went on to state that it would be ''her'' decision whether or not to publish the real name in the public domain. In doing this, Mitting has misrepresented it to be a personal and moral issue. We believe that this is a deeply unfair burden for any woman who has been deceived into an abusive relationship to have to carry. And it is not merely a personal issue – these inhumane and degrading relationships were state-sanctioned. This is part of a shocking anti-democratic scandal and should be viewed in this context, as a political issue.

Andrea and Lindsay are relieved that Soracchi’s name is now in the public domain and that finally there is some accountability. Unite called for ‘no stone’ to be left unturned now that Carlo's true identity has been revealed.<ref>Unite, [https://unitetheunion.org/news-events/news/2019/april/unite-calls-for-no-stone-to-be-left-unturned-as-spycop-true-identity-revealed/ Unite calls for ‘no stone’ to be left unturned as Spycop true identity revealed], Unite online news, 4 April 2019 (accessed April 2019</ref>

'''August 2017 application documents'''

Applications from MPS & N104's lawyer to restrict publication of real name only; also received were personal statements from his family and expert medical report; final risk assessment from MPS awaited. Open versions published:<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf open application for restriction order (MPS)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-application-from-Slater-Gordon.pdf open application for restriction order (S&G)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-supplemental-application-from-Slater-Gordon.pdf Open supplementary application for restriction order (S&G)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-medical-assessment.pdf open medical assessment], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-personal-statement-from-Slater-Gordon.pdf open personal statement (1)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-additional-personal-statement-from-Slater-Gordon.pdf open personal statement (2)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-personal-statement-2-from-Slater-Gordon.pdf open statement by HN104's partner], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN104-Open-personal-statement-3-from-Slater-Gordon.pdf open statement by HN104's relative]

On 7 August 2018, Sir John Mitting granted an order restricting the real name of Carlo / HN104, despite representation from those he targeted that it be released. He did this in the name of protecting Carlo's family.<ref>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/20180807-SDS_anonymity_Ruling_12_HN104_real_name-1.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad - Ruling 12], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 7 Aug 2018.</ref> The Restriction order was made public on 23 October 2020.<ref>Email to core participants, ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 23 October 2020.</ref><ref>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/20200120-restriction_order-HN104.pdf Restriction Order - HN104], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 7 August 2018 (published on ucpi.org.uk 23 October 2020).</ref>

==Other resources on Carlo Neri==

* Undercover Research Group blog, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2016/01/18/how-we-proved-carlo-neri-was-an-undercover-police-officer/ How we proved Carlo Neri was an undercover police officer], 18 January 2016.

* Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/jan/18/police-spy-carlo-neri-woman-sues-psychological-torture Woman who was engaged to police spy sues Met over 'psychological torture'], ''The Guardian'', 18 January 2016.

* Richard Watson & Maria Polachowska, [http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-35345802 Undercover policeman proposed to activist], ''Newsnight'', 18 January 2016.

* Newsnight on YouTube, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=540XUH-OSsM Undercover policeman who proposed to activist exposed - BBC Newsnight], 18 January 2016.

* Socialist Party Press statement, [http://www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/22049 Police infiltration of the Socialist Party], 18 January 2016.

* [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/andreas-story/ Andrea's Story], PoliceSpiesOutOfLives.org.uk, 2016 (various links). See also, Andrea, [https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/may/15/undercover-officer-police-grooming-state-abuse-women I too was tricked into loving an undercover police officer. It was no accident], ''The Guardian'', 15 May 2017.

Pre-publication of the second edition of the book ''Blacklisted: The Secret War Between Big Business and Union Activists'' by Dave Smith and Phil Chamberlain:
* Conrad Landin, [https://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/a-089a-Spy-cop-told-activists-to-BURN-charity Spy cop told activists to BURN charity], ''Morning Star'', 15 September 2016.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/sep/15/police-carlo-neri-accused-of-urging-anti-fascist-activists-to-commit-arson?CMP=twt_gu Police spy accused of urging anti-racist activists to commit arson], ''The Guardian'', 15 September 2016.

==Notes==

<references />

Lynn Watson (alias)

2025-10-02T06:42:51Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Lynn Watson|Series=undercover police officers|Image=PX A 03.002.jpg |Unit=National Public Order Intelligence Unit|DatesDeployed=2002-2008|Targets=Anarchist networks, environmentalists}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]*



'''‘Lynn Watson’''' was the assumed identity of an undercover police officer who infiltrated activist groups, mainly in the northern English city of Leeds, between the years of 2002 and 2008. She was tasked by the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]] (NPOIU) as 'one of the first in a team of 15 spies who would be sent undercover in one six-year period', according to ''Guardian'' journalists Rob Evans and Paul Lewis, who devote part of their book, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'' to her.<ref name="ABK085p216">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p216.</ref> Subsequent to her deployment within peace, environmental and anti-authoritarian political movements, Lynn was placed undercover elsewhere,<ref name="GN3.002">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Martin Wainwright, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer-unmasked ‘Second police officer to infiltrate environmental activists unmasked’], ''The Guardian'', 12 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="GN3.005">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Rowenna Davis, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-policeman-married-activist-spy ‘Undercover policeman married activist he was sent to spy on’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref> targeting serious organised crime networks.<ref name="TS3.001">Sean O'Neill, [http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/news/uk/crime/article2992340.ece ‘Police infiltrator in fear for her life after gang cover is blown’], ''The Times'', 20 April 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

Lynn's role as a long-term police spy in protest movements was publicly confirmed in January 2011 in the wake of the unmasking of [[Mark Kennedy]].<ref name="GN3.001">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Martin Wainwright, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/jan/10/mark-kennedy-second-undercover-ecoactivist ‘Mark Kennedy knew of second undercover eco-activist’], ''The Guardian'', 10 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref> Her current whereabouts, status and true identity are all unknown. Her cover name was later confirmed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]], which has ruled in October that her real name as a serving police officer would be restricted.<ref name="mitting.npoiu.mindedto2.30Oct2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/20181030-NPOIU_anonymity-ruling_1_and_Minded_to_2.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit and its predecessor/successor units Ruling 1 and 'Minded to' 2], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 30 October 2018.</ref>

''N.B. This page is a work in process, we are open to comments and additions. [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net Contact us here], PGP available on request.''

Also see:
::* [[Lynn Watson Undercover Timeline]]
::* [[Lynn Watson Gallery]]
::* [[Lynn Watson Bibliography]]

==Overview of undercover tour as ‘Lynn Watson’==
Before moving to Leeds in 2004, Lynn was deployed briefly to investigate a woodland preservation protest campaign in East Sussex in 2002. The following year she infiltrated anti-nuclear and pacifist groups at Aldermaston in Berkshire.<ref name="ABK085p216"></ref>

Once in Leeds she attached herself to a broad range of campaigns, groups and networks, including the then-growing Climate Camp movement<ref name="AWB025">Camp for Climate Action, [https://web.archive.org/web/20140106031039/http://www.climatecamp.org.uk/ ‘Camp for Climate Action’], ''Camp for Climate Action'' homepage, 6 January 2014 (accessed via archive.org 22 May 2014).</ref> and the international anti-authoritarian organising hub Dissent!, which was co-ordinating protest and direct action against the UK-hosted 2005 G8 summit.

Lynn remained based in Leeds until early 2008, when she was removed from the field by the NPOIU.<ref name="ABK085p223">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p223.</ref>

After she had disappeared, it appears two different people who knew her ran into her by coincidence in the South West of England - this was before she was exposed as an undercover.<ref name="BG3.001">infiltrators, [https://network23.org/infiltrators/2011/03/08/lynn-watson/ ‘Lynn Watson’], ''Infiltrators & Informers'' blog, 8 March 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref>Undercover Research Group: details of the second encounter, by someone who is said to have known her through the Action Medics group have yet to be ascertained.</ref> In July 2010 an activist friend chanced upon Lynn at a pub in Dorset. Lynn seemed surprised initially, but remained in character. Despite several requests, she declined to give up-to-date contact details.<ref name="ABK085p235">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p235.</ref>

Ongoing doubts about Lynn were first confirmed with [[Mark Kennedy]] pointing at 'Lynn Watson' when he was confronted by activists about his own false identity. 'Senior police sources' subsequently acknowledged that she was a police officer in January 2011, when the undercover police operation broke in the mainstream media. Further details about her work were leaked to ''The Times'' in April 2011.<ref name="TS3.001"/>

:''See also: [[Lynn Watson Undercover Timeline]].''

==Personal details==

Lynn was a British woman in her early to midthirties. People who spent time with her noted her intelligence and acerbic wit<ref name="ABK085p216"/> and considered her a nice person who was not into gossip. (Mark Kennedy, however, alleged that she did not like the people she was targeting.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>) She would change her politics depending on who she was with, which came across as chameleon-like.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> She also told one activist that she suffered depression, though that is now considered a possible way of getting close to them.<ref name="sam.i"/>

She had brown or dark hair, with brown eyes. She claimed to some that she was concerned about a skin condition which 'resulted in blotchy markings on her face whenever she was exposed to sunlight',<ref name="ABK085p222">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p222.</ref> something she would use as a reason to not go on holiday with other activists.<ref name="sam.i"/> She had a tattoo of an outline of a flower on her foot.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

===Age===

Lynn told Leeds activists that her birthday was 1 or 2 January,<ref name="s.tw.i"/> and that she was aged 35 at one point during her time undercover.<ref name="ABK085p217"/>. In Company House details for Leeds Social Centre Ltd (i.e. 'The Common Place') she listed her date of birth as 26 December 1970.<ref name="AMD121">Companies House, [https://www.duedil.com/director/910115238/lynn-watson/directorships ‘Ms Lynn Watson’], ''DueDil.com'', 2014 (accessed 12 May 2014).</ref><ref>Undercover Research Group note: Current understanding of the legend-building is to ensure that as many biographical details match or come close to those of the undercover officer's real identity. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that the birth date details provided by Lynn Watson to Companies House are close to those of the police officer presenting as her.</ref> She also gave Boxing day as her date of birth to friends.<ref name="sam.i"/>

===Habits, tastes and interests===
[[Image:PX_A_03.008.jpg|right|thumb|200px|Lynn Watson undated]]
Her activist acquaintance in East Sussex, Kate Holcombe, described her in 2002 as 'very, very fit'.<ref name="ABK085p216"/>

Early in her time in Leeds, Lynn would go running twice a week with Sam,<ref name="sam.i"/> though this eventually tailed off and though she talked more about it than actually doing it. She is known to be - or have become - a moderate smoker and heavy drinker.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> By the end of 2007 she was claiming to friends that she believed she had a drinking problem.<ref name="ABK085p222"/> She also complained to an activist friend of hangovers from having gone drinking with work mates (in hindsight, presumably fellow police officers).<ref name="sam.i"/>

She appears to have been amenable to animals, and ‘Paul’ bought her a Staffordshire terrier puppy as a present in 2007, which she named Bridget.<ref name="ABK085p223">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p223.</ref>

In terms of books she showed an interest in Bridget Jones and 'chick-lit' in general; there was nothing political and she demonstrated a cynical tendency against 'high culture'. In terms of music, she was into very mainstream material, Dirty Dancing and Johnny Cash. She was also very fond of Maltesers.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> Would take part in 'girlie film nights' with activist friends.<ref name="sam.i"/>

Her initial appearance was that she dressed more as if she was part of an NGO than counter-cultural.<ref name="p.n"/>

===Family Background===

Lynn told friends her parents were originally from Glasgow but had moved to Slough in Berkshire 'when she was young'.<ref name="GN3.004">Rajeev Syal & Martin Wainwright, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/19/undercover-police-officer-lynn-watson ‘Undercover police: Officer A named as Lynn Watson’], ''The Guardian'', 19 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014)</ref> She sometimes joked in 'an authentic Glaswegian accent'.<ref name="ABK085p217"></ref> She told activists in Leeds that her family lived in Farnborough in Hampshire;<ref name="ABK085p225">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p225.</ref><ref name="sam.i"/> and reiterated this during the encounter in the Dorset pub.<ref name="ABK085p237">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p237.</ref> At the time of the Camp for Climate Action activity in London, she said her parents were living in Guildford.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> She also said she had two sisters (one of whom was adopted), of whom she was the youngest, and a nephew ('Thomas'). In general she gave the impression of being close to her family, talking vividly of her nephew, and apparently going on holiday with them including to New York City - something that included flying at their insistence - and Disneyland.<ref name="sam.i"/><ref name="s.tw.i"/> However, nobody met any of them, and she had no photos of them in her house.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

Likewise, there was no apparent connection with any previous life, nor did she have any political narrative of personal change which lead her to activism.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

===Occupation===

During the earlier part of her deployment in Worthing and then at Aldermaston, she claimed to be a care worker living in Bournemouth (or Eastbourne) in Dorset.<ref name="p.n"/> On her Company House record she lists her occupation as 'care assistant'.<ref>[http://www.endole.co.uk/profile/6476866/lynn-watson Lynn Watson], Endole.co.uk, 2015 (accessed 31 August 2015).</ref>

Her stated reason for moving to Leeds was better job prospects in care homes 'up north' as promised by her employment agency.<ref name="ABK085p217"/> She told someone else she had chosen Leeds because that would allow here to continue to be the carer of someone who moved there.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> She was supposedly employed by the Taurus care agency in Leeds,<ref>Undercover Research Group note: It is not known if Taurus care agency existed; a search has not uncovered them, though they may have ceased to exist in any case for other reasons. There is Taurus Healthcare but it does not seem to have existed prior to 2012.</ref> in a job that would take her away for days up to three weeks at a time. She was evasive when others asked her about the possibility of them getting care work through the agency.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

===Residences===

On moving to Leeds in 2004, Lynn initially lived on the outskirts of the city at Flat 3, Woodcroft, Outwood Lane, Horsforth, Leeds LS18
4HR,<ref name="BG3.002">Activist Security Collective, [http://www.activistsecurity.org/lynn_watson.html ‘ActivistSecurity.org statement on Lynn Watson’], ''ActivistSecurity.org'' (website), 19 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="s.tw.i"/><ref>Undercover Research Group: she is registered to this address in Common Place records, and on the Electoral Roll for 2005.</ref> She then moved to a two bedroom terraced house at 41 Welton Mount, Hyde Park, Leeds, LS6 1ET.<ref name="s.tw.i"/><ref>Lynn Watson appears on the Electoral Roll at this address for 2006-2008. Search conducted by Undercover Research Group, August 2015.</ref> Her home was clean and tidy but spartanly furnished.<ref name="ABK085p219">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p219.</ref> There was a lot of room in the house but she said the landlord was storing stuff there; she probably said this to deter other activists from asking to sublet it.<ref name="ABK085p219">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p219.</ref>

Several people remember the clip-frame Class War posters that were on the walls in the house, one with the text 'We need more cops on our streets' over a picture of a fallen policeman being kicked. Compared to the lack of other political material in the house this seemed out of place and was often commented on.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> Sam commented that it was quite incongruous compared to how she presented the rest of herself, and it was almost if she was trying too hard,.</ref name="sam.i"/> The other images included a picture of a dog that came from her sister, and a poster of the American actor Joaquim Phoenix.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

==Activist modus operandi, undercover tradecraft==

=== Offering driving skills ===
She was considered a good driver, and as a result she was involved in numerous reconnaissance trips.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> During the Camps for Climate Action she demonstrated considerable driving skills, including deft handling of a vehicle spotted by a police car during the taking of the Drax site, and driving a flat-bed truck for the Heathrow site take.<ref name="sam.i"/> At one point she owned a blue car, possibly a Skoda.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

===Using trust in networks of contacts===

Initially Lynn was active in the south of England. In the Aldermaston women's camp, she got close to Kate Holcombe, described as 'another novice showing an interest in the monthly camping events outside the atomic weapons establishment'.<ref name="ABK085p216">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p216.</ref> She came across as 'surprisingly forward and keen', including handing out her phone number to activists.<ref name="p.n"/>

During a Dissent gathering in Brighton, she was introduced to 'Sam' a Leeds based activist, by a Manchester activist who knew her from Aldermaston. Her contact with Sam would instrumental in introducing Lynn to the Leeds activist scene in 2004.<ref name="sam.i">Undercover Research Group interview with 'Sam', a Leeds based activist who had been close to Lynn Watson, 11 August 2015.</ref>

Lynn told Sam she was thinking of moving to Leeds following the dramatic end of a relationship - the implication was that domestic violence was involved and it would be rude to pry further.<ref name="ABK085p217">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p217.</ref><ref name="sam.i"/> She had chosen Leeds as she would be able to be a carer for someone she had looked after previously and who now lived there (see Occupation for variations on this story).

Once in Leeds she immediately became close to another individual in the local scene who was considered open and generally unsuspicious of people. At the time there emerged a half-joke about how straight Lynn was and the potential of her being a cop, though there was no evidence other than a feeling so this was not pursued at the time.<ref name="sam.i"/>

She also befriended Leeds University lecturer Dr Paul Chatterton,<ref name="GN3.004"/> a fellow director of Leeds Social Centre Ltd. Chatterton would subsequently be involved in the June 2008 occupation of a coal train to the Drax power plant as part of a climate change protest<ref name="AMD122">Martin Wainwright, [http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2008/jun/13/activists.climatechange ‘Climate change protesters hijack coal train’], ''The Guardian'', 13 June 2008 (accessed 25 May 2014).</ref> and play a prominent part in the subsequent trial.<ref>[http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2009/jul/01/drax-protesters-climate-change-jury Drax protesters plead climate change cause to jury], ''The Guardian'', 1 July 2009 (accessed 29 August 2015).</ref>

According to Sam, it felt that in hindsight that Lynn adopted a step-wise process to integrate herself into the Leeds scene, going through systematic trust building. She was playing up friendships to gain trust of other people, including saying she had seen someone when it was not true.<ref name="sam.i"/>

This tactic allowed her to go from being part of Leeds Action for Radical Change, to The Common Place, to Action Medics to the Camp for Climate Action 'Land Group' and then to contacts with the European scene. (For more detail on the organisations she targeted, see below.)

===Notable activity===

Whilst undercover, ‘Lynn Watson’ displayed a number of characteristics which enabled her to be close or get closer to other activists and their decision-making processes. These included:

:*Attending protests.<ref name="ABK085p216">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p216.</ref><ref name="ABK085p217">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p217.</ref><ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="GN3.011">Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/oct/20/met-crisis-activist-spying-operation ‘Met facing mounting crisis as activist spying operation unravels’], ''The Guardian'', 20 October 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref> <ref name="AP3.001">unknown author, [http://www.eco-action.org/porkbolter/july02.html ‘350 march on Titnore!’], ''The Pork-Bolter'' number 46, July 2002 (accessed 15 May 2014).</ref><ref name="BG3.003">Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp(aign), [http://aldermaston.net/camp/415 ‘Domestic Extremists Or Domestic Goddesses?’], ''AWPC'' website, 8 February 2011 (accessed 22 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.002">ABC Anarres, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/472363.html ‘Three undercover political Police unmasked as infiltrators into UK Anarchist, Anti-Fascist and Climate Justice movements’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19/01/11 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB009">Dr Sian Jones, [http://actionawe.org/of-sledgehammers-and-nuts-counter-terrorism-and-anti-nuclear-protest/ ‘Of sledgehammers and nuts: counter-terrorism and anti-nuclear protest’], ''Action AWE'' website, 2014? (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref>

:*Getting onto mailing lists, submitting her contact details, requesting information about groups and planned actions.<ref name="ABK085p216">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p216.</ref><ref name="GN3.011"/>

:*Participating in direct action.<ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="ABK085p261-262">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p261-262.</ref><ref name="AWB027">Tilly Gifford, David Miller, Melissa Jones, Gemma Larsen & Eveline Lubbers, [http://www.powerbase.info/index.php/Mark_Kennedy:_A_chronology_of_his_activities ‘Mark Kennedy: A chronology of his activities’], ''Powerbase'' website, last amended 18 February 2013 (accessed 22 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.005">mini mouse, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378561.html ‘Campers Glue on to DfT’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.006">Werewolf, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378579.html ‘More pics from today's DfT protest’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.007">Camp for Climate Action, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378551.html ‘Climate Activists Blockade Department For Transport To Stop Airport Expansion’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="MS3.001">Solomon Hughes, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110130190139/http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/content/view/full/100343 ‘The long arm (and big feet) of the law…’], ''Morning Star'', 27 January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 25 May 2011).</ref>

:*Going to training workshops.<ref name="IM3.002"/><ref name="MS3.001">Solomon Hughes, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110130190139/http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/content/view/full/100343 ‘The long arm (and big feet) of the law…’], ''Morning Star'', 27 January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 25 May 2011).</ref><ref name="IM3.009">IMC Leeds Bradford, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/03/287070.html ‘Mass blockade at Menwith Hill US base, Friday March 19th’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 March 2004 (accessed 15 May 2014)."</ref><ref name="IM3.008">I Saw You, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/471994.html?c=on#c262808 ‘2004 Leeds’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="VD3.001">journeymanpictures, [http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kg5OlyT4bFk ‘Undercover Clown Cop: Lynn Watson – UK’], YouTube, 7 February 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="CN3.001">Channel 4 News, [http://www.channel4.com/news/undercover-police-officer-filmed-in-clown-costume ‘Undercover police officer filmed in clown costume’], ''Channel 4 News'' website, 25 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

:*Willingness to put her name down on official paperwork, such as by becoming a director of the company leasing the building which was home to The Common Place.<ref name="AMD121"/>

:*In general she was good at doing admin and the 'donkey work', which got her recommended to others as someone competent and reliable.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

:*Using practical skillsets such as driving<ref name="GN3.002">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Martin Wainwright, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer-unmasked ‘Second police officer to infiltrate environmental activists unmasked’], ''The Guardian'', 12 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="s.tw.i"/> and first aid.<ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="IM3.002"/>

:*Being a point of contact for groups.<ref name="s.tw.i"/><ref name="IM3.002"/><ref name="IM3.012">murp, [http://sheffield.indymedia.org.uk/2011/01/472317.html?c=on#c263145 ‘Lynn G8 Russia correction’], ''Sheffield Indymedia'', 18 January 2011 (accessed 24 May 2014).</ref>

:*Involvement in coordination and planning teams.<ref name="GN3.002"/><ref name="IM3.002"/><ref name="MS3.001"/>
 

[[File:Lynn Watson timeline(1).png]]

Also see:
:: * [[Lynn Watson Undercover Timeline]]

==Relationships==

Contrary to other undercover police officers exposed to date, Lynn did not have sexual relationships with fellow activists. The only time she slept with an activist was at the first Camp for Climate Action at the Drax power plant in summer 2006.<ref name="ABK085p221">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p221</ref> The male activist told ''the Guardian'' the one-night stand,instigated by the female officer was 'nothing meaningful'.<ref name="GN3.013">Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2013/jan/17/spies-sexual-relations-activists-routine ‘Police spies court case suggest sexual relations with activists were routine’], ''The Guardian'', 17 January 2013 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

Aside from this, there have only been vague or unsubstantiated suggestions online about other sexual liaisons with activists,<ref name="IM3.002"/><ref name="IM3.010">Sleaze-watch, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/471994.html?c=on#c262564 ‘She may not have put it about like Shagger Stone…’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 January 2014 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref> though people close to her at the time remember it as little more than 'a couple of snogs'.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> For the first year and a half in Leeds she remained single, saying she was not ready for any new relationships, using the excuse of her recent break-up.<ref name="ABK085p221"/>

To Sam, she did talk about sleeping with men she met on nights out with friends not part of the activist scene, and professed attraction to a number of male activists.<ref name="sam.i"/>

===Use of 'background artistes’===

Lynn claimed to have relationships with two men from outside the activist movement. In hindsight they themselves may have been undercover officers, deployed to add weight to Lynn's own cover and to circumvent the issue of not having a boyfriend within the activist scene. In the jargon, such characters are referred to as '[[background artistes]]'. That both of them where impossible to find once people tried to look for them gives weight to this theory.
In July 2010, she was also spotted with a third man, 'Chris', after her departure from the activist scene.

====‘Sean’====
The first boyfriend, [[‘Sean’]], was introduced as a locksmith from Northampton whom she had met at a friend's birthday party, and he was not involved in politics. He is described as a 'dishevelled and socially awkward man' who 'seemed a strange match for Watson'. He instantly acquired the nickname ‘Frank Gallagher’, after the fictional drunk on the British TV show ''Shameless''”. The relationship lasted less than a year.<ref name="ABK085p221-222">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p221-222.</ref>

Following ‘Watson’'s disappearance, activists in Leeds tried to trace ‘Sean’, only to discover that despite phoning every locksmith in Northampton, he could not be found.<ref name="ABK085p225"/><ref name="IM3.002"/>

====‘Paul’====
The second boyfriend, [[‘Paul’]], was a former bouncer (in London) turned photographer from Coventry she started seeing at the end of 2007.<ref name="ABK085p222-225">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p222-225.</ref><ref name="s.tw.i"/> The two had apparently met in Newquay while she was on a hen party with friends from her previous life.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> He is described as being around six foot tall, with a shaved head, a 'slightly intimidatory presence'.<ref name="ABK085p223">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p223.</ref>

Activists who have met ‘Paul’ describe him in negative terms and thought that Lynn could have done better.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> The way he interacted with women was not appreciated, as it included behaviour such as commenting on their breasts or encouraging a drunken Lynn to kiss her female friends in front of him.<ref name="ABK085p223-224">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p223-224.</ref> However, others understood the inappropriate comments as part of failed attempts to engage with a social crowd whose norms he did not get.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

Paul would become part of her exit strategy. In January 2008 Lynn moved to Coventry to live with 'Paul'. When invited to take part in an action she declined, saying: 'I'm leaving, I don't need to hear about this'. Her friends threw her a leaving party, and one friend even drove a removal van with her things from Leeds to Coventry. Lynn and ‘Paul’ returned to Leeds to visit friends several times, but always insisted on staying in Travelodge hotels rather than at friends' houses. The couple then supposedly moved to Lithuania where 'Paul’ had found work. She remained in email or telephone contact with friends for a short time, 'claiming to be in eastern Europe', but soon 'the contact dried up'.<ref name="s.tw.i"/><ref name="ABK085p224">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p224.</ref>

During her chance meeting in the Dorset pub in July 2010, Lynn claimed she had returned to the UK for her father's funeral. She now said that the move to Lithuania had been 'an attempt to escape some dodgy individuals Paul had been in business with'. After they had been tracked down in Eastern Europe they had moved to the United States, to live in Iowa 'for some time'. They now planned to relocate to New York.<ref name="ABK085p236-237">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p236-237.</ref>

The Leeds activists also tried to locate ‘Paul’, by calling every photographic agency around Coventry, to no avail.<ref name="ABK085p225"/><ref name="IM3.002"/>

====‘Chris’====
‘Chris’ was one of the people in ‘Watson’'s company at the Dorset pub in 2010 when friends ran into her, as detailed above. His role in the story is very brief according to the ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', the only words attributed to him being: “Lynn, are you OK?”<ref name="ABK085p237">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p237.</ref>

‘Chris’ may have been an actual friend or relative of her with whom she was on a coastal walk, as she claimed.<ref name="ABK085p235">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p235.</ref><ref name="FORENAME ISSUE">That ‘Chris’ used the name ‘Lynn’ to address her offers little clue as to either his status - civilian or police officer. As Evans and Lewis asserted in their book regarding the selection of a false identity by SDS officers, ”Wherever possible, spies were required to find someone who shared their first name. This was important: it was notoriously difficult to suddenly adopt a completely different first name. [[Peter Francis]] further asserted that “It doesn’t matter how good you think you are, if you are undercover as ‘David’ and you’re walking down the road and someone behind you starts shouting out ‘David’, there’s no way in the world you’re ever going to turn around, so you don’t change your first name.” (See Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p110.) All cases in which both the cover name and real identity of an undercover officer are known bear this out, whether Special Demonstration Squad or [[NPOIU]]: ‘Peter Black’ (or ‘Daley’ for Francis, ‘Mark Stone’ for Mark Kennedy, ‘Bob Robinson’ for Bob Lambert, ‘Jim Sutton’ for Andrew ‘Jim’ Boyling, ‘John Barker’ for John Dines, and ‘Mark Cassidy’ for Mark Jenner.</ref> However, the story published in ''The Times'' implies that she was on other undercover assignments after her deployment in activist circles,<ref name="TS3.001"/> while senior officials told ''The Guardian'' that she was an officer on secondment from a force in the south east - which could be the case again,<ref name="GN3.003"/> so he may have been an individual - police or otherwise - related to her subsequent undercover work.<ref name="ABK085p234-238">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p234-238.</ref>

===Advantages of 'background artistes===

It is thought that ‘Sean ’ and ‘Paul’ were police officers deployed by [[NPOIU]] in support of ‘Lynn Watson’. However, it is suggested that the use of such background artistes performs several roles in an undercover deployment, namely:

:*A (fake) partner helps an undercover officer to be seen to be (sexually or emotionally) unavailable, and enables genuine activists or uninvolved civilians to be kept at a distance from the undercover officer's in-the-field private life.
:*A partner adds texture or depth to an undercover officer's cover, and makes the officer seem more real.<ref name="BG12.001">Merrick, [http://bristlingbadger.blogspot.co.uk/2013/02/undercover-relationships-were-approved.html ‘undercover relationships were approved: the evidence’], ''bristling badger'' blog, 10 February 2013 (accessed 25 May 2014).</ref>
:*A partner provides an undercover officer with a reason for absence from activist activity (when in fact the officer may be visiting their own family, filing police reports etc.).<ref name="ABK085p222">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p222.</ref>
:*A partner so out of step with the values of the target community could be utilised as a means of disruption.<ref name="ABK085p223">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p223.</ref>
:*A partner living in another geographical space offers the opportunity for the undercover officer to be more smoothly extracted from the field at the end of their deployment, by virtue of the common desire to ‘move in together’.<ref name="ABK085p224-225">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p224-225.</ref>
:* It allows the officer to get closer to the targets, thus facilitating recognition as part of subsequent surveillance operations.<ref>Undercover Research Group interview with a member of the Activist Security Collective, 2015.</ref>

Evans and Lewis points out that the use of undercover officers 'pretending to be sexual partners or spouses...was never a technique used by the [Special Demonstration Squad], which always preferred its spies to have intimate relationships with real people.'<ref name="ABK085p222"/> Though a 2012 review into undercover units noted, there were distinct differences between NPOIU and SDS in terms of training, tactical development, operational reviews and interrelationship with the rest of the police force.<ref name="ART014p37-38">HMIC, [http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/review-of-national-police-units-which-provide-intelligence-on-criminality-associated-with-protest-20120202.pdf ''A review of national police units which provide intelligence on criminality associated with protest''], Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary, 2012 (accessed 16 April 2014), pp37-38.</ref>

==Exit and exposure as an undercover officer==

===Early suspicions===

Reservations and questions appear to have emerged from the very start,<ref name="ABK085p217"/><ref name="ABK085p236">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p236.</ref> many were suspicious of Lynn on first meeting her.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> In Leeds she was openly referred to as 'Lynn the cop' or 'PC Watson', something she laughed off. At one point, in the context of a similar reference to Mark Kennedy, she asked why he got to be a detective, 'while I'm only a PC'.<ref name="s.tw.i">Undercover Research Group interview with 'Sarah' and 'Tom Winter', two activists who worked closely with Lynn Watson, 11 August 2015.</ref>

After the 2005 G8 protests, several activists who had stayed at Watson's house while she was away became suspicious of her. It was triggered in part by how strange the house felt, how empty of what most people would have, such as a tell-tale cupboard of accrued junk. They discussed how little they actually knew about her, of her work and the general strange ('iffy') feeling they had about her. An attempt to check her out failed partly due to a lack of resources available at the time, and at the same time a feeling of not wanting it to be true about someone otherwise close to them.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

===Exit strategy and new suspicions===

Following the drying up of contact after the move to Lithuania in 2008 (there was a few brief emails with one activist after she left, possibly in early 2009), a group of friends in Leeds became concerned for Lynn's wellbeing.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> They saw situation as one were a friend had vanished, which could mean one of three separate things:
: ''(i)'' She was in an abusive relationship.(<ref name="tomo.n"/>)
: ''(ii)'' She had had a breakdown.
: ''(iii)'' She was a police officer.

The group proceeded to try and track her down through friends or family. This included ringing all locksmiths in Northampton, photographers in Coventry, and people would could be family members. When they failed to find a birth certificate for her they began to increasingly conclude that she was a police officer. They tried to follow up reaching out to other activists who had known her but there was no contact there either, or further light shed. Though they did make key groups aware of their concerns, in the absence of actual proof they decided not go public with merely allegations.<ref>Information communicated to Undercover Research Group by those who investigated Lynn Watson following her disappearance.</ref>

===Confirmation and exposure===

The first confirmation that Lynn indeed was a police officer came from Mark Kennedy who pointed at her when he was confronted by activists with evidence of his own true identity in October 2010 (and again in a telephone conversation between him and Simon Lewis in November 2010).<ref name="GN3.001"/>

In January 2011, when the Kennedy story broke in the mainstream press, 'senior police sources' confirmed to ''Guardian'' journalists that Lynn was a serving officer 'from a police force in the south-east seconded to the National Public Order Intelligence Unit'.<ref name="GN3.002"/><ref name="GN3.003">Paul Lewis, Rob Evans & Vikram Dodd, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/12/second-undercover-police-officer ‘Revealed: Second undercover police officer who posed as activist’], ''The Guardian'', 13 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref>

At the request of the police, ''The Guardian'' initially referred to her only as ‘Officer A’ and used only a pixelated photograph of her, though her full (false) name and clear pictures soon appeared on Indymedia<ref name="IM3.001">'quiteliketheguardianactually', [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/471994.html ‘Officer A’], ''Indymedia UK'', 13 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref> (see also [[Lynn Watson Gallery]] page). Paul Lewis explained what had happened:

::Days later [following [[Mark Kennedy]]'s exposure], as we prepared to publish details of three other undercover officers – Lynn Watson, Marco Jacobs and Jim Sutton – a delegation of the most senior police in the country appeared at the Guardian office to dissuade us from jumping to conclusions.

::Their message: Kennedy was a bad apple. His operation had gone awry. Our reporting risked endangering the lives of undercover operatives. We should leave it at that.<ref name="GN3.014">Paul Lewis, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/mar/06/scandal-scotland-yard-secret-spy-unit-emerged ‘How the scandal of Scotland Yard's secret spy unit emerged’], ''The Guardian (theguardian.com)'', 6 March 2014 (accessed 12 September 2014).</ref>

The explicit request to withhold her work name and image was justified with the claim that she was in the field as an undercover officer elsewhere at that moment, and needed to be safely extracted.

This claim was repeated a few months later in an article in ''The Times'' by Sean O'Neill, a member of the Crime Reporters' Association, known for its close contact with police sources. The article explained that ‘Watson’ had been 'deployed in 15 operations involving serious organised crime, including drug trafficking and gunrunning' and that 'three covert operations against crime gangs in the East Midlands were abandoned because Ms Watson’s identity became known'. The article claimed that she had 'now been afforded "protected person status" under the Serious Organised Crime and Police Act', and moved to a different part of the country with a new identity under armed police protection.<ref name="TS3.001"/>

It should be noted that the acknowledgement of ‘Watson’ as a police officer working for [[NPOIU]] is a deviation from the claimed policy of '[[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]]'.

==Target groups==

[[Image: PX_A_03.009.jpg|right|thumb|200px|Lynn Watson in CIRCA in 2004]]

‘Lynn Watson’ infiltrated campaigns or took part in actions of the following groups:

* '''Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp(aign)''' - the first time she seemed to lay down roots as an activist, and the campaign through which she became involved with other political groups.<ref name="ABK085p216"/><ref name="ABK085p217"/><ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="BG3.003"/><ref name="AWB009">Dr Sian Jones, [http://actionawe.org/of-sledgehammers-and-nuts-counter-terrorism-and-anti-nuclear-protest/ ‘Of sledgehammers and nuts: counter-terrorism and anti-nuclear protest’], ''Action AWE'' website, 2014? (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref>
* '''Block the Builders''' - an off-shoot of the peace movement, she became involved with this action focused campaign through her time at Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp(aign).<ref name="BG3.003">Aldermaston Women's Peace Camp(aign), [http://aldermaston.net/camp/415 ‘Domestic Extremists Or Domestic Goddesses?’], ''AWPC'' website, 8 February 2011 (accessed 22 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.002"/>
* '''Camp for Climate Action''' - a key hub for environmental activists in the UK which facilitated a number of high profile and ambitious direct action campaigns, which she became increasingly involved in.<ref name="GN3.002"/><ref name="AWB025">Camp for Climate Action, [https://web.archive.org/web/20140106031039/http://www.climatecamp.org.uk/ ‘Camp for Climate Action’], ''Camp for Climate Action'' homepage, 6 January 2014 (accessed via archive.org 22 May 2014).</ref><ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="IM3.002"/><ref name="IM3.005">mini mouse, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378561.html ‘Campers Glue on to DfT’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.006">Werewolf, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378579.html ‘More pics from today's DfT protest’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.007">Camp for Climate Action, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378551.html ‘Climate Activists Blockade Department For Transport To Stop Airport Expansion’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="ABK085p220">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p220.</ref> In particular she helped facilitate the occupation of the sites for Drax in 2006 and Heathrow in 2007, as she was part of the closed 'land group' - the only people who knew about the location in advance.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>
* '''Campaign for Accountability of American Bases''' - Lynn was not directly involved in the group, but she did take part in at least one demonstration called by it.<ref name="VD3.001"/><ref name="IM3.004">IMC Leeds Bradford, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/leedsbradford/2004/07/294563.html ‘Independence day at Menwith Hill’], ''Indymedia UK'', 7 July 2004 (accessed 15 May 2014).</ref>
* '''Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army''' (CIRCA) She became involved with the Clown Army through a workshop on it put on by Leeds Action for Radical Change. She then took part with it in days of action against MP Hilary Benn in Leeds and the American spy base at Menwith Hill.<ref name="sam.i"/> One of the founders of the Clown Army, John Jordan (previously a prominent within Reclaim The Streets) noted that she 'was a totally bad clown, could not let go and be free, which is what clowns have to learn to do', and that she was not with the group long before moving on.<ref name="MS3.001">Solomon Hughes, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110130190139/http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/content/view/full/100343 ‘The long arm (and big feet) of the law…’], ''Morning Star'', 27 January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 25 May 2011).</ref><ref name="VD3.001"/><ref name="GN3.006">Paul Lewis, Guy Grandjean & Rob Evans, [http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/jan/25/police-spy-lynn-watson-clown ‘Police spy Lynn Watson filmed in clown costume at anti-war protest’], ''The Guardian'', 25 January 2011 (accessed 10 May 2014).</ref><ref name="AWB024">CIRCA, [http://www.clownarmy.org/ ‘Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army’], ''CIRCA'' website homepage, 2007 (accessed 22 May 2014).</ref><ref name="CN3.001"/>
* '''Dissent!''' - an international network of anti-authoritarians established to organise against the 2005 G8 summit at Gleneagles in Scotland, with involvement from a number of the groups and individuals targeted by Lynn (as well as Marco Jacobs and Mark Kennedy).<ref name="GN3.002"/><ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="IM3.002"/> She appears to have been very interested in it, and to have 'been right there in the thick of it'. This included attending organisational meetings, such as its first gathering (Brighton, circa February 2004), before it had even acquired its name, a subsequent gathering in Manchester (Summer 2004), and the Eco-village camp at Stirling which had come out of it.<ref name="p.n">Undercover Research Group: undated notes from 'Nick', an campaigner who knew Lynn Watson.</ref> Her main involvement however was through the UK Action Medics (below).<ref name="s.tw.i"/> Of note is that she persuaded the members of the Action Medics group that the main action during the G8 was going to be in Edinburgh rather than at Gleneagles, where the G8 meeting was actually taking place.<ref name="sam.i"/>
* '''Earth First!''' - took part in at least one EF! Summer Gathering, where activists from across the country come together for discussions, training, planning and to socialise.<ref name="IM3.002"/> She otherwise did not show much interest in Earth First!<ref name="s.tw.i"/>
*'''Leeds Action for Radical Change''' - a hub for many groups and activists in Leeds, and one which ‘Watson’ gravitated towards after moving on from CIRCA.<ref name="ASL153">unknown author, [https://web.archive.org/web/20050530055303/http://www.leedsarc.org.uk/rabble/4.pdf ‘A Radical new free space opening in Leeds centre this autumn’], ''The Rabble Rouser'' no. 4, September 2004 (accessed via archive.org, 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="MS3.001">Solomon Hughes, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110130190139/http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/content/view/full/100343 ‘The long arm (and big feet) of the law…’], ''Morning Star'', 27 January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 25 May 2011).</ref> This group would subsequently become the core group behind The Common Place (below). Other activities included a campaign around the campaign to protect the Leeds market.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>
* '''Leeds anti-fascism''' - briefly involved towards the end of her deployment with a militant anti-fascist group in Leeds when she was recruited as a driver for an action. She took part in the reconnaissance, though the action never came off.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>
* '''Protect Our Woodland''' - the first known target for ‘Lynn Watson’.<ref name="GN3.011"/><ref name="ABK085p216"/><ref name="AP3.001">unknown author, [http://www.eco-action.org/porkbolter/july02.html ‘350 march on Titnore!’], ''The Pork-Bolter'' number 46, July 2002 (accessed 15 May 2014).</ref>
* '''The Common Place''' - a social centre in Leeds, Lynn was a director of the company (Leeds Social Centre Ltd<ref>[http://companycheck.co.uk/company/05276006/LEEDS-SOCIAL-CENTRE-LIMITED Leeds Social Centre Ltd], CompanyCheck.co.uk, undated (accessed 31 August 2015).</ref>) set up to lease the building it was based in.<ref name="GN3.002"/><ref name="ABK085p217"/><ref name="AMD121"/> While there she was involved in the café collective and cooked at various events, though she never went to political meetings, saying she did not like them. She was also a member of its finance group. However, in the main she hung out socially there, and did not attend many of the Common Places' own meetings, or would turn up late for them.<ref name="sam.i"/> Tomo, a campaigner strongly involved in the Common Place, described Lynn as being part of the core of the project, a founding director and treasurer, so having legal responsibility it relation to the running of the building. He also noted that:<ref name="tomo.n">Undercover Research Group: communication from 'Tomo', a Leeds activist involved in The Common Place, September 2015.</ref>
:: Lynn contributed to the financial difficulties of Leeds Social Centre by being a very unreliable treasurer, and it was often frustratingly difficult to find out what was going on and if we were solvent or losing money. She also created a legal mess through founding the company under a false name, which was one of the contributing factors in winding up the company.
* '''Trident Ploughshares''' - a long-established direct action peace group whose activists had previously disabled war planes on a number of occasions and embarrassed police and politicians alike.<ref name="BG3.003"></ref>
* '''UK Action Medics''' - an activist service group which has provided trained personnel to protests both in the UK and globally, and which is linked in to international political networks.<ref name="GN3.004"/><ref name="IM3.002"/><ref name="AWB023">UK Action Medics, [http://actionmedics.org.uk/index.html ‘UK Action Medics’], ''UK Action Medics'' homepage, 2006 (accessed 22 May 2014).</ref> She went to most if not all its meetings and was considered trusted enough by the group to be given prior information on actions and with international links.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>
* '''Yorkshire CND''' - ‘Watson’ took part in training in preparation for a direct action organised by the group, but the action was brought forward in her absence, and she missed it.<ref name="IM3.009">IMC Leeds Bradford, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/03/287070.html ‘Mass blockade at Menwith Hill US base, Friday March 19th’], ''Indymedia UK'', 19 March 2004 (accessed 15 May 2014)."</ref><ref name="IM3.008">I Saw You, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2011/01/471994.html?c=on#c262808 ‘2004 Leeds’], ''Indymedia UK'', 15 January 2011 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref>

===Offences committed===
[[Image: Lynn_Watson_at_TCP.jpg|right|thumb|200px|Undercover officer Lynn Watson working on The Common Place building prior to its opening.]]

As mentioned above, Lynn knowingly submitted false identity details to Companies House when becoming a director of Leeds Social Centre Ltd,<ref name="AMD121"/>Companies House, [https://www.duedil.com/director/910115238/lynn-watson/directorships ‘Ms Lynn Watson’], ''DueDil.com'', 2014 (accessed 12 May 2014),</ref> a criminal offence under section 1112 of the Companies Act 2006:<ref name="AEV049">Her Majesty's Government, [http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2006/46/pdfs/ukpga_20060046_en.pdf ''Companies Act 2006''], The Stationery Office Limited/HMSO, 2006 (accessed 30 May 2014).</ref><ref name="CA2006 note">That this was an offence was confirmed in correspondence between the Breaches and Technical Offences Teams of Companies House and a URG researcher, 30 May 2014. Section 1112 of the Companies Act 2006 state: 
:''1112 General false statement offence''
::''(1) It is an offence for a person knowingly or recklessly—''
:::''(a) to deliver or cause to be delivered to the registrar, for any purpose of the Companies Acts, a document, or''
:::''(b) to make to the registrar, for any such purpose, a statement, that is misleading, false or deceptive in a material particular.''
::''(2) A person guilty of an offence under this section is liable—''
:::''(a) on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or a fine (or both);
:::''(b) on summary conviction—''
::::''(i) in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding twelve months or to a fine not exceeding the statutory maximum (or both);''
::::''(ii) in Scotland or Northern Ireland, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, or to a fine not exceeding the statutory maximum (or both).''</ref>

Whilst undercover, Lynn was also arrested a number of times, namely:

*'''31 August 2006:''' Arrested during a mass trespass of Drax power station during first Camp for Climate Action.<ref name="ABK085p261-262">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p261-262.</ref><ref name="AWB027"/> Another activist, reported that Lynn had asked him to hire a car and block the entrance to the power station in order to block it, something he declined to do.<ref name="tomo.n"/>

*'''17 August 2007:''' Arrested at a Climate Camp / Plane Stupid protest at the Department for Transport office building in Whitehall, central London.<ref name="GN3.004"/></ref><ref name="IM3.005">mini mouse, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378561.html ‘Campers Glue on to DfT’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.006">Werewolf, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378579.html ‘More pics from today's DfT protest’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="IM3.007">Camp for Climate Action, [http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/08/378551.html ‘Climate Activists Blockade Department For Transport To Stop Airport Expansion’], ''Indymedia UK'', 17 August 2007 (accessed 16 May 2014).</ref><ref name="MS3.001">Solomon Hughes, [https://web.archive.org/web/20110130190139/http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/content/view/full/100343 ‘The long arm (and big feet) of the law…’], ''Morning Star'', 27 January 2011 (accessed via archive.org 25 May 2011).</ref>

===Paperwork associated with false identity===

It is known she had a passport in the name Lynn Watson, which she was open about in that she let others see it.<ref name="s.tw.i"/>

As one of the directors of Leeds Social Centre Ltd, the company which leased the building for The Common Place; her membership number for the associated members club had the very low number, 3.<ref name="GN3.004"/>

Bank account details:<ref name="IM3.002"/>

:*National Westminster PLC
:*Sortcode: 560054
:*Account Number: 33516774
:*IBAN: GB97NWBK56005433516774

Email addresses:<ref name="BG3.002"/>

:*watwatson@hotmail.com
:*watwatson@gmail.com

==Connections to other undercovers==

Lynn Watson is believed to be an early [[NPOIU]] officer (the unit was founded in 1999). Her first known appearance is dated to May 2002, but she does not become fully active until 2003 at Aldermaston, suggesting the former date is close to the start of her legend building process and the latter is the start of her formal deployment. Mark Kennedy would also make his first appearances in Summer 2003, suggesting that they were both being deployed at the same time as a second generation of NPOIU undercovers in the field. That they knew each other was confirmed by several activists who knew her, and by Kennedy himself (see above), with her apparently not holding a high opinion of him.<ref name="s.tw.i"/> She also overlapped with another known NPOIU undercover [[Marco Jacobs (alias)|'Marco Jacobs']], who was active 2004 - 2009, but it is not known if they ever associated with each other while deployed undercover. All three are known to have attended some of the same events, such as the Dissent! network mobilisation around the 2005 G8 meeting at Gleneagles and the subsequent two several Camps for Climate Action at Drax and Heathrow.<ref name="AWB027"/><ref>Undercover Research Group, [http://powerbase.info/index.php/Marco_Jacobs_Undercover_Timeline Marco Jacobs Undercover Timeline], Powerbase.info, undated (accessed 30 August 2015).</ref>

Whereas Kennedy would remain until 2009 (officially with police at least), Lynn was withdrawn in 2008, following the approximate five year period of undercover work in the field. [[Marco Jacobs]] was in the field for a similar period of time, which indicates that the NPOIU had moved to a slightly longer period for deploying than the four years that had been standard for the [[Special Demonstration Squad]].<ref>Undercover Research Group, unpublished research.</ref>

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry ==

In the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]], she has been given the designation EN34 (for the N-cypher system see under [[N Officers]].

* 2 May 2018: Mitting indicated he would restrict her real name, but was rejecting an application to restrict her cover name, noting <ref name="mitting.npoiu.mindedto1.2May2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180502_NPOIU_anonymity_Minded_to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit and its predecessor/successor units 'Minded to' Note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2 May 2018.</ref>
:: EN34 was deployed by the National Public Order Intelligence Unit into several groups between 2003 and 2008. None of the members of the groups or their associates posed or pose a real risk to safety. The cover name of EN34 is in the public domain: it has been published by both the traditional and non-traditional media. No good purpose would be served by attempting to restrict it.
:: The real name of EN34 is not in the public domain. Publication of it would give rise to very significant interference in the right of EN34 to respect for private and family life. It would not be necessary to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference, which require only that the cover name is published, as it will be.

A closed hearing in relation to her anonymity application was due to be held before 5 July 2018.<ref name="cti.explan.note.2May2018">Steven Gray, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/20180502_NPOIU_anonymity_applications_explanatory_note.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover name of officers of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit and its predecessor/successor units], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 2 May 2018.</ref>

* 2 October 2018: the Chair of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, Sir John Mitting, ruled that her real name could not be published.<ref name="mitting.npoiu.mindedto2.30Oct2018"/>

* 30 October 2018, she was granted core participant status, with Mitting stating:<ref>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/20181030_ruling_core_participants_24.pdf Core participants: Ruling 24], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 30 October 2018 (accessed 4 January 2019).</ref>
:: EN34 was deployed under the cover name "Lynn Watson"... Evidence about her deployment will be given publicly by her and, almost certainly, by individuals whom she encountered during her deployment.
:: She is a serving police officer. The evolution of her application for a restriction order in respect of her real and, initially, cover name has exposed differences of view and interest between her and the police force for which she works. She has a significant interest in the work of the Inquiry and fairness requires that she should be entitled to participate in it as a core participant. The need for her to do so has only become apparent relatively recently.

== Resources ==

:: * [[Lynn Watson Bibliography]]
:: * [[Lynn Watson Gallery]]
:: * [[Lynn Watson Undercover Timeline]]

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:UndercoverResearch]]

Christine Green (alias)

2025-10-02T06:42:10Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Christine Green|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Female_silhouette.png|Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1994-1999|Targets=Animal Liberation Front, London Animal Action, hunt saboteurs}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 



'''Christine Green''' is the cover name of an undercover police officer who served with the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]]. She infiltrated animal rights in south and west London from early 1995 to late 1999 / early 2000,<ref name="arspyc.whowere">[https://network23.org/arspycatcher/who-were-the-spies/ Who Were The Spies?], ''ARSpyCatcher (blog)'', 2017 (accessed 12 January 2018).</ref> where she had succeeded the previous undercover officer, ''[[Andy Coles|Andy "Van" Davey]]''. Christine was active in hunt sabbing, London Animal Action and national grassroots campaigns. She was arrested on least one occasion though charges were dropped. Her cover name was constructed rather than stolen from that of a dead child, being the first example of this being done by SDS undercovers.<ref name="herne.1">See: Mick Creedon, Operation Herne Report 1: Covert Identities, ''Metropolitan Police Service'', July 2013, where she is cited as N26 - see para. 5.4.</ref> She left the police after her deployment and started a long term relationship with an animal rights campaigner who had been active in one of the groups she had targeted, a relationship which appears to have continued to the present day (February 2018).

In October 2013, suspicions that Christine Green was an undercover were publicly circulated,<ref name="bookfair2013"/> only to be confirmed in late 2017, and publicly released by ''The Guardian'' and the Undercover Research Group in February 2018:

Two days later, the Undercover Policing Inquiry confirmed Christine had been a SDS undercover police officer, noting she was the person they had been referred to by the cipher '[[N_officers_1|HN26]]', while the Metropolitan Police made an unusual and rare public apology to Hampshire Police over a 1998 raid by the Animal Liberation Front on a mink farm. In the apology it admitted Christine Green had been a police officer and despite the large investigation, Metropolitan Police Special Branch had withheld the crucial information. This in turn, caused Christine Green to come forward to ''The Guardian'' to make her own statement, highly critical of the Metropolitan Police's apology in the way it named her, among other things.

''Note from Undercover Research Group: this article is a work in progress. If any reader recalls 'Christine Green' [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net ''please get in touch'']. These events took place two decades ago, so all information is welcome even if to just corroborate what we know.''

* ''See also [[Christine Green: policing and the UCPI]]''.

==Cover identity==

Christine Green is a false name, constructed by an officer otherwise given the cipher N26 / HN26 for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] (see the [[N officers]] page for full explanation of this cipher system).<ref>The identification of Christine Green as HN26 was first postulated by Paul Gravett at [https://network23.org/arspycatcher/2017/12/17/mitting-to-reveal-cover-names-of-one-or-possibly-two-animal-rights-spycops/ Mitting to reveal cover names of one or possibly two animal rights spycops], ''ARSpyCatcher (blog)'', 17 December 2017 (accessed 23 Jan 2018), and subsequently confirmed on 20 February by the Undercover Policing Inquiry.</ref>

As N26, she is mentioned in the first Operation Herne report, where it cites the 1994 / 1995 Special Demonstration Squad annual review as saying that N26 was the first office to obtain a completely fictitious identity - as opposed to creating a cover legend based on an identity taken from a dead child, such practice being phased out, starting November 1994.<ref name="herne.1"/> Prior to being deployed she had been a Metropolitan Police Special Branch officer.<ref name="hn26.ra.Aug17">Graham Walker, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN26-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN26 - Open risk assessment], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 24 July 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>

==Personal details==

Christine was of slim build, just under average height (approx. 5' 4"), wore glasses and had long, dark hair. When she was undercover she was in her late twenties or early thirties, apparently born in the early 1960s, so a little older than many in the animal rights scene in London.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: interview with Paul Gravett, 19 January 2018.</ref>

She often wore patchwork dungarees, tie-dye t-shirts combat boots, and was described by one person as coming across as quite contrived, and not quite the norm for animal rights at that time.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> Someone else recalled she dressed a bit smarter than the average activist, with a well-kept appearance.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> If she had an accent, it was very slight, if at all.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

Her background story was that she had been married to a cop who had been a heavy drinker, and that she had been an alcoholic herself in the past, with the nickname 'Pisstine'. She gave this as the reason as to why she was mainly teetotal, though she did drink occasionally, and also why she had cut off people from her past. She was separated from her husband and they had no children; it was recalled she mentioned they had been apparently football fans together, either of Chelsea or Fulham. She did not mention her family other than to say she had a sister who she regularly went to visit. She also claimed that her parents had died when she was young and that she had been raised by an uncle in Cornwall. When mentioning her uncle had died (see below), she was not very emotional about it.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Others noted that nobody knew her family or life outside of activism.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/><ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/>

It was noted that she carried a shoulder bag (also described as a case<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>) with her at all times, that clearly carried something heavy; this became a bit of a joke as she would never leave it alone for a moment, even taking it with her when she went to the toilet,<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> and for some it drew a bit of suspicion towards her.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014">'ARSpycatcher', [https://www.burojansen.nl/observant/how-special-branch-spied-on-animal-rights-movement/ How Special Branch Spied on Animal Rights Movement], ''Buro Jansen & Jansen'', 22 February 2014 (accessed 12 January 2018).</ref>

Her interests included cryptic crosswords, painting, and Jackson Brown. She had no animals while she was living in London,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> though she did give the impression of caring for them.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> For some reason she avoided Sutton in south London.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> There is little recollection of her talking about politics in any form, including of other issues around at the time such as anti-capitalism or the Criminal Justice Bill.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

===Residences===

She lived in a number of places in south London, initially in Crystal Palace before moving to Norbury / South Streatham.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with Robin Lane, 14 February 2017.</ref>
From there she then moved to an upstairs maisonette on Farm Avenue (Sunnyhill Road side), just off Streatham High Street. This house was described as 'minimalist' and more like a 'show home'. For instance, it had only one candle.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> One campaigner who stayed over at Farm Avenue several times, described it as a one bedroom, upstairs flat that was immaculate with nothing out of place; the only bit of personalisation was an arrangement of postcards she had been sent. He recalled it was joked at the time that she had nothing.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> In all cases it is recalled that she lived on her own.

===Personality===
She was described as being helpful and willing to make herself available. As such, she was always in the thick of things.<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16"/> As with many other undercovers, she would use her vehicle to drive people a lot, including taking them to meetings or home after events.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> It was also noted that she did not exacerbate things when people were in conflict, but generally remained friends with both sides.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>

Frank, who knew her in south London and worked with her closely on a sanctuary, described Christine as someone who he would have classed as a great mate who never let him down and kept her promises; she came across as a dedicated activist. He felt she was sincere when it came to animals and recalled that she was not only vegan but the food she had at her flat not only avoided all animal products, but also other products considered unethical at the time, such as Nestlé.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'Frank', 25 January 2018.</ref>

As a person Christine appears to have been quite was sociable and would go the pub with people after meetings and protests.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15"/> She got close to leading activists in LAA and was part of various cliques within the scene,<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Tanya', 31 Jan 2016.</ref> and attended at least two sets of weddings of London-based campaigners.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> Paul Gravett described her as:<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
:: She could be a little short-tempered and aloof, but once you got to know her, she was friendly. She didn't totally blend into the background but was willing to give opinions, sometimes forcibly. She was definitely willing to speak up and had stuff to say.

However, several people noted that she came across as a bit strange and not always easy to get on with, partly because she could be secretive or moody, albeit she was generally nice at the same time.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/><ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/><ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> One activist who met her in Streatham said Christine came across as a 'lurker'.<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from 'Tony', 14 January 2018.</ref> The pattern appears that she kept aloof from people in general, unless she wanted to get particularly close to certain individuals or small groups. It was noted more than once that she focused on people intensely, latching onto a person, but also that she was ready to drop them abruptly to move on to others.

One prominent activist, 'Shirley', who had previously been targeted by the SDS undercover [[Andy Coles]], recalled how whenever she encountered Christine, the undercover focused on her:<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'Shirley', an animal rights activist, 15 January 2018.</ref>
:: She was super-friendly, really smiley and made a lot of eye-contact. She made a point of being really keen and interested in me, despite the fact I wasn't encouraging it. She would question me about what sort of demonstrations and other protests I'd been on or was planning to go to. Her beeline for me every time we met became so obvious, that jokes were made about it.

Christine is known to have pointed a finger of suspicion once at a well-known activist, saying she didn't trust them,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> but this does not appear to have been something she did regularly.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

As with many other undercovers, she was quite camera shy in general,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> and on protests she would cover her face with a placard if she thought she would appear in a shot.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

==Occupation and vehicle==

Christine told a number of people that she was a courier delivering parcels, which was the reason she had a van<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> and mobile phone. Her employer was apparently based on the south side of the Thames, near the National Film Theatre.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> However, when offered courier work by friends, she was reluctant to take their business.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/>

She had two vehicles during her deployment, the first a small white panel, (two-seater<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>) estate-car sized van, followed by a red one of similar size that was unmarked.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17">Undercover Research Group: phone call with a London hunt sab, 18 May 2017.</ref><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> One person recalled that it used to have lots of boxes in the back that smelled of curry.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> She would use it regularly for going to demonstrations and meetings.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/>

She had no landline, but did have a mobile phone - then only just coming in as a thing people had - being one of the first people in the animal rights scene to have one.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> She was generally quick to answer it and would also use it while driving.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Her numbers are known to have been 0802 251 354, followed by 0966 144 331.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

Like many other police undercovers, she was a very good driver. She would drive hunt sabs' vehicles when on those protests, but when at other demonstrations she preferred to take her own van, saying that she 'didn't want to rely on other people or to get stuck'.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> However, when LAA hired or borrowed a minibus to take people to a protest, she was one of the drivers they called on.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref>London Animal Action did not get its own minibus until late 1997. It is not recalled if she drove it, however. Source: interview with Paul Gravett, ''vide infra''.</ref>

She claimed her boss was ringing her on her phone constantly. Later, after he supposedly had died of a brain tumour, she passed on carpet tiles to fellow activists, saying they had come from his office.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

==Targets & activities==

For the first part of her deployment she had a London focus,<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15">Undercover Research Group: interview with Brendan McNally, 16 October 2015.</ref> subsequently moving to interests further afield, particularly swapping her attention from fur campaigns to hunt sabbing (short for sabotaging) in 1997.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

===London Animal Action===

[[Image:LAA_General_Meeting_Agenda_(13Oct1998).jpg|thumb|200px|Agenda for the General Meeting of London Animal Action, 13 October 1998. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

Christine appears to have turned up in late 1994<ref name="met.apology"/><ref name="ucpi.covernames"/>, at an anti-fur picket against Noble Furs, at 3 Burlington Place, just off Regent Street in central London. She said she was passing by when she saw the protest, and it having sparked her interest in the issue joined in.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> This campaign was active October 1994 and January 1995 (see below) so allows the start of her deployment to be placed between October-December 1994,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> most likely being in November (see note above on use of cover identity).

At this point the undercover [[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]] was still deployed into animal rights groups in north London. Early on, Christine focused on people he knew, going out for meals with prominent activists in the group.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

From then on she became active in the city-wide group, London Animal Action (LAA), an umbrella organisation for many of the animal rights-related campaigns in the city, and which helped provide transport for protests further afield. Christine attended many of the different types of protests organised through LAA,<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15">Undercover Research Group: interview with Brendan McNally, 16 October 2015.</ref> particularly those relating to fur.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> However, on demonstrations she tended to stay on the periphery of things, and it is believed she was not arrested on LAA related protests.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

Several campaigners described her as being involved in everything to do with London Animal Action,<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> steadily becoming prominent in it<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> - right up until her exit in late 1999.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Damien Clark', 23 November 2015.</ref> This included attending pretty much all public meetings, then being held at the 1A Community Centre on Rosebury Avenue, EC1, and also the more private planning ones, making herself useful by taking on administrative tasks<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

She became trusted enough to be provided a key to its office space at 5 Caledonian Road,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> home to Housmans bookshop and PeaceNews - following in the footsteps of undercover Matt Rayner in this.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> As part of helping with administration, she was one of those who handled LAA's post, which needed to be picked up from its private BM mail box.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Minutes of the London Animal Actions' planning meeting of 5 May 1997 note that Christine Green agreed to be a signatory for LAA's bank account, replacing Matt Rayner who had been treasurer of the group until he went abroad. As such she played an increasing role in the group's finances, likely being the ''de facto'' treasurer by the end of her time with them.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="pg.e.Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: emails from Paul Gravett, January 2018.</ref>

Christine was also one of those who helped edit the LAA newsletter, ''London Animal Rights News'' - a similar tactic to Andy Coles, who had edited its predecessor news-sheet for the London Animal Rights Coalition. Through this she had access to LAA's mailing lists.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> In late 1995 she suggested doing the mail-out for the London Animal Rights Newsletter from her house, picking them up in her van.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/><ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

The minutes from the planning meeting of the 5th May 1997 also show the extent to which she had become a key and trusted campaigner in the group and the numerous aspects of its work she involved herself in.<ref name="laa.plng.mtg.5May97">Minutes of Planning Meeting Tuesday 5th May 1997, ''London Animal Action''.</ref> In addition to agreeing to be a bank signatory, she took on to reach out to the following groups:
* The McLibel campaign, supporting Helen Steel and Dave Morris being sued by McDonald's (a campaign also spied upon by Matt Rayner) - Christine and another prominent LAA campaigner volunteered to look into doing a joint march between LAA and McLibel. In the end, this never happened.
* The London Anti-Vivisection Action, a campaign within London Animal Action. Following a discussion at the meeting about so called 'home visits' to targets involved in vivisection and the heavy policing of recent events during World Day for Animals In Laboratories, 'Christine volunteered to contact Birnberg solicitors to try to ascertain more about the legal situation'.
* South London Animal Action. This campaigning group was being wound down, and its membership list and mail would be passed over to LAA. According to the minutes: 'Christine is meeting [the couple running SLAA] later this week to sort out how this will be done.'

Christine was present at a London Animal Action planning meeting in September 1999 meeting when it was agreed to write to a local north London campaign saying LAA no longer wanted to be associated with it due to incidents of racism among the protestors there. Christine was among those who said a stand should be taken against the racism. The next planning meeting, in October 1999 was attended by more people than usual because of the issue, Christine again present and being vocal against the racism.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

===Anti-fur campaigns===

London had been the focus of various anti-fur campaigns over the years. In the early 1990s, this had been led by the London Anti-Fur Campaign, one of the groups that had merged to form London Animal Action in late 1994. In response to fur making a return in fashion, LAA launched the Fur Free London Campaign in autumn 1994 as their flagship campaign, aiming to make London free of fur shops. The first of its targets was Noble Furs, where pickets took place from October 1994 to January 1995,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> at one of which Christine first made contact (see above).

[[Image:Philip_Hockley_Furs_campaign_update.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet on the Philip Hockley Furs campaign run by London Animal Rights. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

A series of short, successful campaigns by Fur Free London then followed, resulting in the closure of Jindo Furs of Knightsbridge and Montana Furs ceasing to sell real fur. Other targets included Selfridges. In June 1995, the group started its long campaign against Philip Hockley at 20 Conduit Street, Mayfair, the most prestigious of the fur shops still open.<ref name="arkangel.20">[http://www.animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark20pt3.pdf Fur Wars... the Campaign Against Philip Hockley], ''Arkangel'', Issue 20, 1998.</ref>

Christine is known to have attended many of these anti-fur related protests, particularly at the Philip Hockley shop<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> including one all-night vigil there.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> These protests happened every Saturday and occasionally also on weekdays; they were met with a regular police and private security presence, the police in particular seeking to move protest well away from the shop front. In July 1997, an injunction under the Protection from Harassment Act was taken out against the protestors, and multiple arrests for 'breach of the peace' took place during subsequent protests.<ref name="arkangel.20"/>

Around this time, Christine moved away from doing anti-fur campaigning and switched to hunt sabbing, which was also mainly a weekend activity. By late 1997, she appears to have stopped doing fur protests altogether.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

====March 1996 Fur Day of Action====

[[Image:London_Animal_Rights_News_April_199621012018.jpg|thumb|200px|Front page of the April 1996 edition of London Animal Rights News covering the March 1996 'Fur Day of Action' by London Animal Action. Courtesy of Paul Gravett.]]

Christine was a key part of a small group which tracked Michael Hockley from his shop to his home address.<ref>Undercover Research Group: accounts from people present and involved in the March 1996 protest.</ref> This knowledge was made use of on 16 March 1996, when London Animal Action held a 'Day of Action Against the Fur Trade'. A hundred people from across the UK turned up for the protest, which focused on fur shops in London. A contemporary report in ''London Animal Rights News'' noted that Special Branch / Animal Rights National Index had apparently informed police on the day to expect around 60 protestors. There were various shops targeted, during which one arrest took place.<ref name="larn.12"/>

After the shops closed for the day, a large part of the protestors then made their way to Hockley's house in north west London. Interestingly the LARN report noted that police were waiting for protestors when they arrived at St. John's tube station, and:<ref name="larn.12">Fur trader resigns due to pressure from animal liberationists, ''London Animal Rights News'', April 1996, Issue 12.</ref>
:: Within five minutes several riot vans had arrived with blue lights flashing and sirens sounding. One copper stood in Hockley's front garden brandishing a small round riot shield. After ten minutes there were about a dozen riot vans, dog handlers, police range rovers and undercover officers to deal with the 75 or so protestors.
:: This mighty force of the TSG (Tactical Support Group) obviously wasn't enough to handle us, because they were shortly followed by a low-flying police helicopter hovering above his house.

A line of police then pushed the protestors back from the house, and the group moved back to St. John's Station, reassembling to move on. There they were attacked by police, forcing them onto the tube trains. Six people were arrested during this protest and taken to Marylebone station, but all were later released without charge.<ref name="larn.12"/>

Another undercover officer, [[Matt Rayner]] was present at the protest at Hockley's house.<ref>Paul Gravett: email to Undercover Research Group, 5 February 2016.</ref> It is believed that Christine too was present at the house and also at a second 'Fur Day of Action' held in November 1996.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

===Hunt Sabbing===

[[Image:1990s HSA leaflet(front).jpg|thumb|200px|Front of a 1990s leaflet produced by the Hunt Saboteurs Association. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

Being based in Streatham meant that Christine was geographically close to the Brixton hunt saboteur group, which had been targeted for infiltration by her predecessor [[Andy Coles]]. She tried to make a connection, including helping out with food at a benefit gig for the group.<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16"/> However, she was not trusted enough to be welcomed into the group; as far as currently known, she never went out sabbing with the Brixton group.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

She then turned her attention to another prominent hunt sab group, the West London Hunt Sabs, which had previously been targeted by '[[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]]', and regularly have gone out with them, including when they joined up with other sab groups in the region such as Reading and Southampton.<ref name="m.p.4Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'M', a hunt saboteur, 14 February 2017.</ref> Christine went out with them regularly, both as a driver, but also actively taking part in the protests itself. She would be one of the protestors going into the field to actively prevent hunts from killing foxes using a variety of methods.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> Targets at the time would have hunts such as the Surrey Union.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/>

She was said to be confrontational when out hunt sabbing.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> During one protest against the Isle of Wight fox hunt in early March 1998 near Arreton, Christine was arrested along with eight other sabs for aggravated trespass (section 69, Criminal Justice Act). Charges against her were dropped, but pursued against the rest; their initial court appearance in March 1998 giving their details (other than hers) was reported in local press.<ref>Undercover Research Group: conversation with 'V', January 2018.</ref>

===South London Animal Action===

Christine was also involved in South London Animal Action (also known as South London Animal Aid), a Clapham based group.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> (When it wound down and merged into London Animal Action in 1997, Christine volunteered to pick up its material including mailing lists - see above.)

At the time, SLAA was active on a number of local campaigns such as against Battersea Zoo and fishing at Clapham Lake. The group also took part in national protests including those around live exports (including at Coventry, Brightlingsea and Shoreham) and Glaxo Wellcome in Stevenage; and attending protests against McDonald's and shark fin soup in London's Chinatown (as part of the Shark Protection League campaign).<ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark13pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 13, 1995.</ref><ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark14pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 14, 1995.</ref><ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark15pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 15, 1995.</ref> Furthermore, SLAA ran a vegan catering company, Green Marmoset, which provided food at events to raise money.<ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark16pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 16, undated.</ref>

===Other activities===

Other known activities of Christine Green:
* Regularly drove people to the quarterly meetings of the Animal Rights Coalition, taking place in Coventry and elsewhere.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
* Often helped out at a well-known animal sanctuary in Kent.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'YJ', 23 Feb 2016.</ref><ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
* August 1999, took part in a protest at London Zoo held by London Animal Action.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> As protests were generally difficult due to local bye-laws and quickly moved on by the police, the protestors met up secretly elsewhere first. This time the protest, involving one person dressed up as a monkey in a cage, successfully went ahead and the police seemed content to let them carry on for as long as they wished.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
* Attended a meeting in Brighton in support of animal rights hunger striker Barry Horne.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/> This was likely during the period of Horne's third hunger strike which lasted from 6 October to 13 December 1998.<ref name="mann.dusk"/>
* Participated in demonstrations outside circuses over the use of performing animals, possibly including Circus King when it visited east/north London.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
* Took part in London Animal Action march as part of the "J18 / Carnival Against Capitalism" protest of 18 June 1999.<ref>ARSpyCatcher, [https://twitter.com/ARspycatcher/status/1141116972328988672 20 years ago today the J18 Carnival Against Capitalism drew 8000 people and brought parts of London to a standstill. #spycops Jim Boyling was one of the organisers and #ARspies Christine Green marched with London Animal Action], ''Twitter.com'', 18 June 2019.</ref>

===Animal liberations===

Christine took part in animal rescues on several occasions. Once, following a demonstration at Hillgrove, a group of protestors stopped off at a notorious farm known for the cruelty towards animals. Christine had taken her van, and allowed it to be used to transport a number of hens taken from the farm. On another occasion, a horse being kept on a landfill site was rescued and transported in her van.<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with James, January 2018.</ref>

She was also part of an Animal Liberation Front raid on the Crow Hill mink farm at Ringwood, Hampshire on 8 August 1998, in which up to 6,000 mink were released into the wild; the action was claimed in the name of the Animal Liberation Front.<ref name="met.apology">[https://web.archive.org/web/20180222031432/http://news.met.police.uk/news/apology-to-hampshire-constabulary-re-actions-of-undercover-unit-295396 Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit], ''Metropolitan Police'', 20 February 2018 (accessed via archive org 20 February 2019).</ref> Though many were recaptured, a second raid a week later resulted in 1,000 being released once more.<ref>Guardian staff and agencies, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/1998/aug/17/animalwelfare.world 1,000 Mink freed in second raid], ''The Guardian'', 17 August 1998 (accessed Feb 2018)</ref> However, it is not known if the same group was involved. The raids recieved considerable mainstream media coverage at the time, and was subject to a large investigation by Hampshire Police, but nobody was arrested at the time.

Christine Green's involvement in the first raid of 8 August, was withheld by the Metropolitan Police from Hampshire Police at the time. In February 2018, following the public confirmation of Christine's role as an undercover, the Metropolitan Police publicly apologised to Hampshire police over this, and named her as a participant (see below).<ref name="met.apology"/>

==National protests==

Throughout her deployment Christine was active outside London, whether through hunt sabbing or taking part in the national campaigns then taking place - which regularly saw large-scale protests, often met with intensive policing operations. Much of her involvement was through London Animal Action, or South London Animal Action.

===Live exports===

From 1994 to 1996, much of animal rights activism on a national level was dominated by protests against the live export of animals, particularly of calves being sent to Europe for veal. Following major ferry lines dropping the trade including at Dover, farmers switched a number smaller sites to transport the animals from. These included Coventry Airport, and the ports of Brightingsea in Essex and Shoreham in Sussex. These subsequently became the focus of major campaigns, with regular pickets attracting significant numbers of people. After the European Union banned the export of British cattle in March 1996, campaigning on the issue died down.<ref name="walls.2002">[http://www.socresonline.org.uk/7/1/walls.html 'The Campaign Against 'Live Exports' in the UK: Animal Protectionism, the Stigmatisation of Place and the Language of Moral Outrage'], ''Sociological Research Online'', Vol. 7, No. 1, 31 May 2002 (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref>

On at least one occasion, Christine drove London campaigners to the protest at Coventry Airport.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> These protests had begun in December 1994<ref>John Mullin & James Erlichman, Airline to go on with live exports, ''The Guardian'', 23 December 1994 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref> and continued until the 4 May 1995. On 1 February 1995 protestor Jill Phipps was killed by a lorry at one of the demonstrations.<ref name="jp.org.uk">[https://web.archive.org/web/20070228122146/http://www.jillphipps.org.uk:80/history.htm JillPhipps.org.uk (memorial site)], 2007 (accessed via Archive.org).</ref>

Christine is known to have also attended the protests at Shoreham<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> and Brightlingsea,<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> both of which saw very large protests throughout 1995. Those at Shoreham took place from October 1994 until live exports from there were abandoned in June 1995; while the Brightlingsea lasted from January to August 1995 when again they were victorious.<ref name="walls.2002"/><ref> See also [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Brightlingsea Battle of Brightlingsea], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref> It was noted Brightingsea would have required her to go out of her way considerably, as it was not an easy place to get to from south-west London compared to other targets. She is thought to have been around for when campaigners there were actively snatched out of crowds by police.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/>

===Vivisection breeders===

[[Image:Hillgrove_LAA_leaflet_WorldDay1998.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet produced by London Animal Action to advertise the 1998 World Day for Animals In Laboratories demonstration at Hillgrove Farm. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

In 1996, the animal rights movement turned a significant part of its focus to anti-vivisection protests, targeting businesses breeding animals for experimentation in laboratories. A number of such campaigns were set up, particularly against Consort in Herefordshire - which bred beagles. On 19 April 1997, Christine drove protestors from London to a demonstration at Consort Beagles, held as part of the annual World Day for Laboratory Animals.<ref name="arspyc.whowere"/> Christine did not stay with the vehicle but joined the other protestors in the fields around the place.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> Despite a large police presence, the 500 protestors managed to breach fences and one pregnant beagle was briefly rescued.<ref name="mann.dusk">Keith Mann, From Dusk 'til Dawn: An insider's view of the growth of the Animal Liberation Movement. Puppy Pincher Press, 2007.</ref> 23 protestors were arrested following the clashes<ref>Roving Brief: 23 held in puppy demo, ''The Observer'', 20 April 1997 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref> - including two who had come in the vehicle driven by Christine.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

After Consort closed in September 1997, campaigners turned their attention to Hillgrove Cats, the last remaining breeder of cats for vivisection in the UK, situated just outside Whitney in Oxfordshire. Boosted by a number of significant successes against breeders of animals for vivisection, Hillgrove Cats saw regular, large-scale protests, and a commensurately large police presence. The campaign lasted until August 1999, when the farm announced it was closing its breeding business.<ref>Hillgrove was within the Thames Valley Police area. It is notable that the Assistant Chief Constable for TVP at the time was [[Sara Thornton]], while heading up Oxford, also regularly targeted for Hillgrove related protests were [[Cressida Dick]] and [[Phil Gormley]]. Also commanding divisions at the time are [[John Donlon]] and [[Anton Setchell]].</ref>

[[Image:Hillgrove World Day 1998 leaflet.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet from Save The Hillgrove Cats campaign, advertising a demonstration on 17 March 1999 to mark World Day for Animals In Laboratories. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com/]]

The campaign which regularly held small-scale night time vigils was also notable for large monthly protests which saw considerable disturbances at the farm and in nearby Oxford city. These protest would attract sufficient interest that coaches were hired to transport people to them, some of which were driven by Christine's partner.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> Christine is known to have been present at both.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>

In particular, she was at the large protest of 18 April 1998, to commemorate World Day for Animals In Laboratories,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> Considerable damage was done to the farm despite a large police operation which saw officers brought in from West Mercia and Gloucestershire police forces.<ref>Dave McGee, Assault and Cattery: thousands battle with police at breeding farm, ''Sunday Mirror'', 19 April 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Five of those who were at the clashes of 18 April were arrested at a subsequent protest on 31 May 1998.<ref>Ten held at cat-farm demo, ''The Independent'', 1 June 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> At that point, the police operation at the farm, led by Assist. Chief Constable Tim Davidson, had cost £½ million.<ref>Jamie Wilson, Clashes feared in cat farm protest, ''The Guardian'', 18 April 1998 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref>

Christine may also have attended protest at Shamrock Farm,<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> based at Small Dole, near Brighton and which imported primates for vivisection. It was the target of a successful campaign by Save the Shamrock Monkeys from 1998 to 2000.<ref name="mann.dusk"/><ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2000/mar/11/6 Monkey farm closes after demos], ''The Guardian'', 11 March 2000 (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref>

==Exit & relationship==

A number of people have stated that around 1998, Christine began a relationship with a prominent sab and animal rights activist, Tom<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> though this has been questioned by others. In 1994, he had been sent to prison for several months for assaulting a hunt employee in Surrey, something he said was self-defense. He was active with Reading and West London hunt sabs, (the latter group targeted by Christine - see above). Christine is also recalled being seen with him at the 1998 World Day protest at Hillgrove, for which he had been a coach driver and at an LAA planning meetings in October 1999 (see above under the racism issue).<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

By this stage, Christine had been deployed into animal rights as an undercover for five years, and (in hindsight) the deployment was coming to an end. As with previous undercovers, she started mentioning that she was tired with activism<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> and vanished from the animal rights scene in late 1999 with very little in the way of goodbye.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> The story she gave to some was her wealthy uncle in Cornwall had died and left her some money, which she was using for a six-month trip to Australia.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Both the Metropolitan Police and Undercover Policing Inquiry noted her formal deployment ended in 1999.<ref name="ucpi.covernames"/><ref name="met.apology"/>

After her supposed time away, Christine returned and contacted a few activist friends. Apparently in France, Tom traveled to see her there.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/> Though it is not clear when the actual relationship started, not long after 2000 they moved to Cornwall as a couple.<ref name="Guardian.Feb2018"/> There she took a job with a rape crisis centre, while Tom continued doing animal rights campaigning.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="m.p.4Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'M', a hunt saboteur, 14 February 2017.</ref> Several people had chance encounters with the couple while they were living there. This included one in a Cornwall veggie cafe by someone who knew Tom from earlier animal rights campaigning, though not Christine. The campaigner recalled how Tom effectively blanked her greeting.<ref>Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'L', 21 January 2018.</ref>

In 2011, around the time the undercover policing scandal was breaking, the couple left Cornwall for rural Scotland, though their subsequent whereabouts are unknown.

==Suspicions and exposure==

There was some suspicion of Christine at the time of her deployment, with a few people thinking she was 'a bit funny'. Others animal rights activists in Streatham were also wary of her and it was noted that Christine tried to avoid them in turn.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Likewise, she struggled to get accepted by the Brixton Hunt sabs. She appears to be aware of some of the suspicion around her, having asked an activist if it was thought that she was an undercover cop.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Others remember that she didn't quite fit in, but were not able to put a finger on why they felt that at the time.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

In 2013, Paul Gravett recognised that Christine fitted the pattern of several other SDS undercovers he had known - [[Bob Lambert]], ''[[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]]'' and [[Andy Coles]]. He began circulating his suspicions in October that year,<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/><ref name="bookfair2013">Reference to Christine Green and others was made by Paul Gravett in his talk at the October 2013 London Anarchist Bookfair, and in an email circulated by him a week beforehand, inviting people to attend. See [https://web.archive.org/web/20131204080638fw_/http://www.anarchistbookfair.org.uk/whatson.html 2013 Anarchist Bookfair Meetings], ''AnarchistBookfair.co.uk'', 2013 (accessed via Archive.org). Email of Paul Gravett enclosing original email of October 2013.</ref> and her cover name was subsequently published online in February 2014.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/><ref name="arspyc.whowere"/>

Following the exposure of ''Andy "Van" Davey'' as an undercover in May 2017, attention turned to Christine. Concrete evidence was uncovered by both ''The Guardian'' and the Undercover Research Group, which confirmed she had been a serving police officer.<ref>Undercover Research Group: research conducted by various people, 2017.</ref> This was publicly revealed by ''The Guardian'' in February 2018.<ref name="Guardian.Feb2018">Rob Evans & Severin Carrell, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/18/police-spy-christine-greening-long-term-relationship-activist-tom-frampton-after-quitting-covert-role Met police spy has long-term relationship with activist after quitting covert role], ''The Guardian'', 18 February 2018 (accessed February 2018).</ref>

This was subsequently confirmed by the Undercover Policing Inquiry who added her to the list of confirmed cover names on its website on 20 February 2018.<ref name="ucpi.covernames">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', updated 20 February 2018. See also their tweet of same day: [https://twitter.com/ucpinquiry/status/965919766924988416 Cover name confirmed: "Christine Green" - groups: Animal Liberation Front; London Animal Action, West London Hunt Saboteurs. 1994-1999], ''Twitter.com'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018)</ref>. The following day, the Metropolitan Police, as part of their apology to Hampshire Police over the Ringwood mink farm raid, also confirmed Christine Green had been one of their SDS officers.<ref name="met.apology"/>

==Metropolitan Police apology==

On Tuesday, 20 February 2018, two days after ''The Guardian'' story broke, Metropolitan Police issued a public statement:<ref name="met.apology"/>

:: Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit
:: The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) has formally apologised to Hampshire Constabulary for an incident regarding the actions of the former undercover unit - the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS).
:: During the investigation into the SDS carried out by Operation Herne the MPS found information about the deployment of an undercover officer known as 'Christine Green'. Christine Green infiltrated the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and London Animal Action between 1994 and 1999.
:: It appears from the available evidence that Christine Green was authorised by her then line management, potentially up to the rank of Detective Chief Superintendent, to participate in a criminal act that took place on the night of 8 August 1998. This was when ALF activists released a large number of mink from a fur farm - Crow Hill Farm - in Ringwood, Hampshire.
:: A decision was made by the SDS not to share Christine Green's involvement or the knowledge the MPS had about the role of the ALF with Hampshire Constabulary, who carried out a criminal investigation at the time. In 2014, the MPS disclosed the former officer's role to Hampshire Constabulary. Neither the MPS nor Hampshire Constabulary could share this more widely at that time in view of the risk of identification of the former officer.
:: At this stage there is no evidence that the officer was involved in the second release of mink two weeks later. She resigned from the MPS in August 2000.
:: The MPS has informed the Public Inquiry into Undercover Policing of this matter. Following the Chairman Sir John Mitting's ruling regarding the release of the former officer's cover name, the MPS agreed that it was in the public interest that the role of the MPS in this incident be made public.
:: Assistant Commissioner Helen Ball, in charge of Professionalism in the MPS, said: ''"The MPS has apologised to Hampshire Constabulary for the impact these decisions had on their ability to bring those responsible to justice.''
:: ''"The precise circumstances of the decision to authorise an undercover officer to participate in this criminal act will be fully explored as part of the Public Inquiry process. I would like to be clear that the decision making surrounding this incident would simply not happen in today's Metropolitan Police Service.''
:: ''"It appears that the SDS allowed this incident to go ahead, as they saw it, in the interests of preventing more serious crime in the longer term. The scale of the release was unforeseen by the SDS at the time, but once the impact became clear they still did not inform Hampshire Constabulary of the officer's involvement.''
:: ''"It is not possible to say what direct impact the role of Christine Green's involvement had or if different policing decisions could have averted the damage.''
:: ''"I do understand that this decision making from 20 years ago will cause significant concern to the public, especially those people directly affected by the events in 1998. The MPS will be honest about our past and accept criticism where it is due.''
:: ''"Today, undercover policing is extensively supervised, including by the Investigatory Powers Commissioner and Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire and Rescue Services. We work within this framework to use undercover policing tactics appropriately for the benefit of the public. We have a continuing responsibility to reassure the public about the ethics and integrity of modern policing."'
:: A referral was made to the then Independent Police Complaints Commission in April 2014 with regards to the role and conduct of Christine Green. The IPCC decided a local investigation should be carried out - this was conducted by Operation Herne under the supervision of then Derbyshire Chief Constable Mick Creedon. An investigation was carried out within the frameworks available at that time and a file was submitted to the CPS in December 2015. In February 2016 the CPS advised there was insufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction.
:: The work of Operation Herne remains ongoing.
:: The Public Inquiry published the former officer's cover name on Tuesday, 20 February. A restriction order has been granted over her real name.

The same day the Undercover Policing Inquiry also named 'Christine Green' on their webpgage as the officer known under the cipher 'HN26'.<ref name="ucpi.covernames"/>

The above press release was unusual in that it broke with the Metropolitan Police's policy of not naming former undercovers who had not already self-identified, as part of their policy of '[[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]]' (NCND). Up until then, Christine's role in the Ringwood mink liberation was not public knowledge.

The press release also noted that the Ringwood release had been subject to a complaint and police investigation in 2014, but that the Crown Prosecution Service had said in 2016 that there was little prospect of conviction.

The Metropolitan press release was picked up by many media outlets with national newspapers and BBC radio carrying the story, including covering the issues that had been raised by the mink liberation back in 1998.<ref>Harley Tamplin, [http://metro.co.uk/2018/02/20/police-covered-undercover-officers-role-releasing-6000-mink-farm-7327833/ Police covered up undercover officer’s role in releasing 6,000 mink from farm], ''The Metro'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref><ref>Conrad Landin, [https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/police-admit-undercover-cop-broke-the-law-in-fur-farm-raid Police admit undercover cop broke the law in fur farm raid], ''Morning Star'', 21 February 2018 (accessed 21 February 2018).</ref><ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-hampshire-43133682 Ringwood mink fur farm raid sanctioned by police], ''BBC Online'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref>

Hampshire police also put out their own response:<ref>[https://www.hampshire.police.uk/news/general/statement-hampshire-constabulary-following-apology-metropolitan-police/ Statement from Hampshire Constabulary following apology from Metropolitan Police], Hampshire Constabulary, 20 February 2018 (accessed 21 February 2018).</ref>

:: Statement from Hampshire Constabulary following apology from the Metropolitan Police
:: Hampshire Constabulary has today received an apology from the Metropolitan Police following the release of the cover name of former Special Demonstration Squad officer ‘Christine Green’ as part of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, as well as an acknowledgement that we were unaware of any of these practices taking place in our force area.
:: I wanted to share with you the statement issued by our force lead in this area, Chief Superintendent Darren O’Callaghan regarding an incident that happened in the New Forest area in 1998.
:: ''“In August 1998, Hampshire Constabulary investigated an incident of criminal damage at Crow Hill Farm near Ringwood. During this incident, 6,000 mink were released into the New Forest and the Animal Liberation Front claimed responsibility. Following an investigation by Hampshire Constabulary, and based on the information available at the time, no individuals were identified as being responsible and no charges were brought.''
:: ''“In 2014, Hampshire Constabulary was made aware of the involvement of an undercover Metropolitan Police Special Demonstration Squad officer using now discredited tactics during the incident at Crow Hill Farm. On the basis of this information, we conducted a full review of our original investigation. However, due to the length of time that had passed, the lack of tangible evidence and no suspects being identified, in consultation with the Crown Prosecution Service, it was agreed that there was no realistic chance of prosecution. Prior to this disclosure, Hampshire Constabulary was unaware of the presence of the officer during this crime, or the tactics being employed by the Metropolitan Police.''
:: ''“Once this new information became known and in the interests of openness and transparency, Hampshire Constabulary sought permission to inform the affected parties in this case, however we were notified that the crime and the tactics used were subject to the Undercover Policing Inquiry and therefore bound by the confidentiality of this legal process.''
:: ''“We continue to fully co-operate with the Inquiry.”''

The Friday that week (23 February), Christine had released a statement to ''The Guardian''.<ref>Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/23/ex-police-spy-christine-green-berates-met-for-revealing-role-in-mink-release Ex-police spy berates Met for revealing her role in mink release], The Guardian, 23 February 2018 (accessed 23 February 2018).</ref> In this, she was highly critical of Metropolitan Police's senior officers, saying the should hang their heads in shame and that in revealing her participation in the Ringwood mink liberation their behaviour was 'scandalous', and that in releasing her name but not those officers who had authorised her to take part in the raid 'seems like doubled standards to me'.

:: That the current senior management team at the Metropolitan police has chosen to expose my role, knowing the vilification and furore that would follow in the ‘trial by media’ whilst being fully aware of my ill-health issues, is scandalous. It is the Metropolitan police, not I, who should be holding its head in shame.

The article also revealed that she had quit the Metropolitan Police in 2000, shortly after her deployment came to an end, and that she has had a 'great deal of therapy and counselling over the years' due to her time undercover, as her 'duplicity, whilst doing my job to the best of my ability, has had a long-term damaging effect on my physical and mental health'.

She also offered an apology:
:: In her statement, she offered her heartfelt apology to “those activists who I was closest to and who befriended me, opening their lives and homes to me”. She said she had “made some of the best friends anyone could ever want, people who without hesitation put their liberty and sometimes their life on the line for me. I am certain they know who they are.”

==Further reading and resources==

* Rob Evans and Severin Carrell, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/18/police-spy-christine-greening-long-term-relationship-activist-tom-frampton-after-quitting-covert-role Met police spy has long-term relationship with activist after quitting covert role],''The Guardian'', 18 February 2018.
* Undercover Research Group, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2018/02/18/christine-green-yet-another-spycop-animal-rights/ Christine Green: yet another #spycop in animal rights], 18 February 2018.
* Metropolitan Police, [http://news.met.police.uk/news/apology-to-hampshire-constabulary-re-actions-of-undercover-unit-295396 Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit], 20 February 2018.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/20/police-admit-officers-role-in-mass-release-of-mink-by-protesters Met admits police spy’s role in mass release of mink by protesters], The Guardian, 20 February 2018.
* [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-hampshire-43133682 Ringwood mink fur farm raid sanctioned by police], ''BBC Online'', 20 February 2018.
* Conrad Landin, [https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/police-admit-undercover-cop-broke-the-law-in-fur-farm-raid Police admit undercover cop broke the law in fur farm raid], ''Morning Star'', 21 February 2018.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/23/ex-police-spy-christine-green-berates-met-for-revealing-role-in-mink-release Ex-police spy berates Met for revealing her role in mink release], The Guardian, 23 February 2018.

==Notes==
<references />

Roger Pearce

2025-10-02T06:41:37Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Roger Pearce|Alias=Roger Thorley / 'HN85'|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Roger_Pearce_2a.jpg |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1978-1980 / 1979-1984|Targets=anarchist groups, Freedom Press}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 



'''Roger C Pearce''' is a former undercover police officer who rose to be Commander of the [[Metropolitan Police Special Branch]] (MPSB) and Director of Intelligence. Since retiring he has become an author of fiction.

As 'Roger Thorley' he infiltrated anarchist groups from 1979 to 1984. From 1980-1981 he wrote articles for the Freedom periodical
It seems that Pearce used Freedom to get access British connections with the radical community in Northern Ireland. After a fact-finding mission to Belfast he disappeared from sight.

''* This profile is an ongoing project; if you remember 'Roger Thorley' either in the UK or in Northern Ireland, or if you know where he resurfaced later in his deployment period, up to 1984, please get in touch with either [mailto:editor@freedompress.org.uk Freedom Press] or with the [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net Undercover Research Group].'' 

++++++++++'''Last Updated in 2019''', before any disclosure by the Undercover Policing Inquiry ++++++++++
==Police career==

Graduating Durham University, Pearce initially looked at becoming an Anglican priest. However, following a placement at the local prison he was inspired to become a police officer, joining [[Durham Constabulary]] in 1973.<ref name="wright.4-10-2013">Stephen Wright, [http://wrightblog.dailymail.co.uk/2013/10/crime-pays-ex-special-branch-chiefs-new-career-as-acclaimed-thriller-writer.html Crime Pays! Ex Special Branch chief’s new career as acclaimed thriller writer], ''Mail Online'', 4 October 2013 (accessed 23 September 2016).</ref> In 1975 he moved to the [[Metropolitan Police]], and applied to join Special Branch the following year.<ref name="qe"/>

Of his early attraction to Special Branch, he told the ''Daily Mail'':<ref name="wright.4-10-2013"/>
:: What intrigued me was the very varied and interesting people who joined it. They came from all walks of like. Double honours graduates to guys who left school at 16. And everything in between. They joined because they really enjoyed the work, not because they wanted to climb the greasy pole. And the other side of it was that the work was so very interesting… cases involving national security. I really liked the idea of the secrecy and covert nature of the work. Most of us guys who worked in the Branch found our home there.

From 1978 to 1980 he was an undercover officer for the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (by which point he was married), and as Detective Chief Inspector was its head in 1986 to 1988,<ref name="herne.1"/> a time when he would have overseen the second parts of the deployments of undercovers [[Bob Lambert]] and [[Mike Chitty]]. In an interview, he described the SDS:<ref name="r4.11-6-2013">[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b036ky00 The Report: Undercover Police], ''BBC Radio 4'', 11 July 2013.</ref>
:: The objective was to gather secret political intelligence, information that couldn't be obtained by other means. Many in the Met as a whole wouldn't have known about it, and even within the Branch it was kept very, very secret for 40 years.... Through-out its history very few knew about its work.

He first came to the public's attention in January 1988, when it emerged that, as a detective inspector, he and another Special Branch officer, Detective Sergeant Michael J. Todd<ref>This may be the Michael James Todd who became Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police, but this is still to be confirmed.</ref> visited the workplace of Zeynep Dikmen. Dikmen, a refugee dissident, had taken part in a peaceful hunger-strike outside the Turkish Embassy in relation to the holding of 15,000 political prisoners in that country, in September 1987. Pearce and Todd, described as being of [[Anti-Terrorist Squad]] (SO13), had gone to Dikmen's employers, the Turkish Education Group, to ask about her political activities. As a result, she feared her right to stay was under threat and filed a formal complaint.<ref>Paul Brown, Protest over questioning of refugee, ''The Guardian'', 16 January 1988 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

It appears that he remained with Special Branch for the rest of his career,<ref name="c4"/> where he held rank of Detective Superintendent by 1998 as OCU Commander in 1998 and 1999.<ref>The Police and Constabulary Almanac 1998, R Hazell & Co, 1999.</ref><ref>The Police and Constabulary Almanac 1999, R Hazell & Co, February 1998.</ref> He retired in June 2003.<ref name="info.trib">[http://informationrights.decisions.tribunals.gov.uk//DBFiles/Decision/i301/MPS%20v%20IC%20%28EA-2008-0078%29%20Decision%2030-03-09.pdf Judgment in case of The Metropolitan Police v Information Commissioner], Information Tribunal, 30 March 2009.</ref>

== Undercover Deployment==

In March 2018, the chair of the Undercover Policing Inquiry John Mitting revealed that Pearce as 'Roger Thorley' - formerly know only by the cypher HN85 - had operated as a writer for the anarchist periodical Freedom in the 1970s and 1980s.<ref>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], updated 20 March 2018, (accessed March 2018)</ref> With this, the Friends of Freedom Press was accepted as a 'core participant' in the the Inquiry. The former chair, Christopher Pitchford had refused to do this when they first applied back in October 2015; Mitting now wrote that in the original ruling Pitchford 'would not have taken into account Operation Herne interview notes, which suggest that HN85 became editor of Freedom Press in Whitechapel and in that capacity wrote virulent anti-police articles'.<ref name = freedomcp>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180320_ruling_core_participant_17.pdf Ruling Core Participant], 20 March 2018 (accessed March 2018)</ref>

This profile on Pearce's time undercover as 'Roger Thorley' is based on research by the current Freedom collective, published soon after the Inquiry's confirmation.<ref name = freedomart>Freedom News, [https://freedomnews.org.uk/roger-pearce-infiltrated-freedom-press/Exclusive: The Met spychief who infiltrated Freedom], 24 March 2018 (accessed March 2018)</ref> Looking through the Freedom archive and cross-checking with former collective members, they found that the undercover, writing under the moniker R.T, penned a series of articles over the course of the period 1980-81. He then joined a fact-finding mission to Belfast, before disappearing from sight.

It is as yet unclear where he spent the rest of his time undercover, until 1984.

===Personality===

'Anarchists who were active at the time do not, for the most part, remember Pearce very well — he seems to have kept a relatively low profile — and as far as can be told he was never an active editor at the paper. Some memories do survive however, which fit with what we now know to have become the standard operating procedure for Met infiltration of perfectly legal, poorly resourced organisations.'

'Dressed up with Trotskyish glasses and a goatee, Pearce was conspicuously “useful” as a car driver prepared to give people lifts (this is a recurring theme from spycops) and one comrade remembers that he was the “unofficial chauffeur” of [https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/dr7tzs Leah Feldman], a grandee of earlier times in the movement who, it was said, had been at the funeral of Peter Kropotkin 60 years earlier. Other memories place him as having a girlfriend who was also an activist, though this can’t be confirmed.'<ref name = freedomart/>

=== Penning articles for Freedom===
[[Image:Freedom.JPG|thumb|border|link=http://powerbase.info/index.php/File:Freedom_pearce.JPG|Article written by Roger Pearce for Freedom, while undercover as 'Roger Thorley'.]]

Going through the archives, the Freedom collective discovered that Thorley had written a series of articles for their paper. 'Most of these essays were dryly written, but heavily critical assessments of the policing and justice systems with a focus on the situation in Northern Ireland, suggesting among other things that IRA members detained by Britain should be treated as political prisoners — a major and controversial demand of Republican combatants at the time. Pearce qualified as a barrister with Middle Temple in 1979, meaning he was ideally placed to act as an “expert voice” on such matters when putting forward such articles for publication.'<ref name = freedomart/>

* Freedom has made the 'Roger Thorley' articles [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-articles-by-RT-1980-81.pdf available for download (pdf)].

Pearce’s writing was specifically in favour of the IRA. 'In one article, ''Prisoners of Politics'',<ref>R.T, Prisoners of Politics, Freedom, Vol 41, No. 22, 8 November 1980</ref> the editors debate “R.T” over his demand that IRA detainees should have political prisoner status, noting that “all prisoners are political”. In another he attacks the arrest of Peter Sutcliffe, the Yorkshire Ripper, as “difficult to evaluate in terms of sheer blatant prejudice and hysteria,” comparing him to Provisional IRA man Gerard Tuite.'<ref name = freedomart/>

'But it is R.T’s final article which should raise the most eyebrows. In ''The Not So Distant Struggle''<ref>R.T. The Not So Distant Struggle, Freedom, Vol 42 No. 19, 26 September 1981</ref>, he reports back from a fact-finding mission to Belfast that he had inveigled himself onto, along with four other members of the Freedom Collective. The consummate London police spy’s empathetic report on the [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Troops_Out_Movement Troops Out] phenomenon, which suggests a close working relationship with the then-active Belfast Anarchist Collective, notes:
::Within a short distance of Britain we are daily witnessing a most repressive regime whose intensity supports no comparison with life in London; a regime where there is near total monitoring of movement day and night, where constant use is made of the Prevention of Terrorism Act to detain and prosecute ‘political offenders’, where the overt presence of armed forces often reaches saturation point, where prisoners are condemned by juryless Diplock courts, and where widespread condemnation has been directed internationally, particularly from America.'<ref name = freedomart/> (N.B. [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diplock_courts Diplock courts] were a type of court established by the Government of the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland on 8 August 1973 during The Troubles. The right to trial by jury was suspended for certain "scheduled offences" and the court consisted of a single judge.)

'A paid-up member of the British state writing to the public that:
::Ideological scruples must not be allowed to erode the clear responsibility of focusing attention on what has become the embodiment of the repressive state visibly at work in utilising all its resources, using the streets of Belfast, Derry and elsewhere as a prime testing ground for future urban unrest in Britain.
::In doing so, the striking image of people demanding to determine their own existence emerges not just from individual IRA actions, but rather from the close communities of which the IRA guerrillas are an indissoluble part.

It’s an analysis many anarchists and leftists would agree with, then and now. But for an agent of the Crown, misleading would be an understatement.' the Freedom paper wrote.<ref name = freedomart/>

=== Activities abroad?===
The strong implication, and one which Freedom is investigating, 'is that Pearce was using the paper as a way to contact and assess British connections with the radical community in Northern Ireland in a period of crisis. The news will strengthen the case for an expansion of the inquiry into the region or have a separate there, as Pearce joins other undercovers with links to Northern Ireland and would go on to become the Met’s Director of Intelligence and head of Special Branch from 1998-2003'.<ref name = freedomart/>

* Also see our profile [[Rick_Gibson_(alias)|on Rick Gibson]], who infiltrated the Troops Out Movement in London from 1974 - 1976, a couple of years before 'Roger Thorley' went undercover. It should be noted that the TOM was a battlefield of Trotskyist factions, far removed from anarchist circles. Troops Out was a demand widely supported though.
* For more on Leah Feldman, see Tom Coburg, [https://www.thecanary.co/global/world-analysis/2018/03/27/spycop-scandal-hits-new-low-with-claim-that-officer-exploited-elderly-activist-as-part-of-cover/ ‘Spycop’ scandal hits new low with claim that officer exploited elderly activist as part of cover], ''The Canary'', 27 March 2018.

==Director of Intelligence==

[[File:Special_Ops_Strucutre_(Aug2002)_cropped.jpg|400px|right|link=http://powerbase.info/index.php/MPS_Special_Ops_Structure(Aug2002).pdf|Special Operations structure, August 2002]]

Roger Pearce was appointed [[Directorate of Intelligence_(MPS)|Director of Intelligence]] (SO11) on 2 November 1998 and held it until 4 March 2003.<ref name="ps.foia.1">Metropolitan Police Service, [https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/request/directors_of_intelligence_so11_d?nocache=incoming-962325#incoming-962325 Directors of Intelligence (SO11) - dates of service], Response to FOIA request of Peter Salmon, 6 April 2017 (accessed 8 April 2017).</ref> In 1999, Pearce was appointed head of Special Branch (SO12) and held both posts concurrently until his retirement in 2003.<ref name="herne.1"/><ref name="qe"/><ref>John Lichfield, [https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/shayler-will-be-arrested-when-he-returns-today-711001.html Shayler will be arrested when he returns today], ''The Independent'', 20 August 2000 (accessed 29 March 2017).</ref> In this latter role he also had oversight of the Covert Operations unit [[SO10]].<ref>MPA Remuneration Subcommittee, [http://policeauthority.org/metropolitan/committees/hrremuneration/2002/020729/03a/index.html ACPO recruitment 2002], Metropolitan Police Authority, 29 July 2002 (accessed 31 August 2016).</ref>. As Head of Special Branch he was:<ref name="rp.com">[http://www.roger-pearce.com/ Roger-Pearce.com (personal website)], undated, accessed 31 August 2016).</ref>
:: ... responsible for surveillance and undercover operations against terrorists and extremists, the close protection of government ministers and visiting VIPs, and other highly sensitive assignments...

Additionally, his role as Director of Intelligence 'charged [him] with heading covert operations against serious and organised criminals'.<ref name="rp.com"/>

His line manager was Deputy Assistant Commissioner (Security) [[Barbara Wilding]], who in turn answered to the [[Assistant Commissioner Specialist Operations]] [[David Veness]]. <ref>[http://www.met.police.uk/about/charts/special_ops.pdf SpecialOps/02.08], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', undated (appears to be created 20 August 2001; accessed 2 December 2014).</ref>

===Undercover policing===

As Director of Intelligence, Pearce had responsibility for 'authorising surveillance and undercover operations' in the Metropolitan Police,<ref name="qe"/> and as part of this role to he would 'sign off almost every undercover operation carried out by the SDS'.<ref name="bbc.11-7-2013"/> This means he had responsibility for the undercover officers deployed by the Special Demonstration Squad, who at the time included ''[[Simon Wellings (alias)|Simon Wellings]]'', ''[[Carlo Neri (alias)|Carlo Neri]]'', ''[[Jason Bishop (alias)|Jason Bishop]]'' - amongst others. It is likely that the deployment of another known undercover, '[[N81]]', overlapped in this period as well.<ref>The controversial meeting between N81, Bob Lambert and [[Richard Walton]] of August 1998 which related to spying on the Lawrences is prior to Pearce being appointed head of Special Branch. However, Pearce will have been of rank of Detective (Chief) Superintendent by this stage, most probably occupying a high position in Special Branch's hierarchy.</ref>

====Establishment of NPOIU====
[[File:Exerpt of ACPO TAM minutes on NPOIU founding(20Jan2000).jpg|thumb|link=http://specialbranchfiles.uk/npoiu-formation/ |Documents from ACPO TAM detailing Pearce's involvement in the formation of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit.]]

In 1999, the National Public Order Intelligence Unit was created as a national extension of the Special Demonstration Squad. Though done under the aegis of the Association of Chief Police Officer's [[Association_of_Chief_Police_Officers_(Terrorism_and_Allied_Matters) | Terrorism and Allied Matters committee]] (ACPO TAM), the lead officers on it were David Veness and then Special Branch Commander [[Barry Moss]]. Thus, for the first two years of the unit's life it was based in the Metropolitan Police Special Branch, where it was developed as an extension of the [[Animal Rights National Index]] (nominally under the 'stewardship' of the [[Home Office]]. It would remain so until April 2001, when control formally transferred to ACPO TAM.

Pearce replaced Moss as Head of Special Branch in 1999, and as such held ‘operational resourcing and leadership of the [NPOIU] during the transitional phase'. This was done jointly with [[Paul Blewitt]] of West Midlands Police,<ref name="foia.1">Council Committee on Terrorism and Allied Matters, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/npoiu-formation/ NPOIU Strategic Overview - Update], Association of Chief Police Officers, 22 January 2000, published at SpecialBranchFiles.UK.</ref> though specifically Pearce oversaw the development of the NPOIU into an operational unit and it was his department that met the costs. It was later noted by HM Inspectorate of Constabulary, that this was a period when both the SDS and NPOIU shared connections through people and resources.<ref>[https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/media/review-of-national-police-units-which-provide-intelligence-on-criminality-associated-with-protest-20120202.pdf A review of national police units which provide intelligence on criminality associated with protest], ''HM Inspectorate of Constabulary'', 2012.</ref>

From this it can be deduced that Pearce was a member of ACPO TAM while head of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch. Furthermore, given his role overseeing the NPOIU, it is likely that Pearce also sat on the NPOIU Steering Group set up by ACPO TAM. Other members were [[Tim Hollis]], Assistant Chief Constable for [[South Yorkshire Police]] and [[Paul Blewitt]], Assistant Chief Constable for Operations at [[West Midlands Police]], both of whom represented ACPO's Public Order Committee. (Blewitt would later join former undercover officer [[John_Dines_-_Current_Career|John Dines]] at Charles Sturt University in Australia as an Industry Fellow in its School of Policing Studies.<ref>Paul Blewitt, [https://uk.linkedin.com/in/paulblewitt Profile], ''LinkedIn.com'', 2016 (accessed 22 September 2016).</ref>)

Likewise, Pearce's involvement in NPOIU implies that he would have had knowledge of undercovers deployed at the time by that unit. These include [[Rod_Richardson_(alias)|Rod Richardson]] (1999-2003), [[Lynn Watson_(alias)|Lynn Watson]] (2002-2006) and [[Mark Kennedy]] (2003-2009). In particular, it is highly likely he would have had responsibility for signing-off Rod Richardson's deployment. Though given the transfer of control over the organisation, it is less clear who was responsibile for authorising Watson and Kennedy.

===BBC ''True Spies'' documentary===

[[Image:True-Spies-Letter-2002.jpg|thumb|border|link=https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3104872-True-Spies-Letter-2002.html|Copy of 2002 letter sent by Roger Pearce to ex-Special Demonstration Officers regarding the ''True Spies'' documentary.]]

In 2002, Peter Taylor made a three part BBC series, ''True Spies''. At the time, the Metropolitan Police was happy to co-operate with the programme on undercover policing and encouraged former undercover officers to be interviewed on camera about their work.

As head of Special Branch, Pearce strongly supported the making of ''True Spies'',<ref>Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2016/mar/18/leaked-letter-appears-to-undermine-police-bid-for-undercover-secrecy Leaked letter appears to undermine police bid for undercover secrecy], ''The Guardian'', 18 March 2016 (accessed 31 August 2016).</ref> and sent a letter on 17 October 2002 to former SDS officers to make them aware of the show:<ref>Roger Pearce, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3104872-True-Spies-Letter-2002.html Letter of 17 October 2002], archived at [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/true-spies-story/ SpecialBranchFiles.UK].</ref>
:: The Metropolitan Police has been keen to support this project, and on the basis of firm reassurances from the programme makers that operational and personal security would not be compromised, an invitation was extended to former Special Branch officers to contribute to it in any way they thought fit...
:: As a former SDS officer, I know that you will have a particular interest in the series and I thought it might be helpful to offer a brief advance summary of its content, specifically from the perspective of the SDS unit:
::... A section of the programme will outline the formation of the SDS and a number of former SDS officers are interviewed on screen (none more recent than 1985). Legend building, tradecraft and areas of targeting are among the issues highlighted and discussed in the first programme.

* For more detail on the full cooperation of the Metropolitan police with the BBC, see the [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/true-spies-story/ True Spies - Story]

===Spying on Duwayne Brooks===

In 2014, the [[Ellison Review]] into undercover policing looked into the allegations that black justice campaigns had been spied upon, in particular the family of Stephen Lawrence, and his friend Duwayne Brooks. At the time, 2000, tensions around the investigation into the death of Stephen Lawerence remained high. The Review revealed that on 24 May 2000, DCI Michael Jones was authorised by DAC [[John Grieve]] of the [[Racial and Violent Crimes Task Force]] to covertly record a meeting with police at the offices of Brook's solicitor Jane Deighton that day. The recording is known to have taken place as there was a transcript of the conversation. The application was made on the basis that:<ref name="ellison.1"/>
:: Such deployment will also provide a precise record of any conversation, which might be necessary to counter any future allegations of criminality or conspiracies on the part of the police.

Jones would make a second application to bug a meeting with Brooks and Deighton due to take place on 16 August 2000, though it was not known if it was actually recorded or authorised. In this case the 'request for authority was directed to the then Director of Intelligence'<ref name="ellison.1"/> - who at that point would most likely have been Roger Pearce.<ref>It is of note that John Grieve had been also served as the first Director of Intelligence, in office from 1993 to 1996 when he was succeeded by [[Alan Fry]].</ref>

Applications in relation to two other witnesses in the Stephen Lawrence murder inquiry were also made, though again it is not clear from the Ellison Review to whom the applications were made, whether authorisation was granted, or whether recording took place. Ellison concluded that though the covert recording was not unlawful, 'we do not believe that such a tactic was necessary or justified in the circumstances'.<ref name="ellison.1">Mark Ellison, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review, Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case], ''Gov.UK'', Vol. 1, March 2014. See in particular Section 7.4.</ref>

===Other notable activity as Director of Intelligence===

* '''2000''': Ex-MI5 officers and whistleblowers [[David Shayler]] and [[Annie Machon]], called on Pearce to investigate a 1996 plot by MI6 officers to kill the Libyan ruler Muammar Gadhafi and provided a dossier of evidence.<ref>Paul Kelso, Shayler gives Gadafy dossier to police, ''The Guardian'', 28 March 2000 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Pearce responded to Shayler's lawyer John Wadham<ref>Wadham, a director of civil rights group Liberty, also made an appearance in the undercover policing scandal as one of those mentioned in 1998 intelligence reports by SDS undercover ''[[N81]]''.</ref> on 14 August, saying the evidence was being 'assessed' rather than investigated. It also asked that Shayler, then in exile in France, return to the United Kingdom so he could be interviewed.<ref>Richard Norton-Taylor, Shayler returns as Yard investigates Gadafy claims, ''The Guardian'', 21 August 2000 (accessed via Nexis).</ref><ref>John Lichfield, Shayler affair: spy comes in from the cold in a blizzard of lights and cameras, ''The Independent'', 21 August 2000 (accessed via Nexis).</ref><ref>Joshua Rozenberg, [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1367041/Im-no-traitor-says-Shayler-as-he-returns-to-face-charges.html I'm no traitor says Shayler as he returns to face charges], ''The Telegraph'', 21 August 2000 (accessed 23 September 2016).</ref> Returning from France, Shayler was interviewed by police and signed a lengthy statement, and in 2001 police sent a report to the Crown Prosecution Service, though no further action appears to come from this.<ref>Richard Norton-Taylor, Police send report to CPS on 'plot to kill Gadafy', ''The Guardian'', 30 March 2001 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

* '''August 2001''': Special Branch officers under Pearce were responsible for arresting security guard Raphael Bravo, who had been caught in a joint Special Branch / MI5 sting trying to sell BAe military secrets to the Russians.<ref>Richard Norton-Taylor, Security guard jailed for trying to sell secrets, ''The Guardian'', 2 February 2002 (accessed via Nexis).</ref><ref>Security 'spy' gets 11 years, ''This is Local London'', 13 February 2002 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

* In '''February 2009''' Pearce gave evidence in an Information Tribunal case, on behalf of the Metropolitan Police, in his role as a former Commander of Special Branch. In this matter, a historian was appealing the refusal of Special Branch to release files on the infiltration of anarchist groups from late 1800s to early 1900s and the inconsistency of Special Branch policy on access was being examined.<ref name="info.trib"/>

==Commentary on undercover work==

[[File:SDS_chain_of_command(1998-2003)_-_RPearce.1.jpg|450px|left|Chain of Command structure for Metropolitan Police Special Branch 1998 to 2003 highlighting Roger Pearce.]]

As a high ranking former Special Branch officer who had put himself in the public eye over his authorship of police thrillers, Pearce has been asked on several occasions to respond to the undercover policing scandal.

In May 2012, in an interview around the publication of his first book, Pearce is quoted as saying:<ref>Kiran Randhawa, [http://www.standard.co.uk/news/uk/secret-service-errors-must-be-exposed-says-ex-scotland-yard-chief-7793572.html Secret service errors must be exposed, says ex-Scotland Yard chief], ''Evening Standard'', 28 May 2012 (accessed 23 September 2016).</ref>
:: However negligent and dishonest people might think those in the police and secret services may be, there are always people who will go to any length to protect the public. Although there is corruption, or has been corruption, there are people within those organisations who will do all they can to keep people safe. Corruption was a very big problem in the Seventies, but the Met have taken the strongest steps to expose it. There is a need for secrecy, but I strongly feel that where there are failings the public need to know as it affects their safety.

===On Peter Francis and spying on the Lawrence family===

When the Ellison Review found that the family of Stephen Lawrence had indeed been spied upon by the SDS, Pearce appeared in an interview for ''Channel 4 News'' to challenge the statements of SDS whistle-blower [[Peter Francis]] who had originally made the allegations.<ref name="c4"/> Though he had known Peter Francis, who had been undercover in anti-racism groups in the mid-1990s,<ref name="jd.1">Justin Davenport, We need open inquiry into smear claims, says Lawrence, ''Evening Standard'', 27 June 2013 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Pearce had not been Francis' boss at the time of his deployment.<ref name="c4"/>

In relation to the Lawrence family justice campaign, Pearce claimed instead that:<ref name="c4"/>
:: The concern would be that the extreme Right or elements of the extreme Left would hijack the campaign, infiltrate it and use it for their own ends. The real concern was that this would lead to public disorder.

He also denied there had been tasking of undercovers to seek material the family could be smeared with,<ref name="jd.1"/> and said that Francis' claims in relation to that were 'incomprehensible'.<ref>Hayley Dixon, 10 questions for police over Lawrence family smear claims, ''The Telegraph'', 10 July 2013 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> In particular he stated:<ref>Stephen Wright & Richard Pendlebury, A very troubled undercover cop and growing doubts over the police 'plot' to smear the Lawrence family, ''Daily Mail'', 19 July 2013 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>
:: Undercover officers often do work at great expense to themselves. There is a sense of mission about what they do for the sake of the country. They experience problems in family life and their careers. I knew Peter in the 1990s. He was an effective and resourceful undercover officer, known for excellent trade craft. But I would be astounded if it is proved that someone said: "Go out and get information to rubbish and smear the Lawrence campaign."

===On use of dead children's identities===

The use of dead children's identities was an established part of the tradecraft for SDS undercovers for many years, with as many as 80 false identities created in this way.<ref>Paul Lewis & Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/feb/03/police-spies-identities-dead-children Police spies stole identities of dead children], ''The Guardian'', 3 February 2013 (accessed 23 September 2016).</ref> The Home Affairs Select Committee made trenchant criticism of the practice in 2013, stating:<ref>Home Affairs Committee, [http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/83706.htmThirteenth Report - Undercover Policing: Interim Report - The use of dead infants' identities], ''Parliament.UK'', 26 February 2013.</ref>
:: The practice of "resurrecting" dead children as cover identities for undercover police officers was not only ghoulish and disrespectful, it could potentially have placed bereaved families in real danger of retaliation. The families who have been affected by this deserve an explanation and a full and unambiguous apology from the forces concerned. We would also welcome a clear statement from the Home Secretary that this practice will never be followed in future.

Pearce responded in a BBC interview, explaining that though distasteful, the practice was justifiable to create a 'real persona' the necessary driving licences, national insurance numbers, etc.:<ref name="bbc.11-7-2013">[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-23256799 Police use of dead children's identities 'justified'], ''BBC News Online'', 11 July 2013 (accessed 23 September 2016).</ref>:
:: If you were inviting people to lead a false life, they had to have a true identity. They had to be able to feel secure throughout the deployment, that their identity and legend would stand scrutiny. At that time, before the digital age and before identities could be made up, this was the only way of finding a true alias... People found it distasteful, even at the time. People felt very awkward about doing it. People thought of the parents of the children who had died. But against that was the sense of mission and work for the country.... On balance, distasteful in many ways though it was, set against the sense of mission and the sense that this was done for protection of national security, I believe it was justified.

Pearce was also interviewed by [[Operation Herne]], the police review into the undercover policing scandal. Its first report (March 2014) focused on the use of identities of dead children. Pearce is quoted as 'N85' (see details on how he was identified as N85 below).<ref name="herne.1">Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf Operation Herne Report 1: Use of covert identities], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 6 March 2014.</ref>

<table width="100%" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" bgcolor="#F0F8FF">
<tr>
<td>
:: 7.2 Former Commander N85, (Head of Special Branch between 2000 and 2004 and SDS UCO between 1978 and 1980) states that, ‘...a life of deception needs a true name to withstand scrutiny. I used an accepted practice; however, I did everything I could to avoid using the surname. There was no moralising about the process, I didn’t think of it as stealing a child’s identity. This was a long term political infiltration which was seen as justified. It was for Queen and country and peace and democracy. It was the way it was done. A registered birth was the strongest foundation; other methods were not available at the time’.

:: 7.3 Retired N85, who served as the SDS Commander between 1986 and 1988 states that (Special Branch) spent, ‘half our lives’ at Somerset House building legends - each operative had to devise an identity for themselves. ‘I inherited an approved system, ...we had the safety net that this information would never become public knowledge.’
</td>
</tr>
</table>

===On sexual relationships with targets===

[[File:Roger Pearce ch4news.jpg|thumb|Roger Pearce, as he appeared in a 2013 interview for ''Channel 4 News''.]]

On being asked in a ''BBC Radio 4'' interview with Melanie Abbott for an issue ''The Report'' programme looking at undercover policing, when asked about sexual relationships by undercover officers he responded:<ref name="r4.11-6-2013"/>
:: [Roger Pearce]: Unpalatable as it is, the state, the country, the government, the Branch was inviting individual officers to live a false life for four or five or more years, the false friendship can develop and escalate into a sexual relationship. So it's almost inevitable that these took place and I am making no moral judgement about them at all. It's the decision of the individual officer how he would conduct his time in the field. An undercover officer, on the day he infiltrates he must be thinking about the day of exfiltration several years down the line. If a sexual relationship is involved, this is unlikely to lead in a satisfactory or easy, risk free exit strategy. So there is compromise to the officer always possible, there is the effect upon the activist with whom he's had a sexual relationship and there is the risk to the whole operation.<ref name="bbc.11-7-2013"/>
:: ''[Melanie Abbott]: But was that drummed into the officers who were going undercover?''
:: [Roger Pearce]: I'm not sure; I dont think it was actually. I think each officer was invited to lead the life in the way he thought best.

Later in the BBC interview, when the issue of undercovers having children with those being targeted was raised, Pearce said he knew nothing about it:
:: ''[Melanie Abbott]: If you had known about it, would you have offered some kind of support to those second families as it where?''
:: [Roger Pearce]: Well, first of all, I'd want to know the precise detail and context in which this had happened. I suppose I'd want to know the risk to the officer. I suppose I'd want to know the situation of the activist. I'd want to know the state of their relationship.

When pressed on whether should the Met be offering support to those children and to their mothers, he said he was going to duck the question and sit on the fence.

Pearce was also tackled on the issue of sexual relationships in his interview for ''Channel 4 News''. There, the interviewer, Paraic O'Brien described Pearce's view as being that it was an 'unfortunate outcome' and when pressed, Pearce went on to defend the SDS officers, saying:<ref name="c4">[http://www.channel4.com/news/no-attempt-to-smear-lawrence-family-says-former-officer No attempt to smear Lawrence family' - video interview of Roger Pearce by Paraic O'Brien], ''Channel 4 News'', 26 June 2013.</ref>
:: The people I know and knew, the people who were selected for Special Branch and above all those who were selected for SDS, with very, very few exceptions who were known about, were people of integrity and honour and fired up by a sense of mission, to protect the country actually.

===Media appearances on undercover policing===

* 28 June 2013: [http://www.channel4.com/news/no-attempt-to-smear-lawrence-family-says-former-officer No attempt to smear Lawrence family' - video], ''Channel 4 News'': interview by Paraic O'Brien. A response to Peter Francis and other issues around undercover policing.

* 2 July 2013 - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DYUEd-_wlKI Roger Pearce interview], ''Strike Digital''. In this interview he focuses on his fiction writing but touches in places on Special Branch.

* 3 July 2013: ''Radio 5 Live'': interviewed by Phil Williams.

* 11 July 2013, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b036ky00 The Report: Undercover Police], ''BBC Radio 4'': interviewed by Melanie Abbott.<ref>Copies of this audio are also available [http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5481798fe4b0034aade433a8/t/5485ea0ee4b0f2b5774e5d59/1418062350670/R4Report_+Undercover+Police+11+Jul+13.mp3/original/R4Report_+Undercover+Police+11+Jul+13.mp3 here] or on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RuBle1eWicE YouTube].</ref>. During this interview, Pearce refused to state that he had been an undercover officer himself, but limited himself to saying that he had known many SDS officers in his time.

* 4 October 2013, [http://wrightblog.dailymail.co.uk/2013/10/crime-pays-ex-special-branch-chiefs-new-career-as-acclaimed-thriller-writer.html Crime Pays! Ex Special Branch chief’s new career as acclaimed thriller writer], ''Mail Online'': interview by Stephen Wright.

==Identification of Pearce as undercover officer 'N85'==

In Autumn 2016, researchers with the [http://UndercoverResearch.net Undercover Research Group] realised that it was possible to identify one of the senior officers named in the first [[Operation Herne]] Report by piecing together various bits of evidence. However, the research into one of them, N85, brought to light apparent mistakes in the chronology of his career.

The report introduces N85 as a police officer with the rank of Commander and Head of Special Branch 2000-2004.<ref name = Mick2>Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf Operation Herne Report 1: Use of covert identities], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 6 March 2014, p.14.</ref> The name to go with this role around that time was Roger Pearce, but sources had him as the Head of Special Branch for a different period: from 1999 to 2003. These sources included ACPO minutes, his own biography at several websites (all cited in this profile) and the recent book ''History of Special Branch'' written by Ray Wilson & Ian Adams, two former Special Branch officers.<ref>Ray Wilson & Ian Adams, [https://www.bitebackpublishing.com/books/the-special-branch Special Branch A History: 1883-2006], ''BiteBack Publishing'', 2015.</ref> From this, the researchers were able to conclude that N85 was the same as Roger Pearce, and that the authors of the Herne report simply shifted the years, possibly in an effort to obfuscate.

The identification was further lent credence by Pearce’s in-depth of knowledge of the Special Demonstration Squad and its tradecraft, as cited above.<ref>The other senior officer in the picture as a candidate was Det. Ch. Supt. [[Robert Milton]] who held a high position in Special Branch and the rank of Temporary Commander in November 2003. However, by that stage he was already on secondment to the Home Office as [[National Co-ordinator Ports Policing]], so it is unlikely he held this post.</ref>

The first Herne Report, stated N85 had also been an undercover officer between 1978-1980, and later Commander of the Special Demonstration Squad between 1986 and 1988.<ref name = Mick2/> Rob Evans at ''The Guardian'' has noted that the Herne report appears to have other inconsistencies in relation to N85 / Pearce, in particular, that his deployment as an undercover was apparently 1979 to 1984.<ref>Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/undercover-with-paul-lewis-and-rob-evans/2017/apr/03/how-uk-police-helped-unmask-one-of-their-own-undercover-spies How UK police helped unmask one of their own undercover spies], ''The Guardian'', 3 April 2017 (accessed 3 April 2017)</ref> This may also throw doubt on the dates he was listed as head of the SDS.

The identification was first floated in 2014 by blogger and researcher BristleKRS.<ref>BristleKRS, [https://bristle.wordpress.com/2014/06/05/neither-confirm-nor-deny-except-when-it-suits-them/ Neither confirm nor deny except when it suits them], ''Bristle KRS (wordpress blog)'', 4 June 2014.</ref>. In October 2016, the Undercover Research Group published their research and this profile; confirmation by the Undercover Policing Inquiry that Pearce had been an undercover followed in March 2017 (see below).

''Update:'' Within a week after the announcement by the Inquiry, the Metropolitan Police confirmed that the actual dates Pearce served as Director of Intelligence were November 1998 to March 2003; which means the dates in the Operation Herne report are wrong.<ref name="ps.foia.1"/>

== In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

On 29 March 2017, the Inquiry into Undercover Policing announced that Roger Pearce would not be seeking anonymity as a former undercover officer, and revealed that his cover name had been 'Roger Thorley'.<ref name="ucpi.29-3-17">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/20170329-press-notice-Pearce.pdf No anonymity sought for Roger Pearce], ucpi.org.uk, 29 March 2017 (accessed 29 March 2017).</ref> The first announcement said he had been an undercover officer with the Special Demonstration Squad from 1978 - 1980,<ref name="ucpi.29-3-17"/> In 2018, further details were released and earlier mistakes - as noted by Rob Evans, see above - corrected: Pearce's deployment had been longer. On 18 January 2018, the Inquiry revealed that he had infiltrated anarchist groups from 1979 to 1984.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover Names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 18 January 2018 (accessed 19 January 2018).</ref> And in March 2018, the chair revealed that as 'Thorley', he had operated as a writer for the anarchist periodical Freedom in the 1970s and 1980s, as detailed above.<ref>Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], updated 20 March 2018, (accessed March 2018)</ref>

Pearce is not a core participant in the Inquiry,<ref name="ucpi.29-3-17"/> and neither his name or cipher has otherwise appeared in documents released by the Inquiry. <ref>See for example, the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/core-participants/ list of core participants] released by the Pitchford Inquiry (accessed October 2016).</ref>

==Post police career==

On his retirement he became the Counter-Terrorism Advisor, a newly formed post at the [[Foreign and Commonwealth Office]], working on tackling Al Qaeda.<ref name="qe"/> From 2005 to 2012 he was European Security Director for the multinational GE Capital.<ref name="qe"/><ref name="rp.com"/>

He has since become a published author, drawing on his experience as a police officer, with two thrillers published by Hodder & Stoughton to date (October 2016), focusing on the character of 'DCI John Kerr'.
* ''Agent of the State'', June 2012
* ''The Extremist'', July 2013
* ''Javelin'', forthcoming

His official website is http://www.roger-pearce.com/

==Education==

* Queen Elizabeth's School, 1961-1969, School Captain.<ref name="qe">[https://www.qebarnet.co.uk/new_and_noteworthy?newsID=518 With the benefit of experience: author Roger draws on his time leading Special Branch], Queen Elizabeth's School website (QEBarnet.co.uk), undated (accessed 31 July 2016).</ref>
* St. John College, Durham University, BA (Hons) in Theology 1972.<ref name="qe"/>
* London University, LLB, 1970s.<ref name="qe"/>
* Barrister with Middle Temple, qualified 1979.<ref name="qe"/>

==Other officers of the same name==

There appear to be a number of other police officers of the same name around the same time as Roger Pearce was with Special Branch. They do not, however, appear to be the same individual.

* A Roger Pearce oversaw the investigation into the murder of Peter Hayward (?) in 1984.<ref>Clare Campbell, I just couldn't start to live my life again until I'd met my father's killer, ''Daily Mail'', 20 December 1994 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>
* Det. Supt. Roger Pearce, investigated the murder of Carmel Gamble in Stroud, Gloucestershire in 1989<ref>Police seek help in cottage murder inquiry, ''Press Association'', 13 November 1989 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>
* DC Roger Pearce, of City of London Police, was charged with perverting the course of justice in 1998, along with DC Peter Lawson.<ref>Detective is charged, ''Birmingham Evening Mail'', 26 November 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> In 1999, he and Lawson were subsequently charged alongside two other officers, Christopher Drury and Robert Clark in a notable police corruption trial.<ref>Dealer 'split drugs cash with policeman lover', ''The Guardian'', 18 November 1999 (accessed via Nexis).</ref><ref>David Wilkes, Five jailed in scandal that rocked the Yard, ''Daily Mail'', 5 August 2000 (accessed via Nexis).</ref>

==Notes==
<references />

[[Category:UndercoverResearch]][[Category:Metropolitan Police | Pearce, Roger]]

John Dines

2025-10-02T06:41:02Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name= John Dines|Alias=John Barker|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Dines cropped.JPG |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1987-1991|Targets=London Greenpeace, Animal rights, and North London Activists}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 



++++This profile was last updated in 2015++++

John Dines was an undercover officer in the Special Demonstration Squad between 1987 and 1991, disappearing early 1992. He infiltrated a range of groups and campaigns, mainly in North London, using the alias ‘John Barker’.

During his time undercover, Dines had a two year relationship with Helen Steel. His abrupt vanishing from her life led to a 19 year search for the truth. In 1994, she found out that he had used the identity of a child that had died at a young age. In 2003, that he had been a married police officer and finally, in late 2010, Helen got the confirmation that Dines had been an undercover officer.

Helen brought a court case against the police with seven other women who were also deceived into relationships with undercover police officers. This eventually resulted in a settlement and an unreserved apology in November 2015. The Metropolitan police acknowledged that the relationships amounted to a violation of the women's human rights, but still refused to confirm or deny that Dines had been a police officer.<ref>Police Spies Out of Lives, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2015/11/23/police-apology-for-relationships-where-next/ Police Apology for Relationships: Where Next?], 23 November 2015 (accessed March 2016)</ref>

Four months later Helen confronted Dines in Australia, after she found out he worked at the Australian Graduate School of Policing & Security as course director of a training programme for Indian Police officers, which included targeting left wing groups.<ref name = islingt> Islington Against Police Spies, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2016/03/09/spycop-john-dines-confronted-in-australia/ Helen Steel confronts #spycop John Dines in Australia], 9 March 2016 (accessed March 2016)</ref>

'''''Note!''' This is a preliminary profile, we have not spoken to a lot of people yet, [mailto:evel@undercoverresearch.net do get in touch] if you have more detail''.

'''Also see:'''

* '''[[John Dines - Current Career]]'''

== Background==
John Dines was born in 1955. Having joined the Metropolitan Police Service, he was selected by the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] to infiltrate groups in North London. Like most such officers, he was already married. Unusually, he was a sergeant when he joined the SDS.<ref name="guardian-2013-feb-6"> Amelia Hill, Paul Lewis and Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/feb/06/brother-boy-identity-police-spies Brother of boy whose identity was stolen by police spies demands apology], ''The Guardian'', 6 February 2013, Accessed April 2016</ref> <ref name="undercover-68"/>
In 1994, just two years after his undercover tour of duty had ended, Dines left the police on a pension to compensate for his ill-health. He later went to New Zealand, where his in-laws lived.<ref name="undercover-178"> Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p178.</ref>
==Cover Story and Personality==
[[File:John-Dines-hitchhiking.jpg|right|thumb|300px]]
For his identity undercover, Dines took the identity of a deceased child – Philip John Barker, who had died of leukaemia at the age of 8 in 1968. As with his predecessor Bob Lambert, Dines used the middle name for his cover, a trick the SDS thought would make it initially harder for activists to track them down.<ref name="undercover-113">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p113.</ref>

He grew his hair long and the sides of his head were shaved completely, with a longer tail down the back of his head in the mullet style which was fairly popular in the 80's. He was well built, muscular and fit. Campaigners within London Greenpeace liked him as a member of the group. One activist recalls Dines as ‘easy to get along with’, although he did not exude the same ‘air of confidence’ as Lambert.
Due to a slight accent he acquired the nickname 'New Zealand John; he claimed he had moved to New Zealand as a teenager. In fact he probably picked up the twang from his wife who was from New Zealand. His legend included a past as a campaigner against apartheid, including an arrest for assaulting a police officer during a protest against a tour by the South African rugby team in New Zealand.<ref name="undercover-69">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p69.</ref><ref name = names/>

For some people, Dines’ undercover reputation was one of a tough activist not shying away from a bit of action on the streets. Paul Lewis and Rob Evans in their book ''Undercover'' cited an anecdote to illustrate this: Handing out leaflets criticising a right-wing Christian preacher in Wembley Stadium, he once punched a random punter who was uttering racist insults. The victim crashed to the ground and Dines told his fellow activists that he ‘hated fascists’.<ref name="undercover-69"/> This is probably why, within the SDS, he gained the nickname ‘Sergeant Yob’.<ref name="undercover-69"/><ref>According to the [http://nl.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=yob online Urban Dictionary]: 'The antithesis of what a good boy should be - rude, obnoxious, violent and stupid. Formed by spelling 'boy' backwards, it was coined in England in the 18th century as it was very popular amongst upper classes to speak backwards at the time.'</ref>

One active anarchist the 1980s and 1990s based in Leeds, knew Dines from visits to London where he stayed with other activists. He recalls that at one point Dines described how to create a false identity using the name of a deceased child. This is quite significant knowing that the undercover based their legends on the identities of dead children.<ref> Spivey submitted his recollection to the Pitchford Inquiry in his application to become a core participant. Pitchford ruled 'This is evidence relevant to the identity of John Dines because the Operation Herne review has established the use by undercover officers of the names of deceased children to make their covert identities.' Pitchford Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/151216-CP-ruling-3.pdf Ruling 3], 16 December 2015 (accessed May 2016)</ref>

== Housing situation ==

In the early part of his mission, John Dines lived in at least two squats in Hackney, north London for months on end. He would not go back to his own flat, like other SDS-ers would, not least at the start of their time in the field.<ref name="undercover-68">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p68.</ref>

* '''1987''' Camper van. Dines claimed to have lived in a camper van parked near Waterloo on the Southbank when he first came to the UK after growing up in New Zealand. He said all his stuff was stolen from it - probably to explain away his lack of personal possessions. Dines also said that he lived for a while in a flat at 256/258 Brixton Road, SW9. He is believed to have used an address in Wembley for a time, before he came to North London.<ref name = steel>various interviews with Helen Steel</ref>

* '''1988/1989''' John lived in a squat at 73 Dunsmure Road N16. This was near the extensively squatted Holmleigh Road Estate.<ref>The estate had existed as a squat since January 1987, when it was occupied during a harsh winter: 16 flats homing over 20 people. Hackney Radical History, [https://hackneyhistory.wordpress.com/2012/05/10/hackney-squatting-two-views/ Hackney Squatting] 10 March 2012, accessed March 2016</ref>

* He also lived for a while in the Lee House squatted social centre in '''Rectory Road''', N16.
* '''February 1990 (approx)''' Rented a flat at Castlewood Road, N16. Helen and others helped him move in shortly before he announced he had to go to New Zealand for his mother's funeral.

* '''May 1990''' Burgoyne Road, Harringay. Dines rented a bedsit near Helen, she helped him decorate it and spent a lot of her time round there with him.<ref name = womenshour/>.

* '''December 1990 - December 1991''' Tottenham, near Seven Sisters. John and Helen rented a flat together and shared this home for a year.<ref name = womenshour/> The house backed on to the family of Winston Silcott, who were campaigning at this time for his conviction to be overturned after he and others were framed by the police for the death of PC Blakelock at the Broadwater Farm riots in 1985 (see below).<ref>For more on the Broadwater Farm riots, see Stafford Scott, [http://tottenhamrights.org.uk/?p=58 Broadwater Farm revisited], 25 February 2014 (accessed March 2016) and Tottenham Rights, [http://www.tmg-uk.org/broadwater-farm-revisited/ Broadwater Farm revisited], The Monitoring Group website, 5 march 2014 (accessed March 2016)</ref>''

* '''December 1991''' Helen and John moved out of the Tottenham flat to a caravan on a smallholding in Yorkshire. However, Dines left the following day for a short break in France, and then told Helen he had secured work on the Channel Tunnel, so he never lived at the address in Yorkshire. In hindsight this was part of his exit strategy (see below).

== Vehicles ==
Like many other undercovers, Dines had a van and often offered to drive people home from meetings and to demonstrations. In hindsight this was an easy way to find out where activists lived. Friends remember a number of vehicles over the years, including a light blue minibus type vehicle, an estate car and a white transit van. Some recall his van being used for arranging building materials for Lee House and that on one occasion he made a round trip to Cambridge at night, to return with a load of stolen bikes.<ref name = names>Interviews with people who knew John Dines, names known to the Undercover Research Group, in 2015</ref>

==Work==

In early 1990 John said he worked for a company called Kingswood Kitchens. Later that year, he said he was working on construction sites, employed by a company called Construction and Technical Services Ltd based in Ware, Hertsfordshire. He claimed to have been working at various sites including the Mirror print works in Oldham (during 1990-91), the Channel Tunnel from Dec 1991 for a couple of months, and on road building near Tring shortly before his final disappearance in March 1992.<ref name = steel/>

== Political activities ==
[[File:John-Dines-with_hand.jpg|thumb|right|300px]]
''This is not a comprehensive list of the activities John was involved in; please get in touch if you have more detail. ''

Before moving to North London, Dines was briefly active in South London in Direct Action Movement (DAM) an organisation advocating anarcho-syndicalism to abolish capitalism and the state; they were also involved in Anti-Fascist Action (AFA), committed to physically combatting British fascist and far-right groups.<ref>South London group of the Direct Action Movement, [https://libcom.org/library/iwa-today-south-london-dam-1985 The IWA today - South London DAM, 1985], 1985, republished 12 Sep 2010 (accessed May 2016)</ref><ref>Revolvy, [http://broom02.revolvy.com/main/index.php?s=Direct%20Action%20Movement&item_type=topic Direct Action Movement], no date, (accessed May 2016)</ref>

===London Greenpeace===

John joined London Greenpeace in autumn 1987. Fellow undercover cop Bob Lambert was still in the group at the time as 'Bob Robinson' (disappearing in late 1988) but the two pretended not to know each other. The meetings were held in Endsleigh Street near Euston with around 20-30 people coming at the time. John said he was vegan and supported London Greenpeace politics - 'Anti-corporate, anti-capitalist, environmental, anti-racist'. He later became the group’s treasurer for several years, and he organised at least two benefit gigs for London Greenpeace in late 1989.
Through London Greenpeace, he was active in the Anti McDonald’s campaign (see below) and a variety of other campaigns.

London Greenpeace also started up a campaign against the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. John was involved in writing leaflets for this campaign.<ref name = names/>

===Hackney / Lee House===

John lived in and was involved in Lee House, in Rectory Road N16 which was occupied in 1988 as a squatted social centre which included a cafe, bookshop and meeting space. He played an active role in building a 7 feet half pipe skateboard ramp in the back garden,<ref>The Radical History of Hackney,[https://hackneyhistory.wordpress.com/2011/06/20/skateboard-ramp-in-a-squat-1980s/ Skateboard Ramp in a Squat, 1980s] 20 June 2011 (accessed May 2016</ref> and turned up with much needed building materials on several occasions, which he would claim to have organised those through people he knew, though he was also dropping hints that they were taken from building sites.<ref name = names/><ref>For more info on Lee House see: The Radical History of Hackney, [https://hackneyhistory.wordpress.com/2011/05/26/hackneys-anarchic-nineties/ Hackney’s Anarchic Nineties], 26 May 2011 (accessed March 2016)</ref>

===Broadwater Defence Campaign===

Dines was present at a picket on 11 December 1988 on behalf of the Broadwater Defence Campaign outside Wormwood Scrubs Prison, where Winston Silcott, Mark Braithwaite and Engin Raghip (The Tottenham Three) were incarcerated. However, Dines was not centrally involved in the BWF Defence Campaign according Stafford Scott who was very active at the time, and has been central to the campaign since.<ref name = Stafford>Stafford Scott, email to the Undercover Research Group, 16 May 2016. Photo, private collection of Helen Steel</ref>

The Broadwater Defence Campaign fought for justice for those arrested in the wake of the riots, including the Tottenham Three, who were framed for the killing of police officer Keith Blakelock during a riot after a local black woman died of heart failure when the police illegally and forcibly searched her home. It took place against a backdrop of unrest in several English cities and a breakdown of relations between the police and black communities in the wake of racist policing tactics. The police arrested 359 people, interviewed most of them without lawyers, and laid charges based on untaped confessions. The convictions of the Tottenham Three were overturned after a widely supported campaign when the police were shown to have tampered with statements, adding confessions. (A legal battle has continued since, until a seventh person was charged with Blakelock's killing, but found not guilty in April 2014.)<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death_of_Keith_Blakelock Death of Keith Blakelock], last updated 11 March 2016 (accessed May 2016)</ref><ref>For more background start here: Stafford Scott, [http://tottenhamrights.org.uk/?p=90 The Broadwater farm uprising], 28 February 2014 (accessed May 2016</ref>

From December 1990, Dines and Steel lived in a Tottenham address which backed on to the Silcott family home, where George Silcott lived, a significant figure in the Broadwater Farm Defence Campaign. The move occurred in the months leading up to Winston Silcott's - and the Tottenham Three's - successful appeal against their murder convictions. Dines left the rented property in December 1991, almost immediately that the appeal was won on 25 November that year.<ref name = Stafford/>
There are two photos, taken by Helen Steel, one showing Dines at the 1988 demonstration and another of him outside the home mentioned. The counsel of Stafford Scott has shown them to the Pitchford Inquiry to confirm Dines' involvement in this campaign.<ref>Pitchford Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/151007-Transcript_update.pdf Transcripts of the Core Participants Hearing], 7 October 2015, p.80 (accessed May 2016)</ref>

=== Hunts sabs and Animal Rights activities ===

[[File:Dines_hunt_sabbing.jpg|thumb|right|300px]] John Dines sabbing grouse shoots, Yorkshire, 1988 ]
Dines went on trips with Hackney Hunt Saboteurs and attended live export protests, he also took part in more militant animal liberation actions.<ref name = names/>

Twice he drove activists to Yorkshire to sab grouse shoots, once in August 1988 (see picture).<ref>Photo from private collection Helen Steel.</ref> Dines also took them to a protest against Sun Valley Chickens in Herefordshire (a McDonald's chicken products supplier). While there he was apparently arrested, and released without charge.<ref>Paul Gravett, [http://www.burojansen.nl/artikelen_item.php?id=517 How Special Branch Spied on Animal Rights Movement], AR Spycatcher, 14 February 2014 (accessed March 2016)</ref>

=== Poll Tax demonstrations ===

1989/90 saw the introduction of the 'Community Charge' which replaced a tax on property based on the size of the property lived in, with a tax which charged for each individual that was quickly dubbed the 'Poll Tax' and was regarded by many as a tax on the poor. Protests took place in early March 1990 outside many town halls across the country as local authorities set the rate people would have to pay.<ref>Greg Whitmore, [http://www.theguardian.com/gnm-archive/gallery/2015/mar/28/poll-tax-riots-revisited-in-pictures Poll tax riots revisited - in pictures], GNM Archive, 28 March 2015 (accessed May 2016)</ref>

Supposedly back from New Zealand just in time, John took part in the local poll tax protests in Hackney on 8 March 1990. Someone who was present with him on the night reports that John offered him a brick to throw through the window of Barclays Bank, and when he declined, John threw it himself.<ref name = names/><ref>To get an idea of the evening, recently discovered footage, The Radical History of Hackney, [https://hackneyhistory.wordpress.com/2016/04/16/itn-raw-footage-of-hackney-poll-tax-protest/ ITN: raw footage of Hackney poll tax protest], 16 April 2016 (accessed May 2016</ref>

'''Trafalgar Square demonstration'''
[[File:800px-Poll tax riot poster.jpg|right|thumb|300px]]

On 31 March 1990, a huge national demonstration against the Poll Tax took place, with around 250,000 marching through Central London. After the police attacked demonstrators in and around Trafalgar Square, a riot erupted which spread to many streets around the West End. Dines was arrested fairly early on in Whitehall, he claimed for intervening in an arrest in front of Downing Street during a sit-down when the crowds came to a standstill - bottlenecked between Trafalgar Square and Lambeth Bridge. His arrest meant that he would miss the rest of the day, when things turned violent after police attacked demonstrators. John gave the name ''Wayne Cadogan'' when he was arrested and then didn't turn up for the court hearing and an arrest warrant was issued for him.<ref name = names/> (Wayne Cadogan is quite an unusual name, there are less than ten registered in the UK, and only one with exactly the same name without middle names, and in the right age-category. This Wayne Cadogan was born in 1960 and died at the age of seven, in St Albans Hertfordshire.<ref>Ancestry, [http://tinyurl.com/z7zxor5 Wayne Cadogan], death certificate, March 1967 (accessed June 2016)</ref>)

Dines wrote an account of his experiences, which was published in the pamphlet 'Poll Tax Riot' and is still online.<ref>Anonymous, [https://libcom.org/history/1990-accounts-poll-tax-riot Me and Mr. Sweeney], 1990 Accounts of the poll tax riot, it’s story nr. 10. Text originally from a pamphlet entitled 'Poll Tax Riot' published by ACAB press, put online 9 March 2009 (accessed March 2016)</ref> Highlights include him describing being kicked by a policeman, spending time in a claustrophobic cell where all he was offered to eat were custard cream biscuits which he claimed he did not eat because he pretended to be a vegan. The account - pretty derisory about the police - ends with 'I knew the bastards had taken a real good hiding'.

In the account, Dines also claims that he shared a cell with others who were arrested on the demonstration - which may have led to potential miscarriages of justice if this fact was not disclosed at their subsequent trials.

Dines designed and arranged the printing of a poster on the Poll Tax riot to raise funds to support those arrested on the demonstration (see illustration), the poster later made newspaper headlines, although he was never publicly associated with it. Dines stored the printing plates for the posters in the basement of the Dunsmure Road house.<ref name = names/>

== McDonald’s and McLibel==

In 1990, McDonald's sued five London Greenpeace activists for libel over a London Greenpeace factsheet "What's wrong with McDonald's - Everything they don't want you to know". This led to the infamous 'McLibel' trial in the 1990's. Helen Steel and Dave Morris defended the campaign, leading to the longest court case in English legal history. It has since emerged that undercover officer Bob Lambert, who preceded Dines infiltrating London Greenpeace, was involved in producing the factsheet they were sued over.

Helen was issued with the libel writ from McDonald’s in September 1990 as she stepped from John Dines' van outside his bedsit in Burgoyne Road. Once inside, John expressed his anger at having been followed and his privacy intruded on.

Despite the fact that John had been actively involved in the anti McDonald's campaign, he was never served with a writ. In later weeks as Helen and others were making the decision about what to do about the writs, John wrote her a letter saying that he thought that she shouldn’t fight the case because she might end up isolated and alone and unable to cope.<ref name = steel/>

Dines was one of the people privy to the private guidance lawyer Keir Starmer was giving the group. ‘He was present at virtually all the meetings of the group at that time,’ says one key activist. ‘He was very much part of the group.’ He took part in their discussions in their office, pub or each other’s homes.<ref name="ABK085p73">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p73.</ref> Helen recalls that on at least one occasion John picked her up from a meeting with Starmer at Doughty Street Chambers and then they intensively discussed the case on the way home.

It is not known whether intelligence picked up by Dines, including the confidential legal strategy the activists were receiving from Starmer, was passed onto McDonald’s – but it is very likely there was. During the McLibel trial, Steel and Morris forced McDonald's to admit having sent at least seven private investigators to spy on London Greenpeace over an 18 month period and that the company had shared private and confidential information about campaigners with Special Branch.

Steel and Morris eventually sued the police for unlawfully passing intelligence, including information about their home addresses, to McDonald’s. In July 2000, the Met apologised and agreed to pay the pair £10,000 in an out-of-court settlement,<ref>BBC News, [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/820786.stm McLibel pair get police payout], 5 July, 2000 (accessed April 2016)</ref><ref name="ABK085p74">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p74.</ref> however Dines' true role was not known at this point and the police failed to make any disclosure in relation to it.

Just like the settlement in the case of the women deceived into relationships in November 2015, the police opted for an apology and a pay-out rather than to be forced to confirm the existence of the SDS and to be questioned about the infiltration of political groups in open court.

==Relationship with Helen Steel==

[[File:Dines_with_helen_at_beach.jpg|right|thumb|300px]]

John had a van and often offered to drive people home from meetings, which allowed him to find out where people lived. Most of those involved in London Greenpeace lived in Hackney, and as Helen was in Tottenham, she was usually the last to be dropped off, so they ended up talking about their personal lives. As a result they became closer.

Around Christmas 1988, John told Helen that his Dad had died - she remembers this as something personal he shared with her long before they got together. In February 1990 John told Helen that his Mum had died and he needed to go out to New Zealand for the funeral but he didn't have the money to get there. Helen lent him the £300 he needed, which she had saved up.
Helen told ''the Guardian'':

::He engaged me in quite a few deep conversations about personal subjects. He asked me out a couple of times. He sent me a Valentine’s card, a birthday card, expressing love for me. The night before he got the flight to go there, he stayed at my place and kind of poured his heart out. We became emotionally close.<ref name="undercover-177">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p177.</ref>
Helen received a card from Dines from New Zealand describing the funeral, the pastor’s speech and how many people were at the service. He also said that his friends had been really great ‘just like a certain person back home’.<ref name = steel/> Dines returned just in time for the Hackney Poll Tax demonstration on 8th March 1990, as was mentioned above. By May the relationship was underway.
Helen says it was very intense from the start,
::He said he wanted to spend the rest of his life with me. In a short space of time I fell absolutely madly in love with him in a way I had never fallen in love with anyone before or since. He said he wanted us to have kids.<ref name = UClover> Rob Evans and Paul Lewis [http://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2013/jun/22/undercover-police-lovers Undercover policemen, undercover lovers], ''the Guardian'', 22 June 2013, accessed April 2014</ref>

Helen and John went on holiday together to Scotland in June 1990, and went on shorter trips to the seaside and countryside. Six months into the relationship, they decided to rent a flat together in Tottenham and then shared a home for a year. Helen told ''BBC Women’s Hour'' this meant ‘he had access to all my possessions and every thought I had in my head essentially, because he was with me all the time and we chatted about everything.’<ref name = womenshour>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b03cv46z Undercover Police Officers], ''Women's hour'', BBC, 18 October 2013, accessed April 2014</ref>

They continued to go to weekly London Greenpeace meetings together most Thursdays.

==Exit==
Dines' exit strategies demonstrated a pattern that other undercovers who would follow, such as [[Mark Kennedy]] and [[Mark Jenner]]. Like them, he began to display symptoms of a mental breakdown, including crying on several occasions. 'He kept talking about how he had nobody left apart from me,' Steel says. 'His parents had both died. He had no brothers and sisters. The only woman he had ever loved before me, a woman called Debbie, had left him. He said he was convinced I was going to do the same.' In the summer of 1991, Helen came home one day to a letter saying he was leaving, as he was 'pre-empting' his fears she would leave him.<ref>Melissa Thompson, [http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/real-life-stories/perfect-boyfriend-undercover-police-officer-2677256 My perfect boyfriend was an undercover police officer - now I want justice], 5 Nov 2013, accessed May 2014</ref>

Although the relationship went through a very difficult period, John still claimed to be in love and to want to spend the rest of their lives together and have a family. However, he often didn't come home at night, or went off on walking, he said to sort his head out. Over the course of a few months, he went to Scotland first and then to Ireland.<ref name = steel/>

[[File:John_dines_running.jpg|right|thumb|300px]]

The tenancy on their Tottenham flat was due to run out in December 1991, and John and Helen agreed to move to Yorkshire to stay in a caravan on a friend's smallholding. The plan was to stay there and get a taste of rural life, until the money from the sale of John’s parents' house came through when they would buy a house in Scotland as a permanent home, with the intention of starting a family. However, the day after they moved into the caravan, John left for a weeks holiday in France and never returned to live in Yorkshire. He wrote saying he had found a job at the Channel Tunnel, which meant he could save up more money towards buying the house. Because Helen was quite upset being in Yorkshire alone in the middle of the winter without him, he asked her to come down and meet him for a long weekend in Canterbury near Dover.<ref name = steel/>

When Helen met him there in December 1991, Dines had cut his hair short and was now clean shaven. John came back to Yorkshire in January 1992 for his 'birthday', and they kept writing each other in between. Helen last saw John on the 8th March 1992; they were due to meet again, but she then received a letter which he said was posted from Heathrow airport saying he was about to get on a plane to South Africa.

Helen then received another two letters from him posted from South Africa in April 1992. The letters were yet again full of apologies, but also of the turmoil he felt; feeling alone in the world and talking of having been physically abused as a child. He wrote ‘if I ever sort my head out I’ll come back’, something that gave Helen false hope.<ref name = Vic>Helen quoted from one of the letters in an interview with the BBC: 'I know that I can keep on traveling but even I don’t think I can keep on running. The thing is, Hels, I don’t know when I’ll stop. I do know I’ll never forget you and all the precious times we’ve had together. I wish I could still have a home and kids with you and tell them the things I was never told and give them the love I never had and wrap you all around me. Those feelings make me sad. I had intended not to say these things Helen, it’s how I feel but I know my feelings are no good to you from 5,000 miles away. I want to wish you every ounce of good luck, happiness, peace, fun, safety and a wonderful future. I want all those things for you Hels.’, BBC, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b02z080h Radio 5's Victoria Derbyshire], 28th June 2013, accessed April 2014</ref>
Extending the period of his exit, by disappearing and coming back over and over again for several months, while seemingly going through a breakdown, added to the harm done. She now refers to this as emotional torture.<ref name = steel/>

Dines’ increasingly erratic behaviour had left Helen worrying about his mental state, and after his disappearance she spent years trying to find out what had happened to him.

==End of deployment==

Looking back, the moment Dines had his hair cut ‘back to normal’ was probably the point at which his deployment had ended. The move up to Yorkshire would be the perfect cover - he could leave activists in London saying that he was moving to Yorkshire with Helen. In this scenario, the holiday in France and the job in Dover were probably just a cover-up for his return to a desk-job at the Met’s headquarters at Scotland Yard.

According to Evans and Lewis, a Special Branch officer who came across Dines around this time recalls him looking ‘a moody, miserable fucker’ who ‘seemed to be carrying a lot... He looked like he was always going to kick off’.

Within the SDS there was praise for his work undercover. Writing in a confidential SDS report, Lambert provided a glowing tribute to Dines, commending his apparently taxing stint in the squats saying he ‘emerged from four years deployment (1987–1991) bruised, battered, and outstandingly successful... His professionalism and spirit [were] unquenched, despite enduring the most arduous working conditions in the history of the SDS.’<ref name="undercover-74">Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, ''Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police'', Faber & Faber, 2013, p74; the authors probably got access to these internal files through [[Peter Francis]], the former undercover officer turned whistle-blower.</ref>

Dines left the police by 1994 and was given a pension to compensate for his ill-health. He later went to New Zealand, where his in-laws lived.<ref name="undercover-178"/>

==Search for John Dines==

After John had left, Helen had hardly any clues as to where to look for him. However, the guy she had known as John Barker had used a few details from his real life when building up his cover story.

* When feigning his mental breakdown he claimed the only woman he had ever loved before and who had left him, was called ‘Debbie’. This turned out to be his wife.

* The aunt he mentioned several times had a quite unusual surname that Helen remembered; this turned out to be Dines’ mother-in-law, Debbie’s mother.

In December 1994 following her instinct, after all her previous searches had hit brick walls, Helen went into the national registry of births, deaths and marriages in Holborn after a day in court for the McLibel trial. She looked through death records and discovered that John had been using the identity of a child who had died aged 8.<ref>Ancestry.com, [http://tinyurl.com/z2gcqk5 Anthony John Barker], death certificate (accessed June 2016)</ref>

In 2002, when Helen travelled to New Zealand to visit family and also to find out more about Dines, according to Jim Boyling, her luggage was searched and police noted she had tapes of the 2002 True Spies BBC series, which includes interviews with undercover officers explaining how they infiltrate campaigning groups. Fearing that she was close to finding him, Scotland Yard decided to uproot and relocate their former spy to another country, as Evans and Lewis found out.<ref>Rob Evans & Paul Lewis, Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police, Faber & Faber, 2013, p181.</ref>
In 2003, Helen found a marriage certificate showing that John had married a woman called Debbie in the 1970's. The certificate gave his occupation as Police Officer, and Helen thought she had now discovered the truth. However, the few people she spoke to about this suggested that she was becoming paranoid, that this type of thing doesn't happen in the UK. It was not until late 2010 that she finally had confirmation from the ex-partner of another spycop, [[Jim Boyling]], that John had indeed been an undercover officer.<ref name = steel/>
== Women's Court case against the Metropolitan Police ==
In December 2011, eight women who had been deceived into relationships with undercover police officers launched legal action against the police. Helen Steel was one of these women who were represented by Birnberg Pierce. The case included human rights claims and common law claims. The long legal battle was centred around the various ways the police tried to keep the case out of court - the Met tried to have it in secret court, and to strike-out the case. Most importantly, the women challenged the police's claimed policy of 'Neither Confirm Nor Deny', where they refused to even confirm whether the undercovers involved were indeed police officers - claiming they promised to protect their identities for life no matter what. .

In a partial victory the police were forced to admit that [[Bob Lambert]] and [[Jim Boyling]] were cops. However, they were permitted to ‘Neither Confirm Nor Deny’ the identities of the two other undercovers, John Dines and Mark Jenner.<ref>Police Spies Out of Lives, [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/background-to-the-case/ Background to the case], 20 November 2015 (accessed May 2016)</ref> In November 2015, after a four-year legal battle the Metropolitan Police apologised as part of a settlement with all but one of the women, and admitted the relationships were an abuse of the women's human rights.<ref>Police Spies Out of Lives, [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/new-met-apology/ Met Apology], 20 November 2015 (accessed May 2016)</ref> Notwithstanding the apology, the Met has still refused to confirm that John Dines was a police officer.

== Confrontation in Australia==

In February 2016 Helen discovered John Dines was director for a course in Australia for for Indian police officers which included training in ‘emerging challenges, viz, Left Wing Extremist and other low-intensity conflicts'. Since 2010, Dines has been working at the Australian Graduate School of Policing and Security, part of Charles Sturt University. In 2012, he was mentioned as Assistant Professor, receiving a team award for 'professional excellence'.<ref>[http://tinyurl.com/hzflqee Faculty & Division awards 2012], Professional Excellence – Team award – Mid-Career Training Program for Indian Police – Australian graduate School of Policing & Security (pdf), 2012 (accessed March 2016)</ref><ref>B.D. Paulson, [http://tinyurl.com/gnnuqx7 PHASE - Ill MID CAREER TRAINING PROGRAMME], letter to selected officers about training (pdf), October 2015 (accessed March 2016)</ref>

[[File:Dines and helen confrontation australia.JPG|right|thumb|300px]]
Extremely concerned about this, Helen travelled to Australia to expose Dines' past in order to stop similar human rights abuses happening to others. On 6 March 2016, Helen Steel confronted him at Sydney Airport where he was meeting a delegation of Indian Police Officers arriving for this training, part of which was captured on video by a friend, and widely broadcasted all over the world.<ref name = au/> Concerns were [http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/hansart.nsf/V3Key/LC20160309049 raised in the Australian Parliament] about Dines role in training police officers.<ref name = islingt> Islington Against Police Spies, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2016/03/09/spycop-john-dines-confronted-in-australia/ Helen Steel confronts #spycop John Dines in Australia], 9 March 2016 (accessed March 2016)</ref><ref name = au>Paul Farrell and Rob Evans, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/mar/09/undercover-uk-police-spy-apologises-after-being-tracked-down-by-woman-he-deceived Undercover UK police spy apologises after being tracked down by woman he deceived], ''The Guardian'', 9 March 2016 (accessed March 2016)</ref>

A separate page, [[John Dines: current career]], profiles the course for Indian police officers, Dines' involvement in it; it turns out one of the speakers has close connections to another undercover officer, also his supervisor back in the days [[Bob Lambert]], and with [[David Veness]], whose tasks at various points in his career included overseeing undercover operations of the SDS.

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

Dines has been given the [[N_officers|nominal]] '''HN5''' for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]]. On 20 December 2016, the Inquiry noted that no restriction order over the cover or real name of the officer was being sought, writing<ref>Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/161220-press-notice-JD.pdf No anonymity sought for N5], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 December 2016.</ref>

::The Inquiry has received confirmation that no restriction is sought over the identity or the undercover identity used by a police officer known as N5. John Dines, otherwise known as N5, worked for the Metropolitan Police Service’s Special Demonstration Squad; whilst working there he used an identity (‘John Barker’) which was taken from that of a deceased child. The Inquiry has been in contact with a close relative of that child in advance of the publication of this statement. John Dines is not currently a core participant in the Inquiry.

==See also==

* [[Use of Identities of Children]] and
* [[John Dines - Current Career]]

== Further reading ==

* Website of the [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/Police Spies Out of Lives support group] for more on the Court case and the Met's apology, and for
* [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/our-stories/ Stories of women who were deceived into relationships with undercover officers], including [https://policespiesoutoflives.org.uk/our-stories/helens-story/ Helen Steel's].

==Notes==

<references/>

John Graham (alias)

2025-10-02T06:40:32Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=John ? / HN329|Alias=John Graham|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1969|Targets=Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info] An updated profile on Graham can be found here: [https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn329-john-graham HN329 'John Graham']*



'''John Graham''' is the alias of a [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) undercover police officer. He was active for one year over the period 1968 to 1969, when he infiltrated a north London branch of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) and he also reported on the Revolutionary Socialists Students Federation (RSSF). Little else is known of him. His cover identity and groups he reported on were revealed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/>

He is also referred to as '''HN329''', the [[N_officers|cypher]] given to him by the Inquiry and [[Operation Herne]]. The [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

Update (May 2018): ''This profile updates an earlier version where it was believed that John Graham had focused on the north London Trotskyist milieu; that understanding has evolved and we now believe his focus was prominent but unaligned activists based in Camden who had formed a local branch of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign there. If anyone recalls 'John Graham' from his time in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in touch]. We appreciate that these events took place 50 years ago, so welcome corrections on how we have portrayed the history of the organisations mentioned.''

==Undercover as 'John Graham'==

[[Image:HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS(page1).jpg|200px|thumb|First page of HN326's personal statement in support of his restriction order application. UCPInquiry.org.uk, August 2017]]

'John Graham' was among the very first of the SDS undercovers. His 2017 [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Risk Assessment] says he became a Special Branch officer early on in his police career, then states:<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 3.3 Recruitment to UCO Role He cannot recall how he was recruited to SDS, but he would not have been a volunteer. There was no psychometric testing at the time. There were a number of UC's at the start of the SDS. He had no training. He thinks his deployment must have been around 1968 because it was at the time of the Vietnam crisis, but he cannot recall precisely. He was politically aware, and his back story was sufficient in that he was pretending to deliver cars from one garage to another. He had less of a formal legend than later operatives.

The job was 'simply a story, and he had no actual cover occupation'(4.9).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> From known tradecraft techniques, it is likely he will have maintained his own first name as part of his cover. The Risk Assessment explicitly states he did not use the identity of a dead child.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

In his [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf personal statement] he wrote:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: 3. I can't remember exactly but I believe I was deployed into the Special Operations Squad between 1968 and 1969. I don't know exactly though as it was just life. If you're posted somewhere you just went. It wasn't something I had always wanted to do.

At the time of his deployment, 'Graham' was recently married with young kids.
::'My undercover role wasn't someting that I discussed with my wife. I think she probably knew the object of the exercise but not anything more. She wasn't that interested.'

Graham does not mention to have had a home visit from the SDS, to check if his family situation was upto him going undercover - that routine may have been developed a bit later.

Nothing further of his police career is known, other than after serving undercover he remained a Special Branch officer for the rest of his career. (4.17) He has long retired from the police, and while in his 70s now, Graham is still working. In his personal statement he says that he thinks his current colleagues know he is a former undercover, and that it would not matter to them.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

Since retiring from the police he has made a number of television appearances under his real identity.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

==Targets==

The 'Open Risk Assessment' prepared by the Metropolitan Police for the Undercover Policing Public Inquiry stated that 'John Graham' was:<ref name="HN329.RA">David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN329 Open Risk Assessment], Metropolitan Police Service (via UCPI.org.uk), 31 May 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref>
:: 4.2 ...deploy[ed] into the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (Kilburn & Willesden Branch); and he also reported on the Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation.

The Risk Assessment is clear in that the VSC was his main target, and he 'occasionally reported' on the RSSF (4.2, 4.3).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

===The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===

In 1968, left wing political protest was dominated by the war in Vietnam. Many on the left supported the National Liberation Front (NLF - 'Viet Cong') in a war against Western presence in the country. The struggle of the NLF and the communist North Vietnam government, supported by China, then under the rule of Mao Zedong, was a proxy struggle in the Cold War.

In Britain, there were a number of anti-war groups, but by 1968 the leading one was the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Controlled by the International Marxist Group (IMG) and strongly based in the Trotskyist milieu, it was supported by the International Socialists (IS / later Socialist Workers Party), New Left Review and the Revolutionary Socialist Students' Federation (RSSF). Through the use of 'ad hoc committees' to organise different demonstrations, it was able to reach out across the left to build broad but temporary coalitions.

These ad hoc committees, generally dominated by the IMG and IS, were behind the large demonstrations of 1967 to 1969. In particular, they had been the driving force behind the 17 March 1968 protest which had seen large scale disturbances and an attack on the US Embassy in Grosvenor Square. A second large scale protest was planned for 27 October that year which caused the establishment considerable anxiety at the time.

In September 1968, Conrad Dixon of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch successfully proposed the formation of the Special Operations Squad (later the Special Demonstration Squad - SDS), in which 12 Special Branch officers would be deployed undercover into protest groups planning to participate in the October protest. From the dates, it appears that John Graham / HN329 was among those first twelve officers.

* ''This section is extracted from a much larger piece. For more detail, see Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-0/ 1968 – Protest and Special Branch] at SpecialBranchFiles.uk''

===Revolutionary Socialists Students' Federation===
[[Image:Student-international-no1-february-1969_cover.jpg|thumb|200px|Cover of ''Student International'', Issue 1, February 1969.]]

Not much has been revealed yet about Graham's reporting on the RSSF or how he came to have access to information of their activities. Other than the one line in his Risk Assessment, the group is not mentioned in documents released by the Undercover Policing Inquiry. He does not seem to have actively participated in it. The following material is provides some general context on the group.

Founded in late 1960s, the RSSF was a coalition of student groups which lasted only a couple of years. Closely associated with Trotskyist and Maoist parties, it had a broad church of left wing activists and branches in universities and colleges across the country. The heart of the organisation was focused on the London School of Economics, which over the period 1967 to 1969 experienced considerable student radicalism. As such, the RSSF was born out of and a key player in the radical student movements of the late 1960s and the anti-Vietnam war protests of the time.<ref name="gowan.1">Peter Gowan, [https://redmolearchive.files.wordpress.com/2016/06/student-international-no1-february-1969.pdf L.S.E. and R.S.S.F.], ''Student International'', Issue 1, February 1969 (accessed via Red Mole Archives).</ref>

At the London School of Economics one of the group's leading lights was Richard Kuper - who was also active with the International Socialists (elected a member of the National Committee in 1968) and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref>[http://mrc-catalogue.warwick.ac.uk/records/KUP Papers of Richard Kuper (International Socialism Group / Socialist Workers Party)], Modern Records Centre, Warwick University, catalogue entry (accessed 6 August 2017).</ref> In October 1968, some 3000 students occupied the LSE following an attempt by management to close the university ahead of the 27 October anti-Vietnam War demonstration. During this occupation, the LSE was used as a base for the protests, including a medical centre established by the Socialist Medical Association.

==Undercover as 'John Graham'==

[[Image:N19-1968-vsc-bulletin cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 19 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin, November 1968''.]]

According to the Risk Assessment, 'John Graham' grew a beard and simply turned up to the VSC branch meetings.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 4.4 [...] HN329 attended meetings, demonstrations, handing out leaflets and occasionally traveled some distance for conferences, etc.
:: 4.5 Tasking There were regular meetings at a flat where he could feed back information about the likely size of demonstrations, whether those demonstrations were likely to be violent etc.

The Risk Assessment stated the group size at the time was 15-30 and used to meet at the Durham Arms in Kennington. However, 'John Graham' would often go to meetings elsewhere in London, including Camden, and recalled going to a conference in Sheffield (4.8).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> (See below for analysis and queries over some of this material.)

The Risk Assessment noted that he did not take an active role in the group other than attending demonstrations and meetings, and did not become close to any individuals (8.2).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> According to HN329, his group was generally non-violent, the worst they ever suggested being to jump on the back of a policeman (11). Indeed, the only time he was subject to violence was when he was hit by a security guard at the Australian High Commission (12.1).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

N329 gives a slightly different account in his personal statement:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: 4. I reported on the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, and I think it was the Camden branch. The reason for being in the group was for me to find out what the strategy was for a big VSC march. I attended meetings and took part in demonstrations. I wasn't involved in any confrontations. The only two things I can remember are a big VSC march which we all went on and protesting at the Australian High Commission but I don't remember what it was for.
:: 5. I regarded the people I was with as intellectuals, they were well-educated people, one of whom was a doctor or something similar. They were just people that believed the Americans shouldn't have been in Vietnam but had no idea of how to get them out. I would include myself in that.
:: 6. For my cover name [John Graham]. I can't remember on how many occasions I gave out my full name but I don't think it was many. Maybe at the beginning when I was introducing myself. The VSC didn't keep any written records of members or anything like that. It was a very loose-knit organisation. It's been so long that if you spoke to anybody, I believe they wouldn't even remember my cover name. I doubt if anyone would even remember me.

It also noted that while undercover he handed out leaflets on the day of the 'big VSC march, which is presumed to be the march of October 1986.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

HN329 ceased his spying the VSC at an unknown point in 1969. According to the Risk Assessment:<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 4.16 Withdrawal / exit strategy He was asked by a Chief Inspector to attend a particular meeting, but he felt that to do so would operationally compromise himself, so he declined. The senior officer immediately assigned him to other duties within Special Branch. He did not use any excuse for his exit. He simply stopped attending meetings.

==Kilburn VSC==

The Risk Assessment, presumably relying on contemporary notes, states that John Graham infiltrated the Kilburn and Willesden branch of the VSC - the NW6 & NW10 postcodes in north London. Several specific references to the Kilburn group can be found in contemporary material archived at Marxists.org. The VSC Bulletin noted its recent formation in its February 1968 issue,<ref name="VSC.bulletin.11">[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n11-feb-1968-vsc-bulletin.pdf Local V.S.C. Activities], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 11, February 1968 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref> while in July 1968, a member of the Kilburn VSC co-authored a pamphlet entitled ''Background to the Vietnam War''.<ref>''Background to the Vietnam War'', July 1968, Papers of Marie and Geoff Richman, ''Bishopsgate Institute'', (''vide infra'').</ref> Kilburn VSC also appears in a Special Branch report of late August 1968, listed as one of the active VSC branches in London (others including Earls Court, Hampstead, Notting Hill Gate, Fulham, Lambeth, Walthamstow, Hornsey and Highgate & Holloway).<ref name="dixon.sb.30Aug68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487406-30th-august-1968-sb-report-on-vietnam-solidarity.html Report on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 30 August 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>

[[Image:Issue18-1968-vsc-bulletin cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 18 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin, October 1968''.]]

Conrad Dixon's Special Branch report of 10th September makes note of several London 'ad hoc committees' forming to co-ordinate local activity, including ones for North London and North West London (via the North-West London Action Group),<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487404-10th-sep-1968-sb-report-on-vietnam-solidarity.html Vietnam Solidarity Campaign "Autumn Offensive"], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 September 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> while a VSC Bulletin from October 1968 in London listed contacts of ad hoc committees for NW6 / Northwest London and NW8 / Kentish Town.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n18-1968-vsc-bulletin.pdf List of Local Ad Hoc Committees In/Around London], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 18, (October) 1968 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref>

Dixon's intelligence reports in the run up to the 27 October protest of 1968 contain details on the activities and plans of the North West Ad Hoc Committee which the Kilburn branch would have no doubt played a part in. For example, the 23 September report says that the North West London ad hoc committee planned to follow the decisions of the VSC national committee,<ref name="dixon.sb.23Sept68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487403-23rd-sep-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 September 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> while his report of 16 October notes:<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494420-16th-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html V.S.C. "Autumn Offensive", weekly summary], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 16 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.uk).</ref>
::The North west London ad-hoc Committee of the VSC intend to assemble at Henrietta Street in Covent Garden at 1.30pm on the 27th. They are expected to be about 150 strong.

It is likely that some of this material will have come from John Graham.

The Kilburn group appears to have declined after October 1968. Only one further mention of the group has been identified to date in contemporary publications, a ''Red Camden'' publication noting that Willesden / Kilburn VSC would be meeting on 16 January 1969 at The Common Room, Tollgate Gardens, Kilburn High Road, NW6.<ref name="redblood">''Red Blood vs Blue Blood'', a leaflet published by Red Camden, probably in January 1969, as it related to a meeting of Brent Council that month in relation to blood donation programme in support of the people of Vietnam.</ref>

==Camden Vietnam Solidarity Campaign==

===Background to Camden VSC===

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign encouraged the setting up of local branches, which would send delegates to VSC conferences. These conferences established the national executive and working committees that oversaw the actual work of the campaign. Among those who played a significant role in these committees and in establishing groups in north London were a group of mostly unaligned activists based in and around Camden. Their general background was Communist with strong leanings to Maoism rather than Trotskyism, albeit there were cross-overs with the International Socialists as well.

By mid-1968, this group of campaigners were very active, organising locally and submitting important proposals to the national VSC meetings.<ref>See 'Kilburn and Camden VSC Branches' in Donal O'Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-4/#Kilburn_and_Camden_VSC_branches 1968: Protest and Special Branch], SpecialBranchFiles.uk, 14 April 2018.</ref> Its members were listed as contacts for the various ad hoc committees in north west London. They also had connections with key figures in the London School of Economics branch of the Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation.<ref name="hughes2">Celia Hughes, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wroSDQAAQBAJ Young Lives on the Left: Sixties Activism and the Liberation of the Self], Oxford University Press, 2015.</ref><ref>[http://www.bishopsgate.org.uk/Library/Library-and-Archive-Collections/Labour-and-Socialist-History/Richman-Geoff-and-Marie Richman, Geoff and Marie Richman archive collection], ''Bishopsgate Institute'', undated (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n20-jan-1969-vsc-bulletin.pdf Extract from the Working Committee Minutes], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 20, January 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref><ref name="hughes.phd">Celia Hughes, [http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49428/7/WRAP_THESIS_Hughes_2011.pdf The Socio-Cultural Milieux of the Left in Post-War Britain (PhD Thesis)], Warwick University, 2011 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref> Another set of contacts was with Australians and New Zealanders Against the Vietnam War, which spearheaded protests against the Australian government's involvement in the war.

===Emergence of Camden VSC: local activities===

The first mention identified to date of a specific Camden VSC branch comes in December 1968, when a letter was circulated stating the Hampstead group renamed itself as Camden VSC.<ref name="cvsc.founding.letter">Letter announcing formation of Camden Vietnam Solidarity Campaign branch, circa December 1968, Papers of Marie and Geoff Richman, ''Bishopsgate Institute'', (''vide infra'').</ref> 'John Graham' in his personal statement recalled that he thought it was the Camden branch meetings he attended.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

The January 1969 issue of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Bulletin'' reported that London VSC committees had taken over a pro-Vietnam War meeting at Kensington Town Hall on 3 December 1968. Singled out for special mention is Geoff Richman, a central figure in the Camden group<ref>Geoffrey Crossick, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n20-jan-1969-vsc-bulletin.pdf London V.S.C. captures Saigon propaganda meeting], ''Vietnam Solidarity Bulletin'', No. 20, January 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>and who is likely to be the doctor referred to by ‘John Graham’ as one of those he got close to.<ref name="hughes.phd"/><ref name="HN329.RA"/>

Much more of the group is known for the year 1969. In January 1969 Camden VSC begins to publish its own newsletter, ''Red Camden'' which gives considerable insight into its activities.<ref>The following material is based on a reading of multiple copies of ''Red Camden'' to be found among the Geoff and Maria Richman archives, housed in the Bishopsgate Institute.</ref> The official address for this publication was Flat 3, 12 Rosslyn Hill, NW3, though later it moved to 8 Bramshill Gardens, NW5.

The Camden VSC centred on a couple, Marie and Geoff Richman, the latter a socialist doctor. Both played prominent roles in the VSC nationally, being executive committee members, and Marie being its Treasurer. They had been previously involved with a Maoist grouping within the Communist Party but were expelled in 1966. In 1967, they developed the 'Friday Group', a small group of political activists who developed their own thinking among the new left milieu in a different route than had been taken by the more traditional Trotskyists. Before it evolved into becoming Camden VSC, the group had been a key driving force behind 1968's North West London Ad Hoc Committee. Into this circle were pulled others who active in Vietnam War campaigning, including those involved in groups such as Stop-It and Medical Aid for Vietnam. Through their work protesting the Vietnam war they were also inspired by some of the on the ground activities of the NLF.<ref name="hughes.phd"/>

Among its early activities is participation in a demonstration of 8 January 1969 at Brent Town Hall, where the local council were having a meeting. This was protest of Brent Council having banned a session where the public could donate blood to aid the people of Vietnam due to be held on 8 December in Kilburn Square.<ref name="redblood"/><ref>Brent Town Hall Demo, ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.2, 17 February 1969.</ref>

[[File:Dublin_Castle,_Camden_Town,_NW1_(via_WikiCommons).jpg|200px|thumb|Dublin Castle Pub, Camden]]

The group initially met at Dublin Castle pub, The Parkway, NW1,<ref name="cvsc.founding.letter"/> including on Wednesday 15 January 1969 <ref name="redblood"/> though by mid-February it had switched to meeting at The Laurel Tree, Bayhem Street, NW1 - were it continued to meet every Wednesday for the rest of the year.

The group was a very active one. On Fridays, they would leaflet the queue to The Everyman Cinema in Hampstead, NW3 and on Saturdays, it held a stall at Queen Crescent Market raising funds for the group and the national VSC by selling pamphlets and posters - including of Ho Chi Minh. While on Sunday's it had a social session playing volleyball and other sports on Parliament Hill Field. Both events were apparently to be found by looking out for the NLF flags they used. Later in the year, it added a regular Sunday night newcomers meeting, held at 11 The Grange, Maitland Park Road, NW3.

===''Red Camden''===

It also produced the regular ''Red Camden'' newsletter, whose second issue carried the title 'By Any Means Necessary', a probable reference to the use of the phrase as popularised by Malcolm X,<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/By_any_means_necessary By Any Means Necessary], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 6 May 2018)</ref> but ironically later adopted as an informal motto by the Special Demonstration Squad.<ref>Carole Cadwalladr, [https://www.theguardian.com/books/2013/jun/29/undercover-secret-police-lewis-evans-review Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police Paul Lewis and Rob Evans – review], ''The Guardian'', 9 June 2013 (accessed 7 May 2018).</ref>

Early issues of ''Red Camden'' advertised the Agit-Prop workshops and play, and also a regular VSC Poster making workshop which took place at 61 Camden Road, NW1. It would appear that the latter is what is better known as the Camden Poster Workshop, which during the October 1968 protest had moved the studio briefly into the London School of Economics<ref>[http://www.tate.org.uk/visit/tate-britain/display/spotlights/london-1968 London: 1968], Tate Britain - web page for exhibition of 7 May - 31 October 2018 (accessed 6 May 2017).</ref>). Founded in early 1968, it had become a source of radical posters for the era.<ref>[http://www.posterworkshop.co.uk/aboutus.html The Poster Workshop: About Us], PosterWorkshop.co.uk, undated (accessed 6 May 2018).</ref>

Agit-Prop was 'a radical information service which also did street theatre as the Agit-Prop Street Players'.<ref>[http://darh.myblog.arts.ac.uk/2018/04/23/agitate-propagate-68/ Agitate Propagate - 68], Design Activism Research Hub (webpage for exhibition of 1-31st May, London College of Communications, 2018 (accessed 5 May 2018).</ref>

The Agit-Prop work was later replaced in diary listings by activities of the Angry Art Society, a film collective which was very closely associated with Camden VSC.<ref name="hughes2"/> Later, and through this art related world, the group would connect into the important Women's Liberation group based in Tufnell Park.

===Political campaigning===

As well as the local work, the group continued to be politically active:

*1 March 1969, a Saturday: 23 people from Camden VSC attend an anti-Vietnam War protest in Sheffield, which was followed on the Sunday by a conference.
* 20 March 1969, Camden VSC and the International Socialists host a joint meeting at the Enterprise pub, 2 Haverstock Hill, Chalk Farm, NW3 - another address which appears time to time in issues of ''Red Camden. There they heard author Roy Battersby talk about ecological destruction and capitalism.<ref>Notice in ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.3, 5 March 1969. This is believed to be Roy Battersby, the TV director and Trotskyist activist, later active with the Workers Revolutionary Party.</ref>

* 26/27 April: members of the group attend the anti-racism demonstration of 26/27 April in Wolverhampton.

A particularly noteworthy event was the annual C.N.D. Easter Monday march, which arrived in London on 7 April 1969, having come from Cardiff. It was joined on the outskirts of London by Nguyễn Thị Bình "Madame Binh", a leading figure in the NLF and negotiator in the Paris Peace talks.<ref>Roy Baker, [https://flashbak.com/100-years-of-protesting-at-trafalgar-square-part-2-19449/ 100 years of Protesting at Trafalgar Square (Part 2)], Flashbak.com, 1 September 2014 (accessed 6 May 2018).</ref> Madame Binh's presence in the UK was notable, having previously been prevented by the Government and raised as a campaigning issue by the VSC who said she should be allowed to come. As part of the publicity around the march, Camden VSC renamed the section of the route from Haverstock Hill to Rosslyn Hill as the 'Ho Chi Minh Trail'. ''Red Camden'' in its account, noted that Madame Binh stood on the steps of Haverstock Hill town hall (Hampstead Old Town Hall, NW3), to watch the march pass.<ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 21 April 1969.</ref><ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 1 May 1969. Note from URG: chronology listed on the front of the publication appears to be in error.</ref>

Camden VSC joined the demonstrators assembling in Hyde Park with a model tank they had constructed and marched with it to Trafalgar Square, where they set up a stall.<ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 21 April 1969.</ref>

{{#ev:youtube|https://youtu.be/b8naHviSkF4|500|left|Pathe News: Madame Binh Of The Vietnamese NLF Addresses CND rally in Trafalgar Square 7 Apr 1969.<ref>[https://www.britishpathe.com/video/VLVA2I5XBZXNEGRKJ9YKOJKCKLN45-UK-MADAME-BINH-OF-THE-VIETNAMESE-NLF-ADDRESSES-CND-RALLY-IN/query/CND UK: Madame Binh Of The Vietnamese NLF Addresses CND rally in Trafalgar Square], ''British Pathe'', 7 Apr 1969 (accessed 7 May 1969).</ref>}}

During the visit, members of Camden VSC had a meeting with Madame Binh, during which she referred to them as the 'Viet Cong in London'.<ref>Geoff Crossick, 'Camden VSC in Black Pyjamas', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 6, 1 May 1969.</ref> Unlike the Trotskyists who had political differences over the NLF, Camden VSC along with Maoists had embraced the NLF and adopted the slogan 'Victory to the NLF'.<ref>[https://woodsmokeblog.wordpress.com/2017/08/18/1968-grosvenor-square-thats-where-the-protest-should-be-made/ 1968, Grosvenor Square – that’s where the protest should be made], ''WoodsmokeBlog'', 18 August 2017 (accessed 10 February 2018).</ref> Indeed, Camden VSC produced its own NLF supporting literature - posters, pamphlets, etc. - which it sold on it's Saturday stall.

Tensions between Camden VSC and the national campaign emerged throughout the first half of 1969. The Camden group is referred to as the 'Richman faction', and led calls at the national conference of February 1969 that the VSC should re-orient around individual membership rooted in local branches.<ref name="hughes.phd"/>

Associated with Camden VSC is Ellen Adams Hammerschlag (of Angry Arts) who made the film 'End of a Tactic', a documentary on the 27 October 1968 march questioning the role of A to B marches such as that protest. Camden VSC showed the film on 18 April 1968 at the Camden Studio, Camden Street (presumably the same as the Camden Poster Workshop studio) followed by a discussion.<ref name="RC.1.6.1May1969">''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 6, 1 May 1969.</ref>

Political differences came to a head in April, when Marie Richman was sacked as treasurer of the VSC.<ref name="RC.1.6.1May1969"/> The group continued to make its own way politically, when in May, two members of the group, Steve and Alicia Merrett, meet in Paris with Mr. Sau, a delegate of the NLF to the Peace Talks there. He recommended they remain in contact with Mr. Sao and Mrs. Linh Qui - NLF representatives based in Hampstead.<ref>Steve Merrett, 'Paris Weekend', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 7, 12 May 1969.</ref>

On 14 June, members of the group were among a party of people who had an audience with Mr. Dinh Ba Thi, the deputy leader at the Paris Peace Talks on behalf of the communist South Vietnam Provisional Government. He was passing through London on the way to talk at a protest in Manchester. Others groups represented are CND, Morning Star and the Communist Party. That evening, Camden VSC held a party at The Three Horse Shoes at 26 Heath Street, NW3.<ref>'Welcome to the P.R.G.', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 9, 23 June 1969. The pub is now the Horseshoe, 28 Heath Street, NW3 6TE.</ref> The same month, the group started to conducts local 'liberation tours', aimed at exposing local businesses and company directors involved in serving the pro-American government in South Vietnam.<ref>'Liberation Tour', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 10, 14 July 1969.</ref> Mr. Sao and Mrs. Qui were noted again as representatives of North Vietnam, when following the death of Ho Chi Minh in September 1969, members Camden VSC visit them in at Eton Avenue, Hampstead to sign a book of condolences.<ref>'Mourning in Eton Avenue', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.12, 19 September 1969.</ref>

However, in late July, sixteen people from the group had a weekend holiday in Donhead St. Andrews, Dorset to discuss the future of Camden VSC. It recognised the declining interest in the weekly stall and leafleting sessions.<ref>'Weekend Commune', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 11, 19 August 1969.</ref>

The weekend away seems to have crystallised the changing nature of their political activism, the group becomes more involved in local issues, such as housing, local community events and women's liberation, as shown in articles published in ''Red Camden'' throughout the rest of the year. So, though they maintain a focus on activities around the Vietnam War, by the end of the year they are ready to transform into the Camden Movement for People Power, finally ceasing to be Camden VSC.

==John Graham in Camden VSC==

===Australia House protest===

In the risk assessment for Graham, mention is made of an incident in which he was assaulted by a security guard at the Australian High Commission.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/> It is likely this refers to an incident reported by Conrad Dixon on 3 October 1968:<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
:: The Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation continues to emphasise the importance of Australia House as a symbol of Commonwealth complicity in the Vietnam War and is calling for militant action there. Members of the group Australians and New Zealanders Against the Vietnam War attempted to disrupt a social event at Australia House on 27.9.68: Police had advance warning of their intentions, and about a dozen people who tried to create a disturbance were escorted from the premises. All the indications are that a further attempt will be made at this building.

It is worth nothing that there were personal connections between the Camden and ANZAVW groups as well. However, other protests at Australia House took place, so the incident recalled by Graham may be a later one such as the 11 January 1969 protest against a visit by Australian Premier, John Gorton.<ref>On 11 January 1969, 200 people demonstrated at Australia House and at the Savoy Hotel - where Premier John Gorton was staying.See: [https://www.nytimes.com/1969/01/12/archives/australians-new-zealanders-in-london-protest-war.html Australians, New Zealanders in London Protest War], ''New York Times'', 12 January 1969 (accessed 8 May 2018). A leaflet entitled 'Get Gorton', calling for these protests is one of the few actual leaflets found among the archives of the Richmans.</ref>

===Article for ''Red Camden''===

The 8 June 1969 issue ''Red Camden'' had two very important sections. One is titled "John's Titbits", and is a short bit of miscellaneous information which if not written by John Graham, appears to be derived from his comments. It includes mention a protest phone-line in New York, where one could ring to get information of demonstrations happening in the city that day. More significantly, it also notes he was part of a loud political discussion in the Mail Coach pub in Sheffield with others from the group. This matches with his recollection of having gone to Sheffield for a conference - the newsletter having previously reported that Camden VSC had sent 23 people to to a large anti-Vietnam war protest in the city in March that year.

[[File:John Grahame in Red Camden (Bishopsgate Inst).jpg|thumb|300px|Article by undercover officer 'John Graham' (HN 329) in the 8 June 1969 issue of ''Red Camden'' newsletter, regarding a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Accessed via the [http://www.bishopsgate.org.uk/content.aspx?CategoryID=1850 Marie and Geoff Richman archives] (grateful acknowledgment to the Bishopsgate Institute).]]

A couple of pages along from this, is an account of a meeting held at the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign offices at 120 Commercial Road on 15 May 1969. Its author is given as 'John Grahame', and it is clear he is one of the two people who attended a VSC Working Committee on behalf of the Camden group. He writes about anticipated hostility from the core VSC group staffed by members of the International Marxist Group (IMG).

The others named in the piece as being present besides the pair from Camden can be identified as IMG activists. Despite the wrong spelling of the name, it is highly likely the person behind both articles was the undercover officer using the name John Graham, which places him at the heart of the group's involvement in the Vietnam campaign.

There is one final possible mention. When the Merrett's meet Mr. Sau at the Paris Peace Talks in May 1969 (see above), their report talks of how Mr. Sau asked what persecution the group had as a result of their work on Vietnam. He was told two members of the group had been fined, while another, John, was imprisoned. While this could be John Graham, another possibility is John Hoyland, the Black Dwarf journalist and one of the founders of the Agit-Prop collective.

==Undercover Policing Public Inquiry==

'John Graham' is referenced by the nominal/cypher HN329 for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the UCPI. On 3rd August 2017, his cover name was one of three released by the Inquiry, along with details of dates and targets of his deployment.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: ‘Minded to’ note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref> As such he is also one of the first SDS / NPOIU undercover officers to be formally confirmed by the Inquiry who had not been previously exposed by activists. The Metropolitan Police have applied to have his real name restricted by the Inquiry,<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf Application for a restriction Order (Anonymity) re: HN329], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 30 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> which the Chair, John Mitting, has indicated he is minded to grant.<ref>John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], UCPI, 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 Oct 2017)</ref> In support of this application a personal / impact statement<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017">'John Graham' (alias), [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf Impact / Personal Statement by HN329 (open version)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 29 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> and a risk assessment<ref name="HN329.RA"/> have been issued, both in redacted form.

In giving his reason for not wanting to have his real name released, he said:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: I don't want to be associated with the idiot<ref>This is presumably a reference to Mark Kennedy, whose exposure kicked off the spycops scandal in 2011.</ref> that caused all this because it's a question of being tarred with the same brush. And of course, there is also the issue of people subsequently coming forward and claiming things because they have just picked on a name or something. I'm not worried about that because I never did anything except not tell the people in the organisation I was a police officer.

Graham is not a core participant at the Inquiry (4.20).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

===Anonymity application===

No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> though the Metropolitan Police Service did apply for an order to [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf restrict his real name], and provided [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf open personal / impact statement] from him alongside a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf open risk assessment (David Reid)].<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

Their application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref>
:: He does not wish his real name to be published, to avoid interference in his private life and damage to his reputation, by association with other undercover officers against who allegations of misconduct have been made... I acknowledge that the interference in the right to respect for private life described above is not great. I am satisfied that is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled. Accordingly, despite the fact it would not be great, it would not be proportionate or fair to disclose his real name; and the public interest does not require it.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN329.pdf Restriction Order] was published on 8 December 2017.

==Police line of command==

'''[[John Waldron]], Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''. Deputy Commissioner, her succeeded on the sudden death of his predecessor Joseph Simpson on 20 March 1968.<ref>See Wikipedia articles: [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Simpson Joseph Simpson] & [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Waldron_(police_officer) John Waldon (police officer)] for further details & sources. Accessed 10 August 2017.</ref>
:* '''[[Peter_Brodie|Peter Ewan Brodie]], Assistant Commissioner "C" ''' (Crime), head of CID between April 1966 and 1972.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Brodie_(police_officer) Peter Brodie (police officer)], ''Wikipedia'', 2017 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
::* '''[[Ferguson Smith|Ferguson 'Fergie' Smith]], Commander of Special Branch''' 1966 to 1972, with rank of Deputy Assistant Commissioner.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/10324224/Ferguson-Smith.html Obituary: Ferguson Smith], ''The Telegraph'', 2013 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
:::* '''Ch. Supt. A[rthur]<ref>Tentative identification of first name only based on material from the Wilson & Adams history of Special Branch (see page 240).</ref> Cunningham'''. Name appears as signing a number of Special Branch reports submitted by Conrad Dixon in 1968,<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview">[http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-all-files/ Anti Vietnam war – files overview], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', undated (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref> though he is seemingly replaced by 3rd October by an Acting Chief Superintendent.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
::::* '''Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]], founding head of the Special Demonstration Squad''', 1968 onward.

Special Branch reports from 1968 authored by Conrad Dixon and under the authority of Ch. Supt. A. Cunningham were regularly submitted to one J. M. Clift of F.4 Division in the Home Office.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> In later years, F.4 is listed as having responsibility for overseeing counter-terrorism and related matters.

==Notes==

<references />

Rod Richardson

2025-10-02T06:39:47Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Rod ?|Alias=Rod Richardson|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Rod Richardson face.jpg |Unit=National Public Order Intelligence Unit|DatesDeployed=1999-2003|Targets=Environmental, anti-capitalist and anti-fascist protestors, Movement Against Monarchy, WOMBLES, Earth First! network}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycopsresearch.info]* 

+++This profile was last updated in 2016+++



'''Rod Richardson''' was an environmental, anarchist and animal rights protestor who was active between 1999 and 2003 in Essex, London and Nottingham. In February 2013 he was unmasked on ''Indymedia UK'' and in ''The Guardian'' as an undercover officer. On 15th December 2016, the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] released a statement confirming he had been a Metropolitan Police officer and that he had worked for the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]].<ref name="ucpi.161215.1">Undercover Policing Public Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/161215-press-notice-N596.pdf No anonymity sought for undercover identity ‘Rod Richardson’], UCPI.org.uk (press release), 15 December 2016 (accessed 7 January 2017).</ref>

It is notable that he disappeared just before [[Mark Kennedy]] appeared in the same activist circles, and that both based themselves mainly in Nottingham and London. This has led to speculation that Rod was active in preparing the way for Kennedy.<ref name="s.e.12-12-16">Undercover Research Group: email from Simon Chapman, London activist with Movement Against Monarchy and the W.O.M.B.L.E.S., 12 December 2016.</ref><ref>Undercover Research Group: this point was raised by a number of interviewees who knew Rod in Nottingham.</ref>

He is the most recent known user of a [[Use of Identities of Children | dead child's identity]] as part of his cover story.

* ''Note from Undercover Research Group: while we have chronicled many of Rod's activities, there are still gaps in our knowledge. If you can shed light on him, please [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net contact us] even if it is simply to confirm what others have told us.''

''See also''
* [[Rod Richardson: London targets]] (MAM, WOMBLES, anti-war & international)
* [[Rod Richardson: environmental targets]] (Rettendon, Nottingham & Earth First!)
* [[Rod Richardson: policing]] (undercover policing and chains of command)
* [[Rod Richardson: Undercover Policing Inquiry]]

==Overview of activities==

Rod was initially deployed to the Rettendon Protest Camp, Essex in 1999. There he rented a local house and made himself useful to the protestors. Throughout his deployment, he would maintain his contacts within eco-defence circles, mainly through Earth First networks. This included going to a number of Earth First! Summer Gatherings and a camp against peat extraction in South Yorkshire. At this event he was arrested for his role in an attempted blockade using arm-tubes.

Much of his time was divided between London and Nottingham. He arrived in London in 2000 and got involved with the Class War offshoot, Movement Against Monarchy, taking part in their demonstrations. He appeared to associate somewhat with Reclaim the Streets, and following a split, he joined the high-profile W.O.M.B.L.E.S. group. For the remainder of his time in London, he would be closely associated with them, taking part in many of their large actions such as MayDay 2001, DSEi 2001 and MayDay 2002. During DSEi 2001 he sabotaged an action by the group, when he was supposedly arrested while transporting equipment. Throughout his time with them, the group was subject to intense police pressure and media scrutiny.

He also traveled with the WOMBLES to international counter-summit protests. This included two G8 Summits - Genoa in 2001, where he fought with Italian police, and Evian in 2003.

In late 2000 he moved to Nottingham, a city with a strong environmental and animal rights protest scene. Though he was generally only present there at weekends, he immersed himself in activities there, getting involved with local hunt saboteurs and anti-fascist groups. He also travelled with activists from the city to protests and actions elsewhere in the country.

n 2002 he began to step back from activities, talking about going abroad, as his long term girlfriend, Jo, had moved to Australia to study there. He left Nottingham in early 2003, though he remained in London into the Summer. Though suspicions emerged soon after his departure, it was not until after the exposure of Mark Kennedy that the full picture was put together and his fake cover was exposed.

==Description & personality==

[[Image:Rod Richardson in theatre clothes.jpg|thumb|Rod Richardson wearing theatre clothes friends had found in Nottingham.]]

Rod was a white male, about 5'7" tall; he was of athletic build, clean-shaven and had short blondish hair. He was nicknamed 'Rodders'.<ref name="guardian.2"/> He gave his date of birth as 5 January 1973 and his email address as rodchillout@yahoo.co.uk.<ref name="imc.1"/> A number of people stated his accent was southern, probably home counties.<ref>Undercover Research Group: conversations with a number of people who knew Rod Richardson, 31 July 2016.</ref><ref name="s.e.12-12-16"/> Though he told one London activist that he had moved south from Nottinghamshire, and they recalled him speaking with a slight northern accent.<ref name="ps.24-7-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Paul Stott, 24 July 2016.</ref>

He was reasonably handy and practical with stuff,<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> and generally made himself useful.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/>

Much of how he presented was summed up by 'Harriet' who met him when he turned up for the set-up of the 2001 Earth First! Summer Gathering and who recalled him clearly. She described him as a fun guy to be with, though he had a weird sense of humour, which seemed to include painting pictures of sperm on everything. However he seemed uncomfortable about talking about his life and he appeared to have no background or political leaning. Physical fitness was a major preoccupation.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/> Merrick called Rod as energetic and 'fizzy', who was funny but could also be 'leftfield', and that another activist had noted to him that Rod was 'always too bonkers to be a cop'.<ref name="m.i.24-11-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Merrick, 24 November 2016.</ref>

Several people noted that he talked very little about his life or background prior to being politically active.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/> and when he did hang out with people he mainly talked about social stuff.<ref name="Yvette"/>

He was very anxious about appearing in images and hid his face in most photographs,<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="m.i.24-11-16"/> He would be among the first in meetings to say photographs were not allowed,<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/> and went so far as to scratch his face from a photo taken during the Genoa G8 Summit.<ref>Undercover Research Group: conversation with WOMBLES activist who has the photo; the photo originally came from a roll of film from Rod's own camera.</ref> He justified his attitude about this by saying he had lost a job because of being filmed, saying that when he was working in a gym, he had called off sick to go on a protest, only to appear on News At Ten being pulled out of a tree. Upon seeing the footage, his boss had fired him.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Charlie, London based activist, 2 November 2016.</ref><ref name="Charlie.4-2-17"/>

===Changing personality===
[[Image:Rod Richardson timeline.1.png|300px|right]]

Rod's personality underwent a change during the time he was deployed. All interviewed described him as a sociable, nice guy and easy to like.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/><ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> One person noted 'he was very personable and good at just hanging out with people, just like Mark Kennedy',<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015">Undercover Research Group: interview with Harriet (alias), an Earth First! activist who worked alongside Rod Richardson, 6 December 2015.</ref> and enjoyed a bit of banter.<ref name="Yvette"/>

He later developed a reputation for wildness and 'off the wall behaviour' that he did not have early on in his deployment. While at the Rettendon anti-road protest camp, he came across as someone who was level-headed and on the case, never out of it. He was good at cooking (others recalled he was notable for his Mexican food<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/>) and had a car that functioned, all of which cast him in a good light.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015">Undercover Research Group: Interview with Jo Wilding, active in the Rettendon protest camp with Rod Richardson, 27 November 2015.</ref>

A Movement Against Monarchy activist recalled him as a young man, enthusiastic for political action, who flitted around and was in touch haphazardly.<ref name="tb.p.27-7-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Trevor Bark, activist with Movement Against Monarchy, 27 July 2016.</ref>

For people associated with the WOMBLES, he was seen as a reliable guy who turned up for most actions. London activists recalled him as friendly and approachable, who generally went along with things. When he made suggestions, it tended to be on a practical level only. He was also seen as ready to get involved if there was a physical ruck.<ref name="r.p.16June2016"/><ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/> Others also confirmed that Rod had been involved in physical violence.<ref name="Charlie.4-2-17" />

One WOMBLE in particular described Rod as someone who did not suffer fools lightly and disliked various people in the scene. He could be both very cynical and helpful; but also said that his heart was not in his politics and there was no sense of commitment.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/> It appears he socialised somewhat less in London than Nottingham, being mainly there for actions, and meetings (when he went to them).<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/>

In Nottingham, he showed an extroverted, 'off the wall, larger than life personality'.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> He could be outrageously funny when drunk and had 'the gift of the gab'. As a result, everyone found him easy to like and he was readily accepted in the local social scene, quickly getting to know many of the activists in it.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/><ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> He could also be 'adrenalin junkie, into risk taking, having accidents and generally a good laugh'.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/>

For some, he came across as more of a 'party dude', albeit less into drink and drugs than some around him.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/>

One person recalled him having a January birthday party in a local pub in Nottingham where he got drunk and took part in the karaoke there, moshing away to the Prodigy.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> ''The Guardian'' wrote of the same event:<ref name="guardian.2"/>
:: Rod Richardson celebrated his 29th birthday in style on 5 January 2002. After drinking tequila and absinthe, he let his house-mates push him through the snow on a tray to Nottingham's Elm Tree pub. It was karaoke night. "I remember Rod was one of the first up and did Firestarter by the Prodigy," a friend recalls. "He was literally screaming it, picking up a chair over his head and waving it and then running around the seating shouting: 'I'm a firestarter'."

This matches in the reflections of another Nottingham activist who knew him well. She described him as 'neither self-conscious nor shy'. She remembered him as being happy to dress up in theatre clothes that activists there had found in bins, and of him dancing to 'Singing in the Rain', complete with umbrella.<ref name="Yvette"/> At one point Rod made several CDs of a mix of music, labelled 'Rods Mad Mix', which included songs from Transvision Vamp and The Flumps. One of the CDs had the song 'Cop Killer' by Ice T, which seemed out of place compared to the rest of the music and a bit too much.<ref name="Yvette">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Yvette', Nottingham activist close to Rod, 16 August 2016.</ref>

Jo Wilding, who knew him from the Rettendon camp, commented that he appeared to have had the trajectory of someone originally sympathetic and quite straight, who gradually became more involved and committed, so his change of character followed that trajectory.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/>

Comparing Rod to his successor in Nottingham, [[Mark Kennedy]], Yvette noted that Rod manipulated people as much as Mark did, building bonds of emotional closeness, but in hindsight, seemed more professional in that he did not get into the sort of sexual relationships that Mark did.<ref name="Yvette"/>

===Drink & Drugs===
[[Image:Rod Richardson with glass.jpg|thumb|Image of Rod Richardson, undated.]]

He was a capable drinker able to consume a lot when he wished.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/><ref name="s.e.12-12-16"/> Some remember him as someone who was 'pissed half the time', getting quite drunk at parties in Nottingham and Norfolk, though he stayed uncharacteristically sober for some of them (his excuse at one point was he doing a swim in London the following day - see below).<ref name="wg.m.May2016">Undercover Research Group: Norfolk meeting with a group of activists who knew Rod Richardson, May 2016.</ref>

Rod was inconsistent regarding drugs. To some, mainly in Nottingham, Rod said he did not do drugs, as he did not want to lose control,<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> while others put his avoidance of drugs down to his interest in physical fitness<ref name="Yvette"/> and being generally health-conscious.<ref name="s.e.12-12-16"/><ref name="Charlie.4-2-17"/> This and his 'bonkers, likeable personality' meant it was accepted at the time.<ref name="Yvette"/> This is contradicted in the memories of others, who recall that he had taken drugs during his time among them.<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/><ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/> One London activist clearly remembered witnessing Rod smoking cannabis.<ref name="anon.i.13-9-16"/>

At one point, right at the end of his stay in Nottingham, he had a drink spiked with ecstasy while at a party in the city. This caused friends concern as, despite this, he still wanted to drive to London the next day; it also gave rise to one of the few occasions where he did not shy away from having his photograph being taken.<ref name="Yvette"/>

===Politics===

Rod told people in London, that he used to be right-wing, but experiences of a protest camp had led to him becoming left-wing. London based activist Alex noted that Rod, like other undercover officers, Jason Bishop and Mark Kennedy, appeared to have picked up on class divisions and, in the groups he was involved with, seemed to be more comfortable with people from a working class background than middle class individuals.[<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/>

n Nottingham and to Earth First! activists, he presented his politics as based very much in class, and was particularly animated by the Movement Against The Monarchy, going around putting up their stickers. He also said his motivation for going hunt-sabbing was based on class politics.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> Environmental activists recalled that he had little in the way of politics other than talking a bit about Class War, but then only superficially. Nor did he show much care about or grasp of ecological issues.<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/>

One activist who knew him well in Nottingham said that he came across as interested in politics, but only in a superficial way and was full of contradictions (for example, his principles seemed at odds with him owning and driving a car, or being a personal trainer to the rich) - though it is important to note that he did not stand out for being inconsistent. Rather, they felt that he came across as passionate and committed, willing to put himself on the line and take risks, a bit of an adrenalin junkie, but noted that there were never any drunken rants on what motivated him. If he did speak of politics, it was on the level of 'capitalism is bollocks', or 'get the fuckers', rather than on any intellectual level.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/>

He told one London activist he had been at the 1996 Newbury road protests, but no one recalls him being there.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/>

===Occupation and money===

Throughout his deployment, Rod consistently claimed to be a personal fitness instructor in London<ref name="r.p.16June2016"/><ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/> and boasted to one activist of having trained celebrities and rich people.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/> This work with private clients took him all over the place and he appeared to have a hold-all to go with the job.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/> As he catered to rich people, his work provided him with a significant income and he only had to work two or three days a week.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/>

The job gave him an excuse for being away in London during the week, so his time at Rettendon and in Nottingham was restricted to weekends.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/><ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/>

In Nottingham, as a result of having a job, he came across as having an income above average compared to most activists. He was generous in buying rounds but 'did not chuck it around'.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/> He would buy drinks for London activists, but not in a way that made him stand out; he came across as only a bit wealthier than those around him.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/> Early on he had a standard Nokia phone.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/> Another WOMBLE recalled that he always had the last phone, and when at the Genoa protests he had an internet enabled phone which he was constantly using; at the time these were both unusual and prohibitively expensives.<ref name="Charlie.4-2-17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Charlie', 2 February 2017.</ref>

===Vehicle===

When he drove activists to the Snowdonia Earth First! Gathering in 2000, his car was recalled as an older model hatchback.<ref name="jc.p.26.5.17">Undercover Research Group: phone call with Julie Chadwick, 26 May 2017.</ref>

In Nottingham, he drove a blue Peugeot 405 saloon.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> which some described as being knackered and filthy, though not all remembered it as such. Unlike other undercover officers, his driving did not stand out,<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> though he was recalled as a good, safe driver.<ref name="yvette.e.7-1-17">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Yvette', 7 January 2017.</ref> Alex, a London-based activist recalled him driving an old, beaten up car that was quite nondescript and he seemed confident behind the wheel.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/> Several people recalled him driving a white van.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/><ref name="anon.i.13-9-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with a WOMBLES activist who knew Rod Richardson, 13 September 2016; email of 16 December 2016.</ref>

===Physical fitness===

Physical fitness was a major theme with Rod, and 'seemed to be his thing'.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/><ref name="jc.p.26.5.17"/> He was clearly fit and very into sport, going distance running with some activists. He would claim to go to the gym on Saturday afternoons,<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> and is known to have joined one mainstream gym in Nottingham, which he encouraged others to join.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> A reason he gave for moving to the area was that he loved rock climbing and wanted to be closer to the Peak District.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> He had a photograph of himself partaking in a triathlon.<ref name="Yvette"/> and would regularly mention participating in 'iron man' challenges and pentathlons.<ref name="Charlie.4-2-17"/>

Another boast was of a swim across the Thames.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/> This may have been true as his excuse for staying sober at a Nottingham party was that he was going to London the next day to do the annual swim of the Thames at Blackfriars.<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/> This is likely to be a reference to the 'Great River Swim', an annual event from Chiswick to Blackfriars that was re-started in 2002. He is believed to have supported Chelsea football club<ref name="yvette.e.7-1-17"/> (as did Mark Kennedy and [[Bob Lambert]]).

===Residences===

During 1999 - 2000 Rod lived in a small town near the Rettendon camp in Essex (probably at South Woodham Ferrers).<ref>Records indicate this flat was at 37 Collingwood Road, South Woodham Ferrers, CM3 5YB, where he and an Elizabeth Oats were listed as resident from 2000 to 2002. Undercover Research Group: search conducted February 2017.</ref> This was a small, ground floor one-two bedroom flat. It was described as being very bare; one campaigner who stayed there briefly commented that it was 'without a woman's touch'.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/>

It is of note that people in Nottingham considered him to be someone from London; conversely, London people saw him as someone primarily from Nottingham and he would stay with some of them on several occasions.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16">Undercover Research Group: interview with Alex, London-based activist who knew Rod Richardson, 18 April 2016.</ref><ref name="anon.i.13-9-16"/>

He told London based activists in 2001 that he lived in Hertfordshire.<ref name="laura.1">Laura Oldfield Ford, [https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/mar/01/rod-undercover-police-officer-friend How I met 'Rod', the suspected undercover police officer], ''The Guardian'', 1 March 2013 (accessed 10 January 2017).</ref>

When he turned up in Nottingham circa 2000/2001, he was living in London with 'Jo'<ref name="Yvette"/> (though there is no known address<ref name="imc.1"/>) but stated he wanted a space outside of the capital.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> At first he lived in a terraced house by himself, but when a space came up in a shared house close to the activist scene, he took the chance to move in there.<ref name="imc.1"/> However, he was only in Nottingham at weekends, saying that his job as a personal trainer meant that he had to be in London during the week, and that he stayed at friends or with Jo when in the city.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015">Undercover Research Group: interview with Mark Pointer (alias), a Nottingham activist who worked and lived with Rod Richardson, 9 August 2015.</ref><ref name="Yvette"/> When friends from Nottingham visited London, the presence of Jo was used as an excuse as to why they could not stay at his house as would otherwise be expected.<ref name="Yvette"/>

In Nottingham he had few possessions and his room was uncluttered. He was noted for having painted his room to make it look like an 'acid trip', with psychedelic paintings on one wall, and more psychedelic images of worms / sperm / tadpoles painted on another. One person noted that 'it was not the sort of room you'd live in.'<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> ''The Guardian'' wrote:<ref name="guardian.2"/>
:: "One of the first things he did when he moved in was use gloss paint to cover his wall with images of giant tadpole-like sperm," says another friend. "It was bright red paint on a yellow background. That was Rod. He seemed to be quite eccentric."

His time in the housing co-operative was described as being 'on the surface', and he never got into the politics of what it was trying to achieve.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/>

He is also known to have done similar images (made with spray paint) while with the WOMBLES in London (see under ''Bacon Factory''), and when asked what they were about, he would answer 'Worms of doom' in a high-pitched voice.<ref name="s.e.12-12-16"/>

==Relationships & friendships: 'Jo'==

From the beginning of his deployment, starting at Rettendon, he consistently referred to his partner 'Jo', though nobody in the camp met her, even when they stayed at his house.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/> This was not considered odd at Rettendon as she was apparently not interested in the campaign, so nobody was expecting to see her.<ref name="jw.i.27-11-2015"/> He also referred to her in London though nobody appears to have met her at any point.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/>

On moving to Nottingham, Rod continued to mention Jo, though it was not until he had been in the city a year that she made an appearance. This occurred twice only, both instances being for parties - she did not take part in any of his political campaigning there.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015">Undercover Research Group: interview with B, a leading anti-roads campaigner of the 1990s and close friend of Rod, 11 September 2015.</ref><ref name="imc.1"/> Recollections of her from that time was that she was based in London and that people thought she looked like a police-woman, with a very conventional, sporty look.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/> Another recalled her as being blond and very middle class.<ref name="r.p.16June2016"/>

An activist who knew Rod well recalled that everyone at the time they thought she was a cop and that she appeared very uncomfortable around environmentalists and hippy types. However, at the time nobody thought that police would go to the lengths of putting an undercover officer into their houses to live with them, so the did not pursue their concerns.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> Another activist who encountered them at a Nottingham party said they looked like they were not doing too well as a couple. Jo came across as uncomfortable at the party, sitting in place, not saying much, and generally not fitting in.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/>

'Yvette' recalled her well:<ref name="Yvette"/>
:: She was as straight as anything, not fun to be with and it was not clear what Rod saw in her, particularly as they were not affectionate as a couple; it seemed like a cold relationship. She made no attempt to be friendly and came across as stiff and boring. When she came up for a party she was not into attempts to chat with her. If anything they were very opposite people and there was never anything said about her background. And Rod didn't talk about her that much either. Overall she was quite dull and in hindsight didn't do a very good job of pretending to be his girlfriend.

Rod had no known ongoing sexual relationships with activists, though he did flirt with some people in Nottingham and could be quite forward. However, he would use the existence of his girlfriend, 'Jo' as an excuse to pull back from moments when it seemed something would happen. <ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> He formed several very close friendships with leading female activists in the city, providing emotional support in difficult moments. At one point when a friend was facing jail for a principled non-payment of fines, he offered to go to court to support her, though she talked him out of this in the end.<ref name="Yvette"/> The impact of discovering he was an undercover officer was hard to take and had a strong impact on those who had been close to him.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/><ref name="Yvette"/>

In London, he was not known to have sexual relationships with other activists or for chasing after women.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/>

==Exit strategy==

During 2002 Rod becomes less active. On the coach to a summit mobilisation in Prague in November 2002, he talked to London activists about his girlfriend being in Australia and maybe going there.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/> In Nottingham, his visits became less frequent, and he said that he was going traveling. Around December 2002 / January 2003 he claimed to be in Australia, as his partner Jo was doing a marine biology course there and he was checking it out. He also claimed to have had all his stuff stolen, including his passport<ref name="emails.1">Emails from Rod to a Nottingham friend, seen by Undercover Research Group</ref>. Friends in Nottingham received postcards from Australia and Thailand, as well as several emails.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="imc.1"/> He moved out of the Nottingham housing co-operative circa January 2003.<ref>Undercover Research Group: telephone call with Nottingham activist 'J', 26 July 2016.</ref>

However, in London Rod remained active enough to go with other WOMBLES to the Evian Summit in June 2003 (see above). It is during that trip that London-based activists there remember him talking about moving away in earnest.

In June 2003 he emailed, announcing that he was moving to Australia to be with Jo. After that contact was lost, with emails sent to him not responded to.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="imc.1"/> However, on 2nd July he emailed a friend to say 'I have been travelling around Europe and getting up to no good,' and mentioning he had been at Glastonbury.<ref name="emails.1"/> This is the last known contact between him and people in Nottingham.

At the time the lack of communication was put down to him being 'slack', and, in this pre-Facebook era, was not considered out of character.<ref name="Yvette"/>

==Suspicions==

There were a few incidents where suspicions around Rod were raised during his deployment, but at the time there was not enough knowledge of undercover policing methods or evidence about him to carry out an investigation. For instance, MAM activist, Trevor Bark, recalled that Rod was not particularly trusted in that group as 'something didn't hang right' about him.<ref name="tb.p.27-7-16"/> At least one WOMBLES activist held suspicions about him.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/>

Some felt that there was something off in the way he talked about the WOMBLES at the Dartmoor Earth First! Summer Gathering in 2002.<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/> 'Harriet' who knew him through the Gatherings considered him a very likable person, but her instinct was not to trust him as he was an odd fit, her phrase being that he had 'cop feet’. His job also seemed a bit of a mismatch, and he did not seem to have political opinions as such.<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/> However, her suspicions were somewhat allayed when she was told that he had been involved in a number of actions.<ref name="h.p.6Dec2015"/>

===Laura's suspicions===

Rod had raised suspicions of one London activist, Laura, who wrote about it in ''The Guardian'', though it was not until after he left and vanished that the thread came together.

She noted that in 2001, Rod had started coming to meetings at her flat where an action at the Elephant & Castle roundabout in South London was being discussed. He became a regular visitor, even staying over on occasion, particularly the night before MayDay that year. Around that time, she had been charged with fly-posting and her flat was raided. The response was disproportionate; local police were surprised she was being held overnight. The flat itself was ransacked and trashed by the police.<ref name="laura.1"/>

She also recalled an unusual meeting where he turned up at a meeting of Norwich based anti-monarchists:<ref name="laura.1"/>
:: On another occasion a friend and I went to Norwich to meet up with some people we had recently met, to discuss working together on some anti-monarchist actions. When we arrived at the house for dinner, which was a small affair of about eight people, I was really surprised to see Rod there as I wasn't aware he had any connection at all with these individuals or Norwich in general. I remember asking him how come he was there, and him being slightly affronted by the question. He shrugged and said he had been invited. It was the flash of discomfort on his face that triggered my suspicions. It just didn't seem right – there was a total sense of disconnect about his presence there.

She also noted that he claimed to be an 'artist activist', which justified him bringing a video camera to actions, but 'none of the films he claimed he was making for Indymedia ever appeared there'.<ref name="laura.1"/>

===Rose's suspicions===

'Rose', a prominent London activist who knew Rod recalled two occasions that left her feeling that things were not right about him.

One occurred when she attended a party in Nottingham. She stayed on the floor in Rod's room along with another person, while Rod and his apparent girlfriend Jo were in the bed. Rose recalled the pair making personal digs at their guests in a way that left them feeling weird and that the couple were 'not our friends'.<ref name="r.p.16June2016"/>

By 2002, Rose had been a key organiser of several London protests. In late April that year, Rod contacted her, saying he wanted to catch up and talk about the upcoming MayDay which was only a week away. She thought this was odd as there were meetings for that, but she agreed all the same. The whole meeting, which took place in a cafe on Old Street, felt strange to her. It was quite a departure from their previous relationship and had a different vibe to previous conversations they’d had in the WOMBLES. It felt more like an interview; as if he was using a prepared list of questions asking about numbers of people, plans and other stuff for May Day related actions.<ref name="r.p.16June2016">Undercover Research Group: interview with Rose (alias), an London based activist who knew Rod Richardson, 16 June 2016.</ref> Perturbed by the tone of his questions, her gut feeling was that he was a cop. However, without further evidence, she did not say so to others at the time.<ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/><ref name="imc.1"/>

[[Image:Rod Richardson and spycops timeline.1.png|700px]]

===Post-exit concerns===

Not long after Rod vanished, suspicions emerged in London that not all was right. In June 2003, during the anti-globalisation protests at the EU Summit in Thessaloniki, a close comrade of Rod's from London was arrested and fitted up by Greek police (a bag containing Motolov cocktails was planted on him). Imprisoned with others, he was part of a group who went on hunger-strike in early September 2003.<ref> London Thessaloniki Solidarity Group, [https://libcom.org/forums/news/simon-chapman-3-other-defendants-again-face-greek-courts-20092010 Simon Chapman and 3 other defendants to again face the Greek Courts], ''Libcom.org'', 19 September 2010 (accessed 2 January 2017).</ref>

Knowing they had been close, people tried to reach out to Rod to let him know, and also to ask if he would help organise solidarity concerts in Australia in aid of the Thessaloniki Solidarity Group. This was only a week after Rod had left for Australia, but there was no reply to the emails. Nor did he ever write to his friend during his time in prison. Given that the story was making international news and attracting considerable support from across the world, the lack of contact from Rod stood out. As a result, former comrades in London became suspicious.<ref name="mp.i.9Aug2015"/><ref name="alex.i.18-4-16"/><ref name="s.e.12-12-16"/>

A decade later, an activist who had known him well in London was visiting Australia, but was not able to find anyone who had heard of him there.<ref name="Charlie.2-11-16"/>

In Nottingham, following the exposure of Mark Kennedy and the subsequent unraveling of the spycops controversy, people started recognising things in hindsight.<ref name="imc.1"/> With Kennedy was exposed, the depths to which such an infiltration would go to became clearer and it was accepted that Rod was a prime suspect for being another undercover cop.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/> It is thought that Rod had been in Nottingham doing reconnaissance and preparing the way for the deployment of Mark Kennedy, who arrived in Nottingham in Summer 2003.<ref name="imc.1"/>

Other suspicious behaviour has since been identified, including:
* When one activist lost their house key, Rod was able to shoulder-barge the door open in a rather professional manner.<ref name="b.p11-9-2015"/>
* A photograph of Rod and Jo had been spotted in a magazine but using different names. Unfortunately, further details of this have not been recalled.<ref name="wg.m.May2016"/>

One London activist recalled that Rod liked to joke about having a hidden microphone, talking into collar as if he was wearing a wire.<ref name="Charlie.4-2-17"/>

==Exposure==

With the exposure of other undercover polices and increased understanding of how they worked, former comrades of Rod accepted that he fitted the same pattern. In 2012 a search for records relating to him was carried out. A birth certificate was found with his given name and date of birth, 5 January 1973, along with a death certificate from two days later.

Having found proof of Rod's use of a dead child's identity, activists then compiled research on his history. They reached out to ''The Guardian'' who in turn contacted the family of the real Rod Richardson. As a result the family launched a legal case against the Metropolitan police in late January 2013, sending a formal complaint to the Metropolitan Police on 4th February. <ref name="guardian.1">[http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/feb/05/two-police-units-dead-children-ids Second police spy unit stole dead children's IDs], The Guardian, 5 February 2013 (accessed 24 December 2015).</ref>

On the 5th February the Richardson family's lawyer Jules Carey detailed their story at a hearing of the Home Affairs Select Committee that day (see below). The same day, the story was published by ''The Guardian'',<ref name="guardian.1">[http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/feb/05/two-police-units-dead-children-ids Second police spy unit stole dead children's IDs], The Guardian, 5 February 2013 (accessed 24 December 2015).</ref> focusing on the identity theft. A more detailed expose by the investigating activists appeared on ''Indymedia'' the following day. It stated:<ref name="imc.1">[http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2013/02/506316.html Information on "Rod Richardson", suspected undercover cop], ''Indymedia UK'', 6 February 2013 (accessed 24 December 2015).</ref>
:: Recently an article has appeared in the Guardian naming "Rod Richardson" as a suspected undercover police officer. Although this has not been confirmed beyond all doubt, it is certainly the case that he was using a false identity (that of a baby who died shortly after birth), and that numerous aspects of his involvement are entirely in keeping with certain patterns of operation of infiltrators – not least his disappearance and failure to keep in contact with friends and comrades. There is an overwhelming likelihood that "Rod" was an undercover police officer (or perhaps a corporate spy.)

''Note from Undercover Research Group: at the time of Rod's exposure, the tradecraft of undercover police deployed by the Special Demonstration Squad and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit was not as well understood. It has since become clear that Rod much more closely fits the profile for undercover police deployed against social movements than was realised at the time.<ref>See for example, Undercover Research Group, [http://undercoverresearch.net/1082-2/ How we work investigating suspicions] and [http://undercoverresearch.net/1260-2/ The Fifteen Questions we work with], 2015.</ref>

===Complaint to the police: seeking confirmation===

[[Image:Barbara Shaw with death cert of son.jpg|thumb|Barbara Shaw, mother of the real Rod Richardson, holding death certificate of her son.<ref name="guardian.2"/>]]

The complaint from the dead child's family was sent to the Metropolitan Police on 4 February 2013. Despite their policy of refusing to confirm or deny the identity of undercover officers, the police immediately launched an internal investigation.<ref name="guardian.1"/>

The case was then mentioned publicly by the Richardson family's lawyer, Jules Carey, at a hearing of the Home Affairs Select Committee on 5 February 2013.<ref>[http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/uc837-ii/uc83701.htm UNCORRECTED TRANSCRIPT OF ORAL EVIDENCE To be published as HC 837-ii, Q49-53], Home Affairs Select Committee, 5 February 2013.</ref> At the same hearing, [[Patricia Gallan]], speaking for the Metropolitan Police, referred to only knowing of ''one'' case identity theft happening before a complaint received on 1 February. She says the practice affected two units, the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] and the NPOIU.<ref>[http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/uc837-ii/uc83701.htm UNCORRECTED TRANSCRIPT OF ORAL EVIDENCE To be published as HC 837-ii, Q139-140], Home Affairs Select Committee, 5 February 2013.</ref>

For campaigners, this amounted to a tacit admission Rod Richardson was a police officer, and had served with the NPOIU rather than the SDS.<ref>Undercover Research Group: personal communication with campaigners.</ref>

The following day, the matter received further public attention when the real Rod's mother, Barbara Shaw, spoke out in ''The Guardian''.<ref name="guardian.2">[http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/feb/06/rod-richardson-protester-never-was Rod Richardson: the mystery of the protester who was not who he claimed], ''The Guardian'', 6 February 2013 (accessed 24 December 2015).</ref> She stated:<ref name="guardian.2"/>
:: He is still my baby,... I'll never forget him. We believe we deserve an apology for what happened. It's wrong that someone took Rod's identity without us knowing.

According to Operation Herne's first report, which investigated the issue of stolen children's identities, the complaint of 4 February was referred to the Independent Police Complaints Commission on 28 February 2013, who then returned it to the Metropolitan Police to be the subject of a 'local investigation', named Operation Riverwood.<ref>Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf Operation Herne - Report 1: Covert Identities], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', July 2013. In particular, the report stated:
:Operation Riverwood
::On 4th February 2013 the Metropolitan Police received a public complaint from the family of Rod Richardson, a young boy who had died in the 1970s. It is alleged that an undercover officer working for the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU) had used this child’s details as his covert identity. This matter was referred to the IPCC. The matter was returned to the force and is currently subject of a ‘local investigation’.</ref>

On 16 July 2013, the same day the Operation Herne report was published, Barbara Shaw received a letter from a Commander in the Metropolitan Police's Directorate of Professional Standards, which included the paragraph:<ref name="UCPI.transcript.16-6-16"/>
: On behalf of the Metropolitan Police I would like to sincerely apologise for the shock and offence the use of this tactic has caused, as it is clear you believe your child's identity was used. I am unable to confirm or deny if the tactic was used in your case.

The same day, the Richardson's family lawyer Jules Carey told the press:<ref>[http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/families-of-dead-children-whose-identities-were-used-by-undercover-police-have-not-been-informed-8710867.html Families of dead children whose identities were used by undercover police have not been informed], The Independent, 16 July 2013 (accessed 24 December 2015).</ref>
:: ...the Metropolitan Police have stated that the investigation into her complaint is complete but they have declined to provide her with a report on the outcome. They have refused to confirm or deny that the identity of her son was used by an undercover officer despite there being only one Rod Richardson born in 1973. And they have concluded that there is no evidence of misconduct or even performance issues to be addressed.

The matter was the subject of a preliminary hearing in the Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) before Christopher Pitchford, who said it was known that at least one undercover officer from the National Public Order Intelligence Unit had taken the identity of a dead child.<ref name="UCPI.transcript.16-6-16">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/160622-transcript-deceased-children.pdf Preliminary hearing on deceased children's identities (transcript of hearing, page 60)] ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 22 June 2016 (accessed 20 July 2016).</ref> At that time no other NPOIU undercover officer had been identified as using this technique, so it was considered this had been a tacit admission by Justice Pitchford that Richardson was an undercover.<ref name="pc.2016"/>

It is also thought that the deployment of Rod Richardson is the matter obliquely referenced in evidence from the Metropolitan Police to the UCPI. In a witness statement, Det. Supt. [[Neil Hutchison]] mentions that details of an NPOIU operation relating to the Metropolitan Police had been handed over to Operation Herne in 2013. However, Operation Herne did not acquire other NPOIU related material until June 2015 and did not formally changes its terms of reference to include that unit until October 2015.<ref name="nh.9-12.pt1">Neil Hutchison, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/160617-statement-of-Neil-Huchison-provisionally-redacted-PART-1.pdf Witness Statement on Rule 9-12 (PARTIALLY REDACTED) to Undercover Policing Inquiry - PART 1], paragraphs 48(ii) ff, Metropolitan Police Service, 17 June 2016 (accessed 12 July 2016).</ref> The 2013 material is thought to be a reference to Operation Riverwood.<ref name="pc.2016">Undercover Research Group: personal conversation with campaigners focused on the Undercover Policing Inquiry, 2016.</ref>

* ''For confirmation of the officers cover name and deployment see under [[Rod Richardson: Undercover Policing Inquiry]].''

==References==
<references/>

John Clinton (alias)

2025-07-14T10:26:16Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN343'|Alias=John Clinton|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1971-1974|Targets=International Socialists}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* 

An updated version of HN343's profile can be found here: [https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn343-john-clinton HN343 'John Clinton']



'''John Clinton''' is the cover name used by a former undercover officer with the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] who was deployed into the International Socialists 1971 to 1974.<ref name="email.ucpi.8feb2018">Email to core participants, '20180208 UPCI to all CPs - HN343 and HN347 cover names', ''Undercover Research Group'', 8 February 2018, referencing update of the webpage [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ UCPI.org.uk/cover-names].</ref>

For the purposes of the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]], they are also referred to by the cipher '''HN343''' (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]). The Inquiry has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

==As an SDS undercover==

Mitting said in March 2018, that Clinton was deployed into a variety of left-wing groups in the early 1970s.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling5.27Mar2018"/>

Said his past as an undercover was kept secret from everyone his family & social circles. Retired from the MPS over 20 years ago.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

* 3 August 2017: Inquiry Chair, John Mitting, minded to restrict real name, noting:<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: HN343 is still economically active and has a legitimate concern, the cause of which cannot be stated in this document, that if oral evidence were to be given without steps being taken to conceal identity, HN343 would be the subject of media interest which would impair personal and economic life. If HN343 is required to give oral evidence, it is likely that protective measures will have to be taken.

* 27 March 2018: ruling granting restriction over real name and added that unwelcome media interest would also impair and might destroy his earning capacity.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling5.27Mar2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180327-Final-ruling-following-21-March-hearing.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad Ruling 5 ], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 27 March 2018.</ref>

'''Inquiry documents:''' Application from MPS to restrict real name only. Open versions of documents not yet published pending final application.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180302-HN343_open_application_for_restriction_order-1.pdf 1 June 2017 Open restriction order application for real name by MPS (open version released 5 March 2018)]

'''Inquiry decisions:'''
* More details needed before making decision on restriction orders.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017.</ref> Minded-To: "The real name cannot be published.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
* Cover name to be published<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-updated-explanatory-note.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded-To' Note (2) in respect for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017.</ref> which was done on 8 February 2018.<ref name="email.ucpi.8feb2018">Email to core participants, '20180208 UPCI to all CPs - HN343 and HN347 cover names', ''Undercover Research Group'', 8 February 2018, referencing update of the webpage [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ UCPI.org.uk/cover-names].</ref>
* Provisional decision (5 Mar 2018): restrict real name with application to be heard on 21 March 2018.<ref name="ucpi.pr.5Mar18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180305-press-notice-documents-for-hearing-on-21-Mar-2018.pdf Press notice - Publication of documents relatign to Special Demonstration Squad anonymity applications for hearing on 21 March 2018], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 5 March 2018.</ref>
* Ruling (Mar 2018): restrict real name.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling5.27Mar2018"/>

==Notes==

<references />

Alex Sloan (alias)

2025-07-14T10:23:28Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN347'|Alias=Alex Sloan|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1971|Targets=Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* 



'''Alex Sloan''' is the cover name used by a former undercover officer with the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] who was deployed into Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front (INLSF) from 1971. Currently he is in his 70s.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/><ref name="email.ucpi.8feb2018">Email to core participants, '20180208 UPCI to all CPs - HN343 and HN347 cover names', ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 8 February 2018, referencing update of the webpage [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ UCPI.org.uk/cover-names].</ref>

For the purposes of the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]], they are referred to by the cipher '''HN347''' (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]). The Inquiry has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

We are grateful to Dr Norman Temple for sharing his memories of the INLSF and of how it was targeted.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018">Undercover Research Group: interview with Dr. Norman Temple, 19 November 2019.</ref> A fuller account of Special Branch interest in the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front see [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/special-branch-and-the-irish-national-liberation-solidarity-front/ SpecialBranchFiles.uk].

'''+++++ Last Updated 18 June 2020‎ +++++'''

==Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front==

The target of 'Alex Sloan' was the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front (INLSF). This was a small Maoist group based in North London, where it was focused on its general secretary and key driving force, Edward Davoren - whose house acted effectively as its base of operations.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/><ref name="erol.uk-maoism">Sam Richards, [https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.secondwave/uk-maoism.pdf The Rise & Fall of Maoism :the English Experience], 2013 (accessed February 2019).</ref>

===Edward Davoren===

[[File:1969 defence fund.jpg|200px|thumb|Davoren Defence Fund leaflet, Spring 1969 (via Marxists.org).]]

Edward Davoren was a prominent figure in London Maoist circles at the time having been politically active since the 1950s, including being deported from South Africa in 1964 for trade union activities.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/> In 1968-1969 he was closely connected to Abhimanyu Manuchanda who ran the Revolutionary Marxist-Leninist League. The RMLL was behind the British-Vietnam Solidarity Front and active in the Revolutionary Students Socialist Federation (RSSF), taking part in many significant political events at the time.<ref>Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-0/ 1968 – Protest and Special Branch], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', 14 April 2018 (accessed 5 February 2019).</ref> Both men were named in Special Branch files of late 1968 as significant organisers of protests ahead of the 27 October 1968 Vietnam War demonstration.<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494420-16th-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html V.S.C. "Autumn Offensive" (Weekly Report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 16 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.uk).</ref> In 1968 Davoren became convenor of the London branch (Secretary of the London Conference) of the RSSF <ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.secondwave/davoren.pdf Davoren Defence Fund (leaflet)], 1969, ''The Marxist'', no.9, Spring 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

He came to particular public attention when he was one of 31 anti-apartheid protestors arrested at the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square on 12 January 1969. At his trial in November, he and another was found guilty of assaulting two police officers and given a suspended sentence<ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-25.pdf Black and White Unite and Fight!], ''Freedom News'', vol.30, no.2, 18 January 1969.</ref><ref>Left's court victory, ''Socialist Worker'', 20 November 1969.</ref> The case was even mentioned in Parliament.<ref>[https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1969-12-19/debates/64cf3677-8d0b-4999-8389-6ff421d4a4f5/CentralCriminalCourt(Trial) Central Criminal Court (Trial)], ''Hansard (Parliament.uk)'', vol. 793, 19 December 1969.</ref> More on the case can be found at [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1969-prosecution-of-ed-davoren-and-others/ SpecialBranchFiles.uk]

In August 1969, Davoren split from Manchanda. Initially he focused on student politics, setting up his own version of the RSSF, but in 1970 he moved onto Irish related politics, establishing the INLSF with himself as the general secretary, while co-founder Joe O'Neill was its chairman. Much of the groups work took place at Davoren's home in Golders Green, North London.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

===Activities of the INLSF===
[[File:Irish LIberation Press vol.1 no.1 cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of issue 1 of the Irish Liberation Press, March 1970]]

The group was founded in summer 1969, with meeting taking place at The Cock pub in Kilburn. It's formal launch came on 27 September 1969, in a conference at Conway Hall.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref name="ilp.1.6">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/inlsf-hammered.pdf Counter Revolutionaries Get Hammered], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.1, no.6, 1970 (available via Marxists.org).</ref>

In the beginning it organised protests and events, raising awareness on the struggle then taking place in Northern Ireland. This included organising an exhibition on armed struggle in Ireland. The group also produced a several page leaflet on legal rights on being arrested and representing oneself at court.<ref>A copy of the leaflet exists in the archives of [https://archives.lse.ac.uk/Record.aspx?src=CalmView.Catalog&id=HCA%2fCHESTERMAN%2f7&pos=1 John Chesterman], held in the London School of Economics library.</ref>

In March 1970 it began issuing it's newspaper, the ''Irish Liberation Press''.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/> Once the paper was established as a monthly publication, it became the group's main focus. Davoren was its editor and wrote most of the articles. Meanwhile, the rest of the group would pair up on Friday nights to go around Irish pubs in London selling it.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

The INLSF was never a particularly large group. Into 1971 it met every Sunday night at the Marquis of Clanricarde pub in Paddington for 'political education classes'.<ref name="ilp.1.1.Mar1970.inlsf.activities">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-1-1.pdf INLSF Activities], Irish Liberation Press, vol.1,no.1, March 1970 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> This was a general, open circle for supporters interested in finding out more. These usually attracted 15-18 people. There was also a secretive, inner core group of 7-8 people which actually ran things; it met at Davoren's flat and was generally dominated by him.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> This core would late become known as the Communist Workers League of Britain.

===INLSF and the struggle in Ireland===
[[File:INSLF aims objectives-ILP.v2.n3.jpg|thumb|200px|Statement of Aims and objectives of the INLSF, from ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971.]]

Politically, the INLSF took an anti-imperialist line on Ireland, supporting the Irish Republican Army and Sinn Fein in a qualified fashion.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-3-1.pdf INLSF statement on Sinn Fein and the IRA], ''Irish Liberation Press'', Vol.3, No.1., March 1970 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> It saw the cause of the armed struggle in Northern Ireland as a war of national liberation against British colonial aggressors. It used an image of an AK-47 on its papers' mast-head and in one intervention of a meeting at which Bernadette Devlin, a leading figure in the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland was speaking at in early 1970, Davoren rose to argue that the gun was the instrument of liberation for the Irish people. However, it would later modify this position.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/>

However, as there were no groups they felt sufficiently close to in terms of political analysis in Ireland, the INLSF had no particular contacts there,<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> though on a number of occasions its members did travel to Ireland to do paper sales.<ref name="spf.uk"/>

In the UK, as well as raising awareness through its newspaper, it organised a number of protests and awareness raising events. By the time Alex Sloan was involved, much of its activity focused on the production and selling of its newsletter. It also continued it's weekly political education / discussions nights and did film showings. In practical terms it focused on raising awareness of Irish political prisoners in British jails.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/><ref name="spf.uk">Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/special-branch-and-the-irish-national-liberation-solidarity-front/ Special Branch and the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', July 2019.</ref>

===Frank "Butch" Roche trial===

[[FILE:INLSF picket Frank Roche trial.jpg|thumb|200px|INLSF picket of trial of Roche & Egan, February 1971 (from the ''Irish Liberation Press'')]]

In 1969 the British Army began using CS Gas against nationalist communities in Northern Ireland, as issue that was picked up by the British Left, including the ''Irish Liberation Press''. On 23 July 1970, two CS Gas (tear gas) cannisters were thrown into the House of Commons, for which Frank "Butch" Roche and Bowes Egan were arrested and put on trial.<ref name="irmhp.2019">[https://irishrepublicanmarxisthistoryproject.wordpress.com/2019/06/29/butch-roche-from-wexford-threw-two-cs-gas-grenades-into-the-house-of-commons/ Butch Roche from Wexford threw two CS Gas grenades into the House of Commons], Irish Republican Marxist History Project (Wordpress site), 29 June 2016 (accessed 13 July 2019).</ref>

On 29 October 1970, Roche wrote to the INLSF, saying that he had been interviewed by Detective Chief Superintendent Ivor Reynolds, head of 'C Division' within Special Branch and he had asked about Davoren, though the two men did not know each other.<ref>Letter from Frank Roche, Irish Liberation Press, vol.1, no.7, (Nov) 1970 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

The trial of the pair, for which Roche was convicted, though Egan acquitted, took place in February 2019. <ref name="irmhp.2019"/> Both the INLSF and the Irish Solidarity Campaign (for whom Egan was made joint Honorary President) picket the hearings.<ref>Free the patriots now!, Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref> It is around the time of the trial that Alex Sloan would have made his appearance in the INLSF.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> While the ISC was already a target of another SDS undercover 'Alan Nixon'.<ref name="ucpi.cover-names"/>

===Relationship with other groups===

The INLSF had cordial relationships with the Panther Movement UK, the Pan African Congress of Azania (South Africa) and in particular with the Black Unity and Freedom Party (BUFP). Some members of the BUFP were also in the INLSF, and the two groups would share platforms. In particular, the two groups came together in November 1970 under the banner of 'Anti-Fascist Revolutionary Coordinating Committee of National Minorities' though which they organised joint protests.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref name="ilp.2.1.1971.RCC.Stand"/><ref name="ilp.2.3.1971.1">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf A black worker stands on picket in condemnation of British imperalist atrocities in Ireland], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref><ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref name="ilp.2.1.1971.RCC.Stand"/>

===Split and the Communist Workers League of Britain===
[[File:INLSF march HoP.jpg|thumb|200px|INLSF march past Houses of Parliament, ca.1970/1971]]
In 1971, Davoren began to move the group away from purely Irish issues, and sought to include more matters which were British in nature though still had an Irish aspect to them.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> This included Irish republicans being held in British prisons.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-1.pdf Free the Irish Political Prisoners Now!], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.1, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> and the Stephen McCarthy justice campaign (see below).

Tensions between Davoren and co-founder and chair, Joe O'Neill started to grow in this period, a power struggle emerging. Also, by this time, Davoren and O'Neill had come to the conclusion that Alex Sloan was a police spy. During one of the groups meetings, O'Neill publicly accused Sloan of this, but it was denied and not supported by Davoren.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

At the same time, having ambitions to become an editor of a British-Maoist newspaper, Davoren entered into talks with the Communist Party of Britain (Marxist-Leninist) for a possible merger of the groups, though this was turned down by Reg Birch. When the existence of these talks became known to the rest of the INLSF, Davoren was seen as trying to sell the group. This sparked a split with half the group under Joe O'Neill walking out in June 1971.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> The ''Irish Liberation Press'' carried a note saying that three leading members were expelled, with other leading members from the inner group leaving after a special conference was called to ratify the decision.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref>Renegades expelled from I.N.L.S.F., Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.5, 1971 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

The INLSF continued to function following the split, producing one further issue of the ''Irish Liberation Press''. However, several weeks later Davoren announced, despite earlier denials, that he wanted to create a British-focused organisation and paper, which those remaining members went along with.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> Thus in July 1971, the Communist Workers League of Britain (Marxist-Leninists) emerged.<ref name="spf.uk"/>

The group kept some presence around Irish politics for another six to nine months including holding a rally against the introduction of Internment in Northern Ireland in August 1971. In March 1972, the paper was changed to ''Voice of the People'' and the CWLB abandoned the INLSF as a cover.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-3-1.pdf A new socialist newspaper will go on sale on 1st May], ''Irish Liberation Press'', Vol.3, No.1., March 1970 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> The latter would continue to be a target of police attention, being raided by Special Branch in 1973.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/>

Davoren left the group in 1972, dropping out of political activity.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/>

===Stephen McCarthy family justice campaign===

[[File:Stephen McCarthy.jpg|thumb|200px|Stephen McCarthy]]

Stephen McCarthy was a 19 year son of a North London Irish family. In 1969 he plead guilty to stealing a car and sentenced to borstal, but subsequently escaped. On 16 November 1970 while walking with friends in Islington he was stopped by police. While being arrested, police banged his head against a bus stop to the extent he was taken to hospital - police later said he ran his own head into the bus stop. Against doctor's advice, police took back to Islington Police station to appear before the magistrates court on the 17th, where he was remanded to Wormwood Scrubs prison. On the 14th January 1971 he missed his next court hearing having fallen ill. On being transferred to a specialist hospital on 16th January he underwent an emergency brain operation from which he never regained consciousness. He died on 26th January and on 19th February, the coroner ruled it was an accidental death.<ref>Pigs murder youth, ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref><ref name="felix">[http://felixonline.co.uk/version_1/archive/IC_1972/1972_0311_A.pdf Who Killed Stephen McCarthy - timeline], ''Felix'' (newssheet of Imperial College Union), no. 311, 11 May 1972 (via FelixOnline.co.uk). This is a reprint of part of a leaflet titled 'Who Killed Stephen McCarthy', issued by the The McCarthy Committee, 50 Courtney Court, Courtney, Road, Holloway, N7 7BH.</ref><ref>[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1971/may/20/stephen-mccarthy Stephen McCarthy], ''Hansard'' (House of Commons Debates), 20 May 1971 - HC Deb 20 May 1971 vol 817 c1507.</ref><ref name="telfair">John Telfair, The police and the death of Stephen McCarthy, ''Socialist Worker'', 17 April 1971.</ref>

His parents argued that his death was as a result of the police assault at the time of his arrest, and launched a campaign for justice, which was taken up by local MP for Islington East, John Grant, who asked the Home Secretary for a public inquiry.<ref name="felix"/> The family also sought to fund their own inquest and privately prosecute several of the police involved.<ref name="telfair"/>

The INLSF also took up the campaign, working with the McCarthy family.<ref name="ilp.2.3.1971.yearofstruggle">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf A year of struggle for the INLSF], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> In this they worked with the BUFP under the RCC banner, including printing a leaflet calling for justice, witnesses and prosecution of the police involved.<ref name="ilp.2.3.1971">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf The people charge police with murder], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> The campaign also gained the support of other north London political groups.<ref>On 8/9 October 1971 a joint benefit gig in its name was held, along for the Ian Purdie and Jake Prescott Defence Group (of the Stoke Newington 8). ''vide infra'' 'Who Killed Stephen McCarthy' timeline.</ref>

On 20 March 1971, the family campaign held a public meeting at Islington Town Hall to mark Stephen's death and to demand an independent public inquiry. This was followed by a march to the local police station where police attacked the protest. Norman Temple believes Alex Sloan may have attended this protest.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

There were 17 arrests among them McCarthy family members and Stephen's father John is hospitalised.<ref name="cw.1972">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/cw-2.pdf Stephen McCarthy], ''Class War'' (paper of the London Alliance in Defence of Workers Rights), no.2, 1972 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> Also arrested were both Edward Davoren and Joe O'Neill, both subsequently convicted of 'inciting an unlawful assembly and criminal libel of police officers'.<ref>[http://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C11542758 Edward DAVOREN and Joseph O'NEILL: convicted of inciting an unlawful assembly and...], ''National Archives'' (catalogue of closed record), 1971 (accessed 5 February 2019). Note, it appears to have date of the protest wrong, giving it as 15th March.</ref> McCarthy family members were also convicted and one imprisoned for six months.<ref name="felix"/><ref>McCarthy family fight on against legal lies, ''Socialist Worker'', 24 July 1971.</ref> It seems the McCarthy family were banned from participating in further protests.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redmole/racism.pdf Police brutality], ''The Red Mole - special issue on racism'', 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> though the family continued the campaign into 1972<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redmole/v03n35-jan-24-1972.pdf In memory of Stephen McCarthy], ''The Red Mole'', vol.3, n.35, 24 Jan 1972 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref><ref name="felix"/> with a protest march taking place on 28 January 1972.<ref>[https://www.reportdigital.co.uk/stock-photo-family-and-supporters-of-20-year-old-stephen-mccarthy-march-on-th-photojournalism-image00062212.html Family and supporters of 20-year-old Stephen McCarthy march on th second anniversary of his death in protest at alleged police brutality during his arrest in Upper Street, Islington, London after which he died in police custody], ''ReportDigital.co.uk'' (image of demonstration), 28 January 1972 (accessed 5 February 2019).</ref>

The Stephen McCarthy case is believed to be the first family justice campaign spied upon by the Special Demonstration Squad. It along with the case of David Oluwale, a black man murdered by Leeds Police also in 1970, are notable in being among the first campaigns to bring attention to the abuse of the coroner system to cover up police brutality, and of suspicious deaths in custody in general.<ref>Clive Bloom, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=__DMCwAAQBAJ Violent London: 2000 Years of Riots, Rebels and Revolts], ''Springer'', 2010.</ref><ref>Tim Newburn & Stephanie Hayman, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=oYO3AwAAQBAJ Policing, Surveillance and Social Control], ''Routledge'', 2012.</ref><ref>Melissa Benn & Ken Worpole, Death in the City, ''Canary Press'', 1986.</ref>

==Infiltration of the INLSF==

Norman Temple believes that the group's focus on Irish issues as a significant reason for its infiltration even though it was not particularly active with other Irish political groups. Nevertheless, it would still have allowed the undercover to identify who was working with who. Police would also have been interested to see if there was a hidden agenda such as fundraising for Irish militants or where there contacts with the IRA factions, particularly in London.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

It is possible that its links to radical black power organisations, a key target of Special Branch at the time, may have also played a factor in why it was subject of a specific tasking.

Temple recalls Alex Sloan as having a strong Scottish accent, who was not a prominent person in the group and who had no real politics and did not become part of the group's inner circle. He was mainly involved in the selling of the ''Irish Liberation Press''. At the time Sloan was around, the paper was the main focus of the group, and though it attended other demonstrations, it was not organising them. However, to be in the group at the time, he would have had to be active in selling the paper. <ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

Prior to the split within the INLSF in May 1971, it was discovered in some fashion that Sloan was a police spy, though it is not known how this came about. At one of the group's meeting, Sloan was directly challenged by Joe O'Neill, but saw it off, being supported by Davoren. Nevertheless, Sloan subsequently resigned from the group after the split, saying he could not trust them any more.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

According to Norman Temple:<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>
: After he had been exposed he did not simply disappear. Instead prior to disappearing, he tried to throw a spanner in the works. There had been a split in the INLSF. He told us that he saw two people outside his flat obviously watching him. One was a person who stayed with the INLSF and the other was a person who had resigned. This was an obvious attempt to make us question the loyalty of one of our members.

He is not known to have had sexual relations.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

====Timeline of INLSF for 1971====

This is a list of known INLSF activities for 1971, mostly taken from it's newspaper.

[[File:Inlsf march banner-ILP-v2.n3.jpg|200px|thumb|Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front on march; from ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971.]]

* 9/10 January 1971: INLSF activists travel to various British cities to sell the Irish Liberation Press.<ref name="ilp.2.1.1971.RCC.Stand">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-1.pdf INLSF Intensifies Struggle], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.1, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* January 1971: Davoren addresses a large public meeting of the BUFP held on 17th January in Deptford on police brutality, which is followed by a march to Ladywell police station. This was in the wake of several BUFP members being assaulted by police on 10 January, and a separate incident were fascists petrol-bombed a black house party on Sunderland Road, the INLSF supporting the BUFP's campaigning around these. Further BUFP / INLSF public meetings were held on New Cross (13 Jan) & Hackney (31 Jan). The INLSF also announce its intention to attend the picket of the court on 25 February when the BUFP activists were due to stand trial.<ref>Black workers wage struggle against police brutality, Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref>

* 8 February 1971: 8 February 1971: INLSF hold a picket at the Old Bailey for the opening of trial of Frank Roche and Bowes Egan who had been arrested having released tear gas into House of Commons in protest over its use in Northern Ireland. The Irish Solidarity Campaign also holds their own protest.<ref name="ilp.2.2.freethepatriotsnow">Free the patriots now!, Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref>

[[File:ILP-2-2-cover-dick-jackson.jpg|200px|thumb|Irish Liberation Press vol.2, no.2, 1971, cover naming Dick Jackson as an undercover police officer.]]

* 13 February 1971: INLSF call press conference about recent bombings in Britain, and also to release details of Dick Jackson as a Special Branch agent.<ref name="ilp.2.3.1971.pc">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf Press Conference], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* ca. February/March 1971: police detain INLSF paper sellers.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf News briefs (page 21)], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* Easter (April) 1971: a car of INLSF activists travel to Ireland, and sell their newspapers. They visit Dublin, Belfast, Derry and Cork.

* Easter 1971: start of stickering campaign to raise awareness of the issue of Irish republicans in British jails.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf Free these patriots now!], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* 11 & 12 April 1971 INLSF Easter Weekend Programme: On Sunday 11 April, INLSF repeat photo exhibition on Irish Revolutionary Struggle at the Camden Studios, followed by a meeting on politics of James Connolly. On Easter Monday, 12 April, rally and demonstration, meeting at Speaker's Corner with march to 10 Downing Street, Ulster Office and the Irish Embassy, to be followed by a social in the Spotted Dog pub, High Street, Willesden.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf Important Announcement: INLSF Easter Weekend Programme], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* May 1971: split in group over changing emphasis of its political activity, with half leaving as a result. A number subsequently turn to Irish republican politics.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

* July 1971: Communist Workers League of Britain forms.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

* 20 July 1971: INLSF members present at BUFP Conference.<ref> Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

* 25 July 1971, Davoren of the INLSF speaks on the platform of a demonstration called by the Black Unity and Freedom Party.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redmole/v02n14-aug-14-1971.pdf Molehills – An attempt at disruption], The Red Mole, vol.2, no.14, 14 August 1971.</ref>

* 15 August 1971: Anti-internment rally organised by INLSF attended by 600 people, converging with a larger one organised by Trotskyist groups.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref> Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.5, 1971 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

* 1 August 2017: Application to restrict real name made by Metropolitan Police Service.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180302-HN347_open_application_for_restriction_order-1.pdf Open application for a restriction order (anonymity) re: HN347], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 1 Aug 2017, published 5 March 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>

* 14 Nov 2017: minded to restrict real name, though cover name can be published.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-updated-explanatory-note.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded-To' Note (2) in respect for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017.</ref> At the time, the Chair of the Inquiry, Sir John Mitting, wrote:<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-SDS-anonymity-Minded-to-2.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note 2], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017).</ref>
:: He is said to be concerned about the physical safety of himself and his family if his real name were to be published and is concerned about the risk of media intrusion and the impact which this might have on his family. The latter concern is not irrational. In the unlikely event that any member of the group targeted who is still living may be prompted into giving evidence about his deployment, publication of his cover name, which will occur, will provide that prompt. Publication of his real name would serve no useful purpose. The infringement of his right to respect for his private and family life and that of his family would not be justified under Article 8 (2) of the European Convention. A closed note accompanies these reasons.

* 8 February 2018: cover name and target group published.<ref name="email.ucpi.8feb2018"/>

* 5 March 2018: provisional decision to restrict real name with application to be heard on 21 March 2018.<ref name="ucpi.pr.5Mar18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180305-press-notice-documents-for-hearing-on-21-Mar-2018.pdf Press notice - Publication of documents relating to Special Demonstration Squad anonymity applications for hearing on 21 March 2018], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 5 March 2018.</ref>

* 27 March 2018: ruling in favour of restricting real name made.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling5.27Mar2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180327-Final-ruling-following-21-March-hearing.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad Ruling 5], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 27 March 2018.</ref>

* July 2018: it was noted by the Inquiry that, in light of investigations, it had changed the deployment dates of HN347 / Alex Sloan from 1971 to 1973 to just 1971.<ref name="ucpi.cover-names">[http://ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 27 July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>

==Resources==

* [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/special-branch-and-the-irish-national-liberation-solidarity-front/ A broader overview of the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front] and its targeting by Special Branch, including a second suspected undercover, 'Dick Jackson' is available at SpecialBranchfiles.uk
* The ''Encyclopedia for Anti-Revisionism Online'' (EROL / Marxists.org) host a number of articles which discuss the activities of the INLSF.
* Various issue of the ''Irish Liberation Press'' may be found online. [https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/index.htm EROL],

==Notes==

<references />

Alex Sloan (alias)

2025-07-14T10:23:04Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN347'|Alias=Alex Sloan|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1971|Targets=Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* 

'''Alex Sloan''' is the cover name used by a former undercover officer with the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] who was deployed into Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front (INLSF) from 1971. Currently he is in his 70s.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/><ref name="email.ucpi.8feb2018">Email to core participants, '20180208 UPCI to all CPs - HN343 and HN347 cover names', ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 8 February 2018, referencing update of the webpage [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ UCPI.org.uk/cover-names].</ref>

For the purposes of the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]], they are referred to by the cipher '''HN347''' (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]). The Inquiry has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

We are grateful to Dr Norman Temple for sharing his memories of the INLSF and of how it was targeted.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018">Undercover Research Group: interview with Dr. Norman Temple, 19 November 2019.</ref> A fuller account of Special Branch interest in the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front see [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/special-branch-and-the-irish-national-liberation-solidarity-front/ SpecialBranchFiles.uk].

'''+++++ Last Updated 18 June 2020‎ +++++'''

==Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front==

The target of 'Alex Sloan' was the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front (INLSF). This was a small Maoist group based in North London, where it was focused on its general secretary and key driving force, Edward Davoren - whose house acted effectively as its base of operations.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/><ref name="erol.uk-maoism">Sam Richards, [https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.secondwave/uk-maoism.pdf The Rise & Fall of Maoism :the English Experience], 2013 (accessed February 2019).</ref>

===Edward Davoren===

[[File:1969 defence fund.jpg|200px|thumb|Davoren Defence Fund leaflet, Spring 1969 (via Marxists.org).]]

Edward Davoren was a prominent figure in London Maoist circles at the time having been politically active since the 1950s, including being deported from South Africa in 1964 for trade union activities.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/> In 1968-1969 he was closely connected to Abhimanyu Manuchanda who ran the Revolutionary Marxist-Leninist League. The RMLL was behind the British-Vietnam Solidarity Front and active in the Revolutionary Students Socialist Federation (RSSF), taking part in many significant political events at the time.<ref>Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-0/ 1968 – Protest and Special Branch], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', 14 April 2018 (accessed 5 February 2019).</ref> Both men were named in Special Branch files of late 1968 as significant organisers of protests ahead of the 27 October 1968 Vietnam War demonstration.<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494420-16th-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html V.S.C. "Autumn Offensive" (Weekly Report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 16 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.uk).</ref> In 1968 Davoren became convenor of the London branch (Secretary of the London Conference) of the RSSF <ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.secondwave/davoren.pdf Davoren Defence Fund (leaflet)], 1969, ''The Marxist'', no.9, Spring 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

He came to particular public attention when he was one of 31 anti-apartheid protestors arrested at the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square on 12 January 1969. At his trial in November, he and another was found guilty of assaulting two police officers and given a suspended sentence<ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-25.pdf Black and White Unite and Fight!], ''Freedom News'', vol.30, no.2, 18 January 1969.</ref><ref>Left's court victory, ''Socialist Worker'', 20 November 1969.</ref> The case was even mentioned in Parliament.<ref>[https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1969-12-19/debates/64cf3677-8d0b-4999-8389-6ff421d4a4f5/CentralCriminalCourt(Trial) Central Criminal Court (Trial)], ''Hansard (Parliament.uk)'', vol. 793, 19 December 1969.</ref> More on the case can be found at [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1969-prosecution-of-ed-davoren-and-others/ SpecialBranchFiles.uk]

In August 1969, Davoren split from Manchanda. Initially he focused on student politics, setting up his own version of the RSSF, but in 1970 he moved onto Irish related politics, establishing the INLSF with himself as the general secretary, while co-founder Joe O'Neill was its chairman. Much of the groups work took place at Davoren's home in Golders Green, North London.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

===Activities of the INLSF===
[[File:Irish LIberation Press vol.1 no.1 cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of issue 1 of the Irish Liberation Press, March 1970]]

The group was founded in summer 1969, with meeting taking place at The Cock pub in Kilburn. It's formal launch came on 27 September 1969, in a conference at Conway Hall.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref name="ilp.1.6">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/inlsf-hammered.pdf Counter Revolutionaries Get Hammered], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.1, no.6, 1970 (available via Marxists.org).</ref>

In the beginning it organised protests and events, raising awareness on the struggle then taking place in Northern Ireland. This included organising an exhibition on armed struggle in Ireland. The group also produced a several page leaflet on legal rights on being arrested and representing oneself at court.<ref>A copy of the leaflet exists in the archives of [https://archives.lse.ac.uk/Record.aspx?src=CalmView.Catalog&id=HCA%2fCHESTERMAN%2f7&pos=1 John Chesterman], held in the London School of Economics library.</ref>

In March 1970 it began issuing it's newspaper, the ''Irish Liberation Press''.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/> Once the paper was established as a monthly publication, it became the group's main focus. Davoren was its editor and wrote most of the articles. Meanwhile, the rest of the group would pair up on Friday nights to go around Irish pubs in London selling it.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

The INLSF was never a particularly large group. Into 1971 it met every Sunday night at the Marquis of Clanricarde pub in Paddington for 'political education classes'.<ref name="ilp.1.1.Mar1970.inlsf.activities">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-1-1.pdf INLSF Activities], Irish Liberation Press, vol.1,no.1, March 1970 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> This was a general, open circle for supporters interested in finding out more. These usually attracted 15-18 people. There was also a secretive, inner core group of 7-8 people which actually ran things; it met at Davoren's flat and was generally dominated by him.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> This core would late become known as the Communist Workers League of Britain.

===INLSF and the struggle in Ireland===
[[File:INSLF aims objectives-ILP.v2.n3.jpg|thumb|200px|Statement of Aims and objectives of the INLSF, from ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971.]]

Politically, the INLSF took an anti-imperialist line on Ireland, supporting the Irish Republican Army and Sinn Fein in a qualified fashion.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-3-1.pdf INLSF statement on Sinn Fein and the IRA], ''Irish Liberation Press'', Vol.3, No.1., March 1970 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> It saw the cause of the armed struggle in Northern Ireland as a war of national liberation against British colonial aggressors. It used an image of an AK-47 on its papers' mast-head and in one intervention of a meeting at which Bernadette Devlin, a leading figure in the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland was speaking at in early 1970, Davoren rose to argue that the gun was the instrument of liberation for the Irish people. However, it would later modify this position.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/>

However, as there were no groups they felt sufficiently close to in terms of political analysis in Ireland, the INLSF had no particular contacts there,<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> though on a number of occasions its members did travel to Ireland to do paper sales.<ref name="spf.uk"/>

In the UK, as well as raising awareness through its newspaper, it organised a number of protests and awareness raising events. By the time Alex Sloan was involved, much of its activity focused on the production and selling of its newsletter. It also continued it's weekly political education / discussions nights and did film showings. In practical terms it focused on raising awareness of Irish political prisoners in British jails.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/><ref name="spf.uk">Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/special-branch-and-the-irish-national-liberation-solidarity-front/ Special Branch and the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', July 2019.</ref>

===Frank "Butch" Roche trial===

[[FILE:INLSF picket Frank Roche trial.jpg|thumb|200px|INLSF picket of trial of Roche & Egan, February 1971 (from the ''Irish Liberation Press'')]]

In 1969 the British Army began using CS Gas against nationalist communities in Northern Ireland, as issue that was picked up by the British Left, including the ''Irish Liberation Press''. On 23 July 1970, two CS Gas (tear gas) cannisters were thrown into the House of Commons, for which Frank "Butch" Roche and Bowes Egan were arrested and put on trial.<ref name="irmhp.2019">[https://irishrepublicanmarxisthistoryproject.wordpress.com/2019/06/29/butch-roche-from-wexford-threw-two-cs-gas-grenades-into-the-house-of-commons/ Butch Roche from Wexford threw two CS Gas grenades into the House of Commons], Irish Republican Marxist History Project (Wordpress site), 29 June 2016 (accessed 13 July 2019).</ref>

On 29 October 1970, Roche wrote to the INLSF, saying that he had been interviewed by Detective Chief Superintendent Ivor Reynolds, head of 'C Division' within Special Branch and he had asked about Davoren, though the two men did not know each other.<ref>Letter from Frank Roche, Irish Liberation Press, vol.1, no.7, (Nov) 1970 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

The trial of the pair, for which Roche was convicted, though Egan acquitted, took place in February 2019. <ref name="irmhp.2019"/> Both the INLSF and the Irish Solidarity Campaign (for whom Egan was made joint Honorary President) picket the hearings.<ref>Free the patriots now!, Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref> It is around the time of the trial that Alex Sloan would have made his appearance in the INLSF.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> While the ISC was already a target of another SDS undercover 'Alan Nixon'.<ref name="ucpi.cover-names"/>

===Relationship with other groups===

The INLSF had cordial relationships with the Panther Movement UK, the Pan African Congress of Azania (South Africa) and in particular with the Black Unity and Freedom Party (BUFP). Some members of the BUFP were also in the INLSF, and the two groups would share platforms. In particular, the two groups came together in November 1970 under the banner of 'Anti-Fascist Revolutionary Coordinating Committee of National Minorities' though which they organised joint protests.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref name="ilp.2.1.1971.RCC.Stand"/><ref name="ilp.2.3.1971.1">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf A black worker stands on picket in condemnation of British imperalist atrocities in Ireland], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref><ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref name="ilp.2.1.1971.RCC.Stand"/>

===Split and the Communist Workers League of Britain===
[[File:INLSF march HoP.jpg|thumb|200px|INLSF march past Houses of Parliament, ca.1970/1971]]
In 1971, Davoren began to move the group away from purely Irish issues, and sought to include more matters which were British in nature though still had an Irish aspect to them.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> This included Irish republicans being held in British prisons.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-1.pdf Free the Irish Political Prisoners Now!], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.1, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> and the Stephen McCarthy justice campaign (see below).

Tensions between Davoren and co-founder and chair, Joe O'Neill started to grow in this period, a power struggle emerging. Also, by this time, Davoren and O'Neill had come to the conclusion that Alex Sloan was a police spy. During one of the groups meetings, O'Neill publicly accused Sloan of this, but it was denied and not supported by Davoren.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

At the same time, having ambitions to become an editor of a British-Maoist newspaper, Davoren entered into talks with the Communist Party of Britain (Marxist-Leninist) for a possible merger of the groups, though this was turned down by Reg Birch. When the existence of these talks became known to the rest of the INLSF, Davoren was seen as trying to sell the group. This sparked a split with half the group under Joe O'Neill walking out in June 1971.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> The ''Irish Liberation Press'' carried a note saying that three leading members were expelled, with other leading members from the inner group leaving after a special conference was called to ratify the decision.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref>Renegades expelled from I.N.L.S.F., Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.5, 1971 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

The INLSF continued to function following the split, producing one further issue of the ''Irish Liberation Press''. However, several weeks later Davoren announced, despite earlier denials, that he wanted to create a British-focused organisation and paper, which those remaining members went along with.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/> Thus in July 1971, the Communist Workers League of Britain (Marxist-Leninists) emerged.<ref name="spf.uk"/>

The group kept some presence around Irish politics for another six to nine months including holding a rally against the introduction of Internment in Northern Ireland in August 1971. In March 1972, the paper was changed to ''Voice of the People'' and the CWLB abandoned the INLSF as a cover.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-3-1.pdf A new socialist newspaper will go on sale on 1st May], ''Irish Liberation Press'', Vol.3, No.1., March 1970 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> The latter would continue to be a target of police attention, being raided by Special Branch in 1973.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/>

Davoren left the group in 1972, dropping out of political activity.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/>

===Stephen McCarthy family justice campaign===

[[File:Stephen McCarthy.jpg|thumb|200px|Stephen McCarthy]]

Stephen McCarthy was a 19 year son of a North London Irish family. In 1969 he plead guilty to stealing a car and sentenced to borstal, but subsequently escaped. On 16 November 1970 while walking with friends in Islington he was stopped by police. While being arrested, police banged his head against a bus stop to the extent he was taken to hospital - police later said he ran his own head into the bus stop. Against doctor's advice, police took back to Islington Police station to appear before the magistrates court on the 17th, where he was remanded to Wormwood Scrubs prison. On the 14th January 1971 he missed his next court hearing having fallen ill. On being transferred to a specialist hospital on 16th January he underwent an emergency brain operation from which he never regained consciousness. He died on 26th January and on 19th February, the coroner ruled it was an accidental death.<ref>Pigs murder youth, ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref><ref name="felix">[http://felixonline.co.uk/version_1/archive/IC_1972/1972_0311_A.pdf Who Killed Stephen McCarthy - timeline], ''Felix'' (newssheet of Imperial College Union), no. 311, 11 May 1972 (via FelixOnline.co.uk). This is a reprint of part of a leaflet titled 'Who Killed Stephen McCarthy', issued by the The McCarthy Committee, 50 Courtney Court, Courtney, Road, Holloway, N7 7BH.</ref><ref>[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1971/may/20/stephen-mccarthy Stephen McCarthy], ''Hansard'' (House of Commons Debates), 20 May 1971 - HC Deb 20 May 1971 vol 817 c1507.</ref><ref name="telfair">John Telfair, The police and the death of Stephen McCarthy, ''Socialist Worker'', 17 April 1971.</ref>

His parents argued that his death was as a result of the police assault at the time of his arrest, and launched a campaign for justice, which was taken up by local MP for Islington East, John Grant, who asked the Home Secretary for a public inquiry.<ref name="felix"/> The family also sought to fund their own inquest and privately prosecute several of the police involved.<ref name="telfair"/>

The INLSF also took up the campaign, working with the McCarthy family.<ref name="ilp.2.3.1971.yearofstruggle">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf A year of struggle for the INLSF], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> In this they worked with the BUFP under the RCC banner, including printing a leaflet calling for justice, witnesses and prosecution of the police involved.<ref name="ilp.2.3.1971">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf The people charge police with murder], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> The campaign also gained the support of other north London political groups.<ref>On 8/9 October 1971 a joint benefit gig in its name was held, along for the Ian Purdie and Jake Prescott Defence Group (of the Stoke Newington 8). ''vide infra'' 'Who Killed Stephen McCarthy' timeline.</ref>

On 20 March 1971, the family campaign held a public meeting at Islington Town Hall to mark Stephen's death and to demand an independent public inquiry. This was followed by a march to the local police station where police attacked the protest. Norman Temple believes Alex Sloan may have attended this protest.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

There were 17 arrests among them McCarthy family members and Stephen's father John is hospitalised.<ref name="cw.1972">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.hightide/cw-2.pdf Stephen McCarthy], ''Class War'' (paper of the London Alliance in Defence of Workers Rights), no.2, 1972 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> Also arrested were both Edward Davoren and Joe O'Neill, both subsequently convicted of 'inciting an unlawful assembly and criminal libel of police officers'.<ref>[http://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C11542758 Edward DAVOREN and Joseph O'NEILL: convicted of inciting an unlawful assembly and...], ''National Archives'' (catalogue of closed record), 1971 (accessed 5 February 2019). Note, it appears to have date of the protest wrong, giving it as 15th March.</ref> McCarthy family members were also convicted and one imprisoned for six months.<ref name="felix"/><ref>McCarthy family fight on against legal lies, ''Socialist Worker'', 24 July 1971.</ref> It seems the McCarthy family were banned from participating in further protests.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redmole/racism.pdf Police brutality], ''The Red Mole - special issue on racism'', 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref> though the family continued the campaign into 1972<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redmole/v03n35-jan-24-1972.pdf In memory of Stephen McCarthy], ''The Red Mole'', vol.3, n.35, 24 Jan 1972 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref><ref name="felix"/> with a protest march taking place on 28 January 1972.<ref>[https://www.reportdigital.co.uk/stock-photo-family-and-supporters-of-20-year-old-stephen-mccarthy-march-on-th-photojournalism-image00062212.html Family and supporters of 20-year-old Stephen McCarthy march on th second anniversary of his death in protest at alleged police brutality during his arrest in Upper Street, Islington, London after which he died in police custody], ''ReportDigital.co.uk'' (image of demonstration), 28 January 1972 (accessed 5 February 2019).</ref>

The Stephen McCarthy case is believed to be the first family justice campaign spied upon by the Special Demonstration Squad. It along with the case of David Oluwale, a black man murdered by Leeds Police also in 1970, are notable in being among the first campaigns to bring attention to the abuse of the coroner system to cover up police brutality, and of suspicious deaths in custody in general.<ref>Clive Bloom, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=__DMCwAAQBAJ Violent London: 2000 Years of Riots, Rebels and Revolts], ''Springer'', 2010.</ref><ref>Tim Newburn & Stephanie Hayman, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=oYO3AwAAQBAJ Policing, Surveillance and Social Control], ''Routledge'', 2012.</ref><ref>Melissa Benn & Ken Worpole, Death in the City, ''Canary Press'', 1986.</ref>

==Infiltration of the INLSF==

Norman Temple believes that the group's focus on Irish issues as a significant reason for its infiltration even though it was not particularly active with other Irish political groups. Nevertheless, it would still have allowed the undercover to identify who was working with who. Police would also have been interested to see if there was a hidden agenda such as fundraising for Irish militants or where there contacts with the IRA factions, particularly in London.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

It is possible that its links to radical black power organisations, a key target of Special Branch at the time, may have also played a factor in why it was subject of a specific tasking.

Temple recalls Alex Sloan as having a strong Scottish accent, who was not a prominent person in the group and who had no real politics and did not become part of the group's inner circle. He was mainly involved in the selling of the ''Irish Liberation Press''. At the time Sloan was around, the paper was the main focus of the group, and though it attended other demonstrations, it was not organising them. However, to be in the group at the time, he would have had to be active in selling the paper. <ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

Prior to the split within the INLSF in May 1971, it was discovered in some fashion that Sloan was a police spy, though it is not known how this came about. At one of the group's meeting, Sloan was directly challenged by Joe O'Neill, but saw it off, being supported by Davoren. Nevertheless, Sloan subsequently resigned from the group after the split, saying he could not trust them any more.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

According to Norman Temple:<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>
: After he had been exposed he did not simply disappear. Instead prior to disappearing, he tried to throw a spanner in the works. There had been a split in the INLSF. He told us that he saw two people outside his flat obviously watching him. One was a person who stayed with the INLSF and the other was a person who had resigned. This was an obvious attempt to make us question the loyalty of one of our members.

He is not known to have had sexual relations.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

====Timeline of INLSF for 1971====

This is a list of known INLSF activities for 1971, mostly taken from it's newspaper.

[[File:Inlsf march banner-ILP-v2.n3.jpg|200px|thumb|Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front on march; from ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971.]]

* 9/10 January 1971: INLSF activists travel to various British cities to sell the Irish Liberation Press.<ref name="ilp.2.1.1971.RCC.Stand">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-1.pdf INLSF Intensifies Struggle], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.1, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* January 1971: Davoren addresses a large public meeting of the BUFP held on 17th January in Deptford on police brutality, which is followed by a march to Ladywell police station. This was in the wake of several BUFP members being assaulted by police on 10 January, and a separate incident were fascists petrol-bombed a black house party on Sunderland Road, the INLSF supporting the BUFP's campaigning around these. Further BUFP / INLSF public meetings were held on New Cross (13 Jan) & Hackney (31 Jan). The INLSF also announce its intention to attend the picket of the court on 25 February when the BUFP activists were due to stand trial.<ref>Black workers wage struggle against police brutality, Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref>

* 8 February 1971: 8 February 1971: INLSF hold a picket at the Old Bailey for the opening of trial of Frank Roche and Bowes Egan who had been arrested having released tear gas into House of Commons in protest over its use in Northern Ireland. The Irish Solidarity Campaign also holds their own protest.<ref name="ilp.2.2.freethepatriotsnow">Free the patriots now!, Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.2, 1971.</ref>

[[File:ILP-2-2-cover-dick-jackson.jpg|200px|thumb|Irish Liberation Press vol.2, no.2, 1971, cover naming Dick Jackson as an undercover police officer.]]

* 13 February 1971: INLSF call press conference about recent bombings in Britain, and also to release details of Dick Jackson as a Special Branch agent.<ref name="ilp.2.3.1971.pc">[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf Press Conference], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* ca. February/March 1971: police detain INLSF paper sellers.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf News briefs (page 21)], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* Easter (April) 1971: a car of INLSF activists travel to Ireland, and sell their newspapers. They visit Dublin, Belfast, Derry and Cork.

* Easter 1971: start of stickering campaign to raise awareness of the issue of Irish republicans in British jails.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf Free these patriots now!], ''Irish Liberation Press'', vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* 11 & 12 April 1971 INLSF Easter Weekend Programme: On Sunday 11 April, INLSF repeat photo exhibition on Irish Revolutionary Struggle at the Camden Studios, followed by a meeting on politics of James Connolly. On Easter Monday, 12 April, rally and demonstration, meeting at Speaker's Corner with march to 10 Downing Street, Ulster Office and the Irish Embassy, to be followed by a social in the Spotted Dog pub, High Street, Willesden.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/ilp-2-3.pdf Important Announcement: INLSF Easter Weekend Programme], Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>

* May 1971: split in group over changing emphasis of its political activity, with half leaving as a result. A number subsequently turn to Irish republican politics.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

* July 1971: Communist Workers League of Britain forms.<ref name="nt.19Nov2018"/>

* 20 July 1971: INLSF members present at BUFP Conference.<ref> Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.3, 1971 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

* 25 July 1971, Davoren of the INLSF speaks on the platform of a demonstration called by the Black Unity and Freedom Party.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/redmole/v02n14-aug-14-1971.pdf Molehills – An attempt at disruption], The Red Mole, vol.2, no.14, 14 August 1971.</ref>

* 15 August 1971: Anti-internment rally organised by INLSF attended by 600 people, converging with a larger one organised by Trotskyist groups.<ref name="erol.uk-maoism"/><ref> Irish Liberation Press, vol.2, no.5, 1971 (via Linenhall Library archives).</ref>

==In the Undercover Policing Inquiry==

* 1 August 2017: Application to restrict real name made by Metropolitan Police Service.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180302-HN347_open_application_for_restriction_order-1.pdf Open application for a restriction order (anonymity) re: HN347], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 1 Aug 2017, published 5 March 2018 via ucpi.org.uk.</ref>

* 14 Nov 2017: minded to restrict real name, though cover name can be published.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-updated-explanatory-note.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded-To' Note (2) in respect for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017.</ref> At the time, the Chair of the Inquiry, Sir John Mitting, wrote:<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-SDS-anonymity-Minded-to-2.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note 2], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017).</ref>
:: He is said to be concerned about the physical safety of himself and his family if his real name were to be published and is concerned about the risk of media intrusion and the impact which this might have on his family. The latter concern is not irrational. In the unlikely event that any member of the group targeted who is still living may be prompted into giving evidence about his deployment, publication of his cover name, which will occur, will provide that prompt. Publication of his real name would serve no useful purpose. The infringement of his right to respect for his private and family life and that of his family would not be justified under Article 8 (2) of the European Convention. A closed note accompanies these reasons.

* 8 February 2018: cover name and target group published.<ref name="email.ucpi.8feb2018"/>

* 5 March 2018: provisional decision to restrict real name with application to be heard on 21 March 2018.<ref name="ucpi.pr.5Mar18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180305-press-notice-documents-for-hearing-on-21-Mar-2018.pdf Press notice - Publication of documents relating to Special Demonstration Squad anonymity applications for hearing on 21 March 2018], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 5 March 2018.</ref>

* 27 March 2018: ruling in favour of restricting real name made.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HNRuling5.27Mar2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/20180327-Final-ruling-following-21-March-hearing.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad Ruling 5], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 27 March 2018.</ref>

* July 2018: it was noted by the Inquiry that, in light of investigations, it had changed the deployment dates of HN347 / Alex Sloan from 1971 to 1973 to just 1971.<ref name="ucpi.cover-names">[http://ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 27 July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>

==Resources==

* [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/special-branch-and-the-irish-national-liberation-solidarity-front/ A broader overview of the Irish National Liberation Solidarity Front] and its targeting by Special Branch, including a second suspected undercover, 'Dick Jackson' is available at SpecialBranchfiles.uk
* The ''Encyclopedia for Anti-Revisionism Online'' (EROL / Marxists.org) host a number of articles which discuss the activities of the INLSF.
* Various issue of the ''Irish Liberation Press'' may be found online. [https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/irish-liberation-press/index.htm EROL],

==Notes==

<references />

Bill Lewis (alias)

2025-07-14T10:18:32Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name= ? / HN321|Alias=William Paul 'Bill' Lewis|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1969|Targets=Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, International Marxist Group}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* 

An updated version of HN321's profile can be found here: [https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn321-bill-lewis HN321 'Bill Lewis']



'''William Paul "Bill" Lewis''' is the alias of a [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover police officer. He was one of their first undercover officers, infiltrating the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign and International Marxist Group in London in 1968-1969. As such he is a contemporary of [[Conrad Dixon]] and fellow undercovers ''[[John Graham (alias)|John Graham]]'' (HN329) and '[[HN330]]' who both also infiltrated the Vietnam Solidarity Group.

For the purposes of the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] he is designated by the cipher 'HN321' / 'N321'; the Inquiry has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

''Note from Undercover Research Group: if anyone recalls 'Bill Lewis' from his time in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in touch]. We appreciate that these events took place 50 years ago, so welcome corrections on how we have portrayed the history of the organisations mentioned.''

==As an SDS officer==

According to his risk assessment:<ref>David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN321 Open Risk Assessment], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2015 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
::* 3.3 N321 received no training and no psychometric testing. N321 was told that N321 needed to gather intelligence, but the senior officers left it to the squad members to work out their own approach. There was no particular methodology advocated by officers and N321 simply used whatever techniques looked the most promising. To a certain extent the approach had to be tailored to the group that were to be penetrated.
::* They did not use the identity of a dead child.

==Targets==

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign was a broad-church alliance across the left, it was firmly embedded in a Trotskyist milieu.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68"/> Though relatively small in comparison to other such groups, the International Marxist Group was an influential organisation within this milieu and was instrumental in founding the VSC. Many of its leading members played leading roles in the VSC, both publicly and behind the scenes, at the time of Bill Lewis's infiltration. In particular, Tariq Ali, a figurehead of the 1968 demonstrations, was an IMG member.

As yet it has not been possible to identify specifics with regards his infiltration within these two groups.

===International Marxist Group===
[[Image:BlackDwarf cover .Issue13 Oct1968.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 13 of the ''Black Dwarf'' newspaper, 27 October 1968 (via [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/black-dwarf/v13-n7-27-oct-1968.pdf Marxists.org]).]]

The International Marxist Group (IMG) originated in Nottingham, splitting from the Revolutionary Socialist League (later Militant, then the Socialist Party) in the 1960s, due to political differences around the Fourth International (an international socialist organisation following the work of Trotsky). Initially named the International Group (1961), it became the International Marxists Group in 1968. In the 1960s it had focused on a policy of entryism in the Labour Party, but this approach was discarded in 1970, as the group took up more radical positions.

Though small, the IMG is noted as a highly dynamic organisation, which played an active role in political campaigns of the day, particularly the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. For a while in 1967/68, the VSC shared the office space of the IMG on Toynbee Street, London.

The IMG also backed other international solidarity campaigns, such as those with Cuba and South Africa. At the time of Bill Lewis' interest in the organisation, its members were prominent in the Russell / International War Crimes Tribunal, Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation and the Institute for Workers' Control. It also had close ties with the influential ''New Left Review''.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Marxist_Group International Marxist Group], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 19 October 2017).</ref><ref>Steve Cohen, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/revhist/backiss/vol8/no3/cohen.html Pat Jordan (1928–2001)], ''Revolutionary History'', No.3, Vol.8, 2003 (accessed 19 October 2017 via Marxist.org).</ref><ref>Ernest Tate, [http://www.marxsite.com/Oct68.html On the Secret Internal Police Reports about the 1968 mobilizations against the Vietnam war in in London, England (Letter from Ernest Tate to Solomon Hughes of 27 May 2008], Marxsite.com (accessed 22 August 2017).</ref>

As a group, the IMG was a 'cadre' organisation, which had high requirements of its membership. One did not simply sign up, but first had to become a "candidate member". Before progressing to full membership, the candidate was expected to have undergone education and to show appropriate commitment.

It appears that in 1968 there was only one branch in London. However, it organised discussion groups and reading circles, which were open to any to attend, as well as numerous front groups working on a grassroots level. It is likely that 'Bill Lewis' would have associated himself to one of these outer circles organised by IMG in London.<ref>Mike Martin, [http://www.revolutionaryhistory.co.uk/index.php/britain/419-british-trotskist-groups/8530-a-short-account-of-the-international-marxist-group Guest post: A short account of the International Marxist Group], ''RevolutionaryHistory.co.uk'', 17 December 2015 (accessed 19 October 2017).</ref><ref>Robert Jackson Alexander, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=_eUtQjseKaIC International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement], Duke University Press, 1991.</ref><ref>Lucy Robinson, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=F_RmSjy3K0EC Gay Men and the Left in Post-war Britain: How the Personal Got Political], Manchester University Press, 2013.</ref><ref>[https://tendancecoatesy.wordpress.com/2013/03/04/the-international-marxist-group-and-the-swp-crisis/ The International Marxist Group and the SWP Crisis], ''Tendance Coatsey (blog)'', 4 March 2013 (accessed 19 October 2017).</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), which opposed the United States' role in the Vietnam War, was founded in 1966 by members of the International Marxists Group, working in conjunction with the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. They were subsequently joined by activists from the International Socialists, another Trotskyist faction (later known as the Socialist Workers Party, and subsequently targeted by undercover police in its own right) as well as Maoists and anarchists.<ref>Ian H. Birchall, [http://www.marxists.de/intsoctend/birchall/revparty.htm History of the International Socialists – Part 2: Towards a Revolutionary Party], ''International Socialism''77 (1st series), April 1975 (accessed via Marxists.de, 8 August 2017).</ref>

Though created and led by Trotskyists, the VSC attracted a broad following from across the political left-wing and was particularly successful in linking up with the prominent radical student movement of 1967 to 1969, as well as peace / anti-nuclear campaigners.<ref>Ernest Tate & Phil Hearse, [http://www.marxsite.org/2016/02/the-building-of-vietnam-solidarity.html The Building of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign and its Consequences for the British Left], paper presented at the Left Before 1968 conference, University of East Anglia, February 2016 (accessed via Marxsite.org, 8 August 2017).</ref><ref>Theresa van Geldern, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/viet-solidarity_soc-outlook-may-jun-1988.pdf Vietnam Solidarity: The determination to resist and the confidence to win], ''Socialist Outlook'', May/June 1988.</ref> As an organisation, it was loosely structured as a whole, often working through 'ad hoc committees', which co-ordinated local branches and their activities in given areas. It did however have a national committee which set national strategy. The campaign declined rapidly in 1969, and in October that year, the coalition effectively disintegrated over political differences in relation to the Vietnamese leader, Ho Chi Minh.<ref>Bruce Robinson, [http://www.workersliberty.org/story/2008/03/20/1968-vietnam-solidarity-and-british-left 1968: Vietnam solidarity and the British left], ''WorkersLiberty.org'' (Alliance for Workers Liberty), 20 March 2008 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref>

In terms of its activities, the VSC is most notable for organising several mass demonstrations against the war, particularly in 1967 and 1968 which attracted up to 100,000 protestors at a time.<ref>Anthony O. Edmonds, [http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Texts/Scholarly/Edmonds_Brit_Left.html The Viet Nam War and the British Student Left: A Study in Political Symbolism], ''Vietnam Generation: A Journal of Recent History and Contemporary Issues'', Issue 5 (14), 1994 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref> One such demonstration was the protest of 17th March 1968, which saw the now infamous 'Grosvenor Square riots' take place, when a segment of the marchers sought to occupy the US embassy leading to clashes with police.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/17/newsid_2818000/2818967.stm 1968: Anti-Vietnam demo turns violent], BBC News Online ('On This Day'), 2008 (accessed 6 August 2017).</ref> This caused huge political embarrassment to the UK Labour Government under Harold Wilson, and as a consequence lead to the creation of the Special Demonstration Squad with the Metropolitan Police Special Branch.

However, even prior to the founding of the SDS, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-story/ police files from the time] show the campaign was actively monitored, including the Metropolitan Police Special Branch requesting information from other forces and compiling reports on its plans and protests. In particular, a number of documents indicate their considerable interest in the VSC's "Autumn Offensive" - the name for the large scale demonstration of 27th October 1968.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview">[http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-all-files/ Anti Vietnam war – files overview], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', undated (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref> Much of this work was overseen by Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]] who had responsibility for monitoring Trotskyists and anarchists on behalf of Special Branch at the time.<ref name="dixon.obit">[https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2646319-1999-04-28-Conrad-Dixon-Obituary-the-Times-p-23.html Conrad Dixon (obituary)], ''The Times'', 28 April 1994 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> It was also Dixon who in September 1968 founded the undercover unit, later known as the Special Demonstration Squad, which deployed HN321 as 'Bill Lewis' into the VSC.

* A detailed review of what is known Special Branch's monitoring and infiltration of the Vietnam Solidarity Group can be found under the profile for ''[[John Graham (alias)|John Graham]]'' and will not be repeated here.

==Undercover activities==

[[Image:VSC-bulletin-11-cover-february-1968.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 11 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin'', February 1968.]]

According to the August 2017 'minded-to' note of UCPI chair John Mitting:<ref name="mitting.mindedto.3Aug2017">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 Oct 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: HN321 is now in his 70s. He was deployed against two groups which no longer exist, for one year, between September 1968 and September 1969. There is not and has never been any known allegation of misconduct against him.

While the open version of a document prepared by the Metropolitan Police (for the Undercover Policing Inquiry) stated:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: N321 received no training and no pyschometric testing. N321 was told that N321 needed to gather intelligence, but the senior officers left it to the squad members to work out their own approach. There was no particular methodology advocated by officers and N321 simply used whatever techniques looked the most promising. To a certain extend the approach had to be tailored to the group that were to be penetrated. (para. 3.3)
:: He did not use the identity of a dead child. (para 4.4)

The dates of the infiltration make it very likely he was among the first group of undercovers deployed by the nascent SDS.

A UCPI press release of 5 October 2017 wrote:<ref name="HN321.pr.5Oct2017">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171005-press-release-HN321.pdf Press Notice: No cover name anonymity sought in respect of HN321], ''UCPI.org.uk'', 5 October 2017 (accessed 10 October 2017).</ref>
:: HN321 was deployed as a member of the Special Operations Squad in 1968 – 1969. He had the cover name “William Paul Lewis”, although he has said that he was known simply as “Bill”. He may have been encountered by individuals involved with the International Marxist Group or the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign in London at that time.

We have not yet ascertained the nature of the interaction the undercover had with his target groups, so it is not possible at this stage to provide an indication of the extent to which he gained knowledge of their internal working and operations or became close to leading members.

He stated to the risk assessor that:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: I believe that at all times I acted faithfully, professionally and in accordance with my instructions from senior officers. I did nothing dishonourable, other than to maintain the necessary subterfuge of a secret identify. (para. 14.1)

==Undercover Policing Inquiry==

===Restriction order applications===

HN321 is not a core participant in the Undercover Policing Inquiry; his interests there are represented by the Metropolitan Police Service's Designated Lawyers Team.

HN321 was among the first tranche of officers to be considered for restriction orders by the Undercover Policing Inquiry.<ref>Christopher Pitchford, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/20170518-order-SDS-anonymity-applictions.pdf Order pursuant to the ruling of 2 May 2017 granting an extension of time for service of anonymity applications by the Metropolitan Police Service in respect of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 18 May 2017.</ref> As such, the Metropolitan Police applied for a restriction order on both his [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf cover and real names].<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf Application for a restriction Order (Anonymity) re: HN321], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 26 July 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> This was supported by a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-personal-statement-from-the-DL-team.pdf personal statement by HN321],<ref name="hn321.ps">'HN321', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-personal-statement-from-the-DL-team.pdf HN321 Open personal statement], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 30 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-HN330-HN333-HN343-supplementary-submissions-from-DL.pdf supplementary submissions]<ref>Oliver Sanders, QC [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-HN330-HN333-HN343-supplementary-submissions-from-DL.pdf Notice of supplementary submissions on behalf of HN321, HN300, HN330 and HN343 in support of MPS restriction order applications], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 17 July 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> and a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf MPS risk assessment].<ref name="hn321.ra">David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf N321 - Risk Assessment - Gisted], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk.</ref><ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>

The Inquiry chair, John Mitting, issued a 'Minded-To' note on 5 August 2017, in which he indicated that he was considering releasing the cover name but restrict the undercover officer's real name, stating:<ref name="mitting.mindedto.3Aug2017"/>
::[HN321] undertook the role of an undercover officer on the understanding that his identity would be kept secret. He is concerned about possible media interest if his real identity were to be revealed. He is, in particular, concerned about the impact on his wife, also in her 70s. His concerns are not irrational. In the unlikely event that disclosure of his cover name, which can be made, prompts evidence from one or more members of the target groups it will not be enhanced by disclosure of his real name. It is likely that disclosure of his real name would prompt intense and unwelcome media interest in him and so would give rise to serious interference with his and his family’s right to respect for their private life under Article 8 of the European Convention which would not be justifiable under Article 8(2). Closed reasons accompany this note.

In their personal witness statement, HN321 wrote:<ref name="hn321.ps"/>
::The Special Branch was a covert entity and while the public knew it existed, its activities were secret. My understanding when I joined the Special Branch was that I was not to discuss its activities outside of the service and my expectation of the Branch was that my identity would also be kept secret. I recall that at the Induction presentation into the Branch that we were warned that we would have access to secret information that we were not to reveal to anyone outside of the Police or to even acknowledge that we were members of the Special Branch. This seemed entirely reasonable to me and for nearly fifty years I have kept faith with that understanding.

He also told risk assessors:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: My greatest concern is for the welfare of my family if my identity details are revealed during the Inquiry... I do not believe that [my partner] will cope well with the stress caused by possible media intrusion... My only concern is that with the publication of my name and details, I will be subject to intense media scrutiny. I can imagine the delight of the local media. The result will be reporters, cameras, and other media camped on my doorstep demanding that I give them an interview, preferably an exclusive, or comment which they can publish. It is also likely that it will affect my employment.

The risk assessor also stated:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: There is no risk from the [group(s)] N321 infiltrated. N321 considers that most of the people N321 was closest to will no longer present a risk. I have not identified any individual who I think would provide an ongoing physical risk to N321 or N321's family. (para. 16.1)

Following the publishing of Mitting's Minded-To note of 3 August 2017, the Metropolitan Police withdrew their application to restrict HN321's cover name, leading it to being published on 5 October 2017, though the application to restrict his real name remained in place.<ref name="HN321.pr.5Oct2017"/>

The application to restrict his real name was heard at the hearing of 21 November. There it was noted that HN321 currently lives outside of the UK and had said they would not return if their real identity was revealed, but is prepared to cooperate with the Inquiry if it wasn't. It was said that he believed he had done nothing wrong during his time undercover, and Mitting took the view the value of HN321's evidence would only go towards the founding of the SDS.<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> Mitting ruled on 5 December 2017 that 'if the Inquiry is receive anything of value from HN321, it must not publish his real name', and granted the restriction order over the officer's real name.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017 (accessed 9 December 2017).</ref> The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN321.pdf Restriction Order] was published on 8 December 2017.

See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Police line of command==

'''[[John Waldron]], Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''. Deputy Commissioner, he acceded on the sudden death of his predecessor Joseph Simpson on 20 March 1968.<ref>See Wikipedia articles: [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Simpson Joseph Simpson] & [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Waldron_(police_officer) John Waldon (police officer)] for further details & sources. Accessed 10 August 2017.</ref>
:* '''[[Peter_Brodie|Peter Ewan Brodie]], Assistant Commissioner "C" ''' (Crime), head of CID between April 1966 and 1972.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Brodie_(police_officer) Peter Brodie (police officer)], ''Wikipedia'', 2017 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
::* '''[[Ferguson Smith|Ferguson 'Fergie' Smith]], Commander of Special Branch''' 1966 to 1972, with rank of Deputy Assistant Commissioner.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/10324224/Ferguson-Smith.html Obituary: Ferguson Smith], ''The Telegraph'', 2013 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
:::* '''Ch. Supt. A[rthur]<ref>Tentative identification of first name only based on material from the Wilson & Adams history of Special Branch (see page 240).</ref> Cunningham'''. Name appears as signing a number of Special Branch reports submitted by Conrad Dixon in 1968,<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> though he is seemingly replaced by 3rd October that year by an Acting Chief Superintendent.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
::::* '''Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]], founding head of the Special Demonstration Squad''', 1968 onward.

Special Branch reports from 1968, authored by Conrad Dixon and under the authority of Ch. Supt. A. Cunningham, were regularly submitted to one J. M. Clift of F.4 Division in the Home Office.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> In later years, F.4 is listed as having responsibility for overseeing counter-terrorism and related matters.

==Notes==

<references />

Bill Lewis (alias)

2025-07-14T10:18:14Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name= ? / HN321|Alias=William Paul 'Bill' Lewis|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1969|Targets=Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, International Marxist Group}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* 

An updated version of HN321's profile can be found here: [https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn321-bill-lewis HN321 'Bill Lewis']]



'''William Paul "Bill" Lewis''' is the alias of a [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover police officer. He was one of their first undercover officers, infiltrating the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign and International Marxist Group in London in 1968-1969. As such he is a contemporary of [[Conrad Dixon]] and fellow undercovers ''[[John Graham (alias)|John Graham]]'' (HN329) and '[[HN330]]' who both also infiltrated the Vietnam Solidarity Group.

For the purposes of the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] he is designated by the cipher 'HN321' / 'N321'; the Inquiry has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

''Note from Undercover Research Group: if anyone recalls 'Bill Lewis' from his time in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in touch]. We appreciate that these events took place 50 years ago, so welcome corrections on how we have portrayed the history of the organisations mentioned.''

==As an SDS officer==

According to his risk assessment:<ref>David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN321 Open Risk Assessment], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2015 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
::* 3.3 N321 received no training and no psychometric testing. N321 was told that N321 needed to gather intelligence, but the senior officers left it to the squad members to work out their own approach. There was no particular methodology advocated by officers and N321 simply used whatever techniques looked the most promising. To a certain extent the approach had to be tailored to the group that were to be penetrated.
::* They did not use the identity of a dead child.

==Targets==

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign was a broad-church alliance across the left, it was firmly embedded in a Trotskyist milieu.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68"/> Though relatively small in comparison to other such groups, the International Marxist Group was an influential organisation within this milieu and was instrumental in founding the VSC. Many of its leading members played leading roles in the VSC, both publicly and behind the scenes, at the time of Bill Lewis's infiltration. In particular, Tariq Ali, a figurehead of the 1968 demonstrations, was an IMG member.

As yet it has not been possible to identify specifics with regards his infiltration within these two groups.

===International Marxist Group===
[[Image:BlackDwarf cover .Issue13 Oct1968.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 13 of the ''Black Dwarf'' newspaper, 27 October 1968 (via [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/black-dwarf/v13-n7-27-oct-1968.pdf Marxists.org]).]]

The International Marxist Group (IMG) originated in Nottingham, splitting from the Revolutionary Socialist League (later Militant, then the Socialist Party) in the 1960s, due to political differences around the Fourth International (an international socialist organisation following the work of Trotsky). Initially named the International Group (1961), it became the International Marxists Group in 1968. In the 1960s it had focused on a policy of entryism in the Labour Party, but this approach was discarded in 1970, as the group took up more radical positions.

Though small, the IMG is noted as a highly dynamic organisation, which played an active role in political campaigns of the day, particularly the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. For a while in 1967/68, the VSC shared the office space of the IMG on Toynbee Street, London.

The IMG also backed other international solidarity campaigns, such as those with Cuba and South Africa. At the time of Bill Lewis' interest in the organisation, its members were prominent in the Russell / International War Crimes Tribunal, Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation and the Institute for Workers' Control. It also had close ties with the influential ''New Left Review''.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Marxist_Group International Marxist Group], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 19 October 2017).</ref><ref>Steve Cohen, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/revhist/backiss/vol8/no3/cohen.html Pat Jordan (1928–2001)], ''Revolutionary History'', No.3, Vol.8, 2003 (accessed 19 October 2017 via Marxist.org).</ref><ref>Ernest Tate, [http://www.marxsite.com/Oct68.html On the Secret Internal Police Reports about the 1968 mobilizations against the Vietnam war in in London, England (Letter from Ernest Tate to Solomon Hughes of 27 May 2008], Marxsite.com (accessed 22 August 2017).</ref>

As a group, the IMG was a 'cadre' organisation, which had high requirements of its membership. One did not simply sign up, but first had to become a "candidate member". Before progressing to full membership, the candidate was expected to have undergone education and to show appropriate commitment.

It appears that in 1968 there was only one branch in London. However, it organised discussion groups and reading circles, which were open to any to attend, as well as numerous front groups working on a grassroots level. It is likely that 'Bill Lewis' would have associated himself to one of these outer circles organised by IMG in London.<ref>Mike Martin, [http://www.revolutionaryhistory.co.uk/index.php/britain/419-british-trotskist-groups/8530-a-short-account-of-the-international-marxist-group Guest post: A short account of the International Marxist Group], ''RevolutionaryHistory.co.uk'', 17 December 2015 (accessed 19 October 2017).</ref><ref>Robert Jackson Alexander, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=_eUtQjseKaIC International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement], Duke University Press, 1991.</ref><ref>Lucy Robinson, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=F_RmSjy3K0EC Gay Men and the Left in Post-war Britain: How the Personal Got Political], Manchester University Press, 2013.</ref><ref>[https://tendancecoatesy.wordpress.com/2013/03/04/the-international-marxist-group-and-the-swp-crisis/ The International Marxist Group and the SWP Crisis], ''Tendance Coatsey (blog)'', 4 March 2013 (accessed 19 October 2017).</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), which opposed the United States' role in the Vietnam War, was founded in 1966 by members of the International Marxists Group, working in conjunction with the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. They were subsequently joined by activists from the International Socialists, another Trotskyist faction (later known as the Socialist Workers Party, and subsequently targeted by undercover police in its own right) as well as Maoists and anarchists.<ref>Ian H. Birchall, [http://www.marxists.de/intsoctend/birchall/revparty.htm History of the International Socialists – Part 2: Towards a Revolutionary Party], ''International Socialism''77 (1st series), April 1975 (accessed via Marxists.de, 8 August 2017).</ref>

Though created and led by Trotskyists, the VSC attracted a broad following from across the political left-wing and was particularly successful in linking up with the prominent radical student movement of 1967 to 1969, as well as peace / anti-nuclear campaigners.<ref>Ernest Tate & Phil Hearse, [http://www.marxsite.org/2016/02/the-building-of-vietnam-solidarity.html The Building of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign and its Consequences for the British Left], paper presented at the Left Before 1968 conference, University of East Anglia, February 2016 (accessed via Marxsite.org, 8 August 2017).</ref><ref>Theresa van Geldern, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/viet-solidarity_soc-outlook-may-jun-1988.pdf Vietnam Solidarity: The determination to resist and the confidence to win], ''Socialist Outlook'', May/June 1988.</ref> As an organisation, it was loosely structured as a whole, often working through 'ad hoc committees', which co-ordinated local branches and their activities in given areas. It did however have a national committee which set national strategy. The campaign declined rapidly in 1969, and in October that year, the coalition effectively disintegrated over political differences in relation to the Vietnamese leader, Ho Chi Minh.<ref>Bruce Robinson, [http://www.workersliberty.org/story/2008/03/20/1968-vietnam-solidarity-and-british-left 1968: Vietnam solidarity and the British left], ''WorkersLiberty.org'' (Alliance for Workers Liberty), 20 March 2008 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref>

In terms of its activities, the VSC is most notable for organising several mass demonstrations against the war, particularly in 1967 and 1968 which attracted up to 100,000 protestors at a time.<ref>Anthony O. Edmonds, [http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Texts/Scholarly/Edmonds_Brit_Left.html The Viet Nam War and the British Student Left: A Study in Political Symbolism], ''Vietnam Generation: A Journal of Recent History and Contemporary Issues'', Issue 5 (14), 1994 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref> One such demonstration was the protest of 17th March 1968, which saw the now infamous 'Grosvenor Square riots' take place, when a segment of the marchers sought to occupy the US embassy leading to clashes with police.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/17/newsid_2818000/2818967.stm 1968: Anti-Vietnam demo turns violent], BBC News Online ('On This Day'), 2008 (accessed 6 August 2017).</ref> This caused huge political embarrassment to the UK Labour Government under Harold Wilson, and as a consequence lead to the creation of the Special Demonstration Squad with the Metropolitan Police Special Branch.

However, even prior to the founding of the SDS, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-story/ police files from the time] show the campaign was actively monitored, including the Metropolitan Police Special Branch requesting information from other forces and compiling reports on its plans and protests. In particular, a number of documents indicate their considerable interest in the VSC's "Autumn Offensive" - the name for the large scale demonstration of 27th October 1968.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview">[http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-all-files/ Anti Vietnam war – files overview], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', undated (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref> Much of this work was overseen by Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]] who had responsibility for monitoring Trotskyists and anarchists on behalf of Special Branch at the time.<ref name="dixon.obit">[https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2646319-1999-04-28-Conrad-Dixon-Obituary-the-Times-p-23.html Conrad Dixon (obituary)], ''The Times'', 28 April 1994 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> It was also Dixon who in September 1968 founded the undercover unit, later known as the Special Demonstration Squad, which deployed HN321 as 'Bill Lewis' into the VSC.

* A detailed review of what is known Special Branch's monitoring and infiltration of the Vietnam Solidarity Group can be found under the profile for ''[[John Graham (alias)|John Graham]]'' and will not be repeated here.

==Undercover activities==

[[Image:VSC-bulletin-11-cover-february-1968.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 11 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin'', February 1968.]]

According to the August 2017 'minded-to' note of UCPI chair John Mitting:<ref name="mitting.mindedto.3Aug2017">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 Oct 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: HN321 is now in his 70s. He was deployed against two groups which no longer exist, for one year, between September 1968 and September 1969. There is not and has never been any known allegation of misconduct against him.

While the open version of a document prepared by the Metropolitan Police (for the Undercover Policing Inquiry) stated:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: N321 received no training and no pyschometric testing. N321 was told that N321 needed to gather intelligence, but the senior officers left it to the squad members to work out their own approach. There was no particular methodology advocated by officers and N321 simply used whatever techniques looked the most promising. To a certain extend the approach had to be tailored to the group that were to be penetrated. (para. 3.3)
:: He did not use the identity of a dead child. (para 4.4)

The dates of the infiltration make it very likely he was among the first group of undercovers deployed by the nascent SDS.

A UCPI press release of 5 October 2017 wrote:<ref name="HN321.pr.5Oct2017">Undercover Policing Inquiry, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171005-press-release-HN321.pdf Press Notice: No cover name anonymity sought in respect of HN321], ''UCPI.org.uk'', 5 October 2017 (accessed 10 October 2017).</ref>
:: HN321 was deployed as a member of the Special Operations Squad in 1968 – 1969. He had the cover name “William Paul Lewis”, although he has said that he was known simply as “Bill”. He may have been encountered by individuals involved with the International Marxist Group or the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign in London at that time.

We have not yet ascertained the nature of the interaction the undercover had with his target groups, so it is not possible at this stage to provide an indication of the extent to which he gained knowledge of their internal working and operations or became close to leading members.

He stated to the risk assessor that:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: I believe that at all times I acted faithfully, professionally and in accordance with my instructions from senior officers. I did nothing dishonourable, other than to maintain the necessary subterfuge of a secret identify. (para. 14.1)

==Undercover Policing Inquiry==

===Restriction order applications===

HN321 is not a core participant in the Undercover Policing Inquiry; his interests there are represented by the Metropolitan Police Service's Designated Lawyers Team.

HN321 was among the first tranche of officers to be considered for restriction orders by the Undercover Policing Inquiry.<ref>Christopher Pitchford, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/20170518-order-SDS-anonymity-applictions.pdf Order pursuant to the ruling of 2 May 2017 granting an extension of time for service of anonymity applications by the Metropolitan Police Service in respect of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 18 May 2017.</ref> As such, the Metropolitan Police applied for a restriction order on both his [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf cover and real names].<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf Application for a restriction Order (Anonymity) re: HN321], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 26 July 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> This was supported by a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-personal-statement-from-the-DL-team.pdf personal statement by HN321],<ref name="hn321.ps">'HN321', [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-personal-statement-from-the-DL-team.pdf HN321 Open personal statement], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 30 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-HN330-HN333-HN343-supplementary-submissions-from-DL.pdf supplementary submissions]<ref>Oliver Sanders, QC [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-HN330-HN333-HN343-supplementary-submissions-from-DL.pdf Notice of supplementary submissions on behalf of HN321, HN300, HN330 and HN343 in support of MPS restriction order applications], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 17 July 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> and a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf MPS risk assessment].<ref name="hn321.ra">David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN321-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf N321 - Risk Assessment - Gisted], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017 via UCPI.org.uk.</ref><ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>

The Inquiry chair, John Mitting, issued a 'Minded-To' note on 5 August 2017, in which he indicated that he was considering releasing the cover name but restrict the undercover officer's real name, stating:<ref name="mitting.mindedto.3Aug2017"/>
::[HN321] undertook the role of an undercover officer on the understanding that his identity would be kept secret. He is concerned about possible media interest if his real identity were to be revealed. He is, in particular, concerned about the impact on his wife, also in her 70s. His concerns are not irrational. In the unlikely event that disclosure of his cover name, which can be made, prompts evidence from one or more members of the target groups it will not be enhanced by disclosure of his real name. It is likely that disclosure of his real name would prompt intense and unwelcome media interest in him and so would give rise to serious interference with his and his family’s right to respect for their private life under Article 8 of the European Convention which would not be justifiable under Article 8(2). Closed reasons accompany this note.

In their personal witness statement, HN321 wrote:<ref name="hn321.ps"/>
::The Special Branch was a covert entity and while the public knew it existed, its activities were secret. My understanding when I joined the Special Branch was that I was not to discuss its activities outside of the service and my expectation of the Branch was that my identity would also be kept secret. I recall that at the Induction presentation into the Branch that we were warned that we would have access to secret information that we were not to reveal to anyone outside of the Police or to even acknowledge that we were members of the Special Branch. This seemed entirely reasonable to me and for nearly fifty years I have kept faith with that understanding.

He also told risk assessors:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: My greatest concern is for the welfare of my family if my identity details are revealed during the Inquiry... I do not believe that [my partner] will cope well with the stress caused by possible media intrusion... My only concern is that with the publication of my name and details, I will be subject to intense media scrutiny. I can imagine the delight of the local media. The result will be reporters, cameras, and other media camped on my doorstep demanding that I give them an interview, preferably an exclusive, or comment which they can publish. It is also likely that it will affect my employment.

The risk assessor also stated:<ref name="hn321.ra"/>
:: There is no risk from the [group(s)] N321 infiltrated. N321 considers that most of the people N321 was closest to will no longer present a risk. I have not identified any individual who I think would provide an ongoing physical risk to N321 or N321's family. (para. 16.1)

Following the publishing of Mitting's Minded-To note of 3 August 2017, the Metropolitan Police withdrew their application to restrict HN321's cover name, leading it to being published on 5 October 2017, though the application to restrict his real name remained in place.<ref name="HN321.pr.5Oct2017"/>

The application to restrict his real name was heard at the hearing of 21 November. There it was noted that HN321 currently lives outside of the UK and had said they would not return if their real identity was revealed, but is prepared to cooperate with the Inquiry if it wasn't. It was said that he believed he had done nothing wrong during his time undercover, and Mitting took the view the value of HN321's evidence would only go towards the founding of the SDS.<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> Mitting ruled on 5 December 2017 that 'if the Inquiry is receive anything of value from HN321, it must not publish his real name', and granted the restriction order over the officer's real name.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017 (accessed 9 December 2017).</ref> The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN321.pdf Restriction Order] was published on 8 December 2017.

See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Police line of command==

'''[[John Waldron]], Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''. Deputy Commissioner, he acceded on the sudden death of his predecessor Joseph Simpson on 20 March 1968.<ref>See Wikipedia articles: [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Simpson Joseph Simpson] & [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Waldron_(police_officer) John Waldon (police officer)] for further details & sources. Accessed 10 August 2017.</ref>
:* '''[[Peter_Brodie|Peter Ewan Brodie]], Assistant Commissioner "C" ''' (Crime), head of CID between April 1966 and 1972.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Brodie_(police_officer) Peter Brodie (police officer)], ''Wikipedia'', 2017 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
::* '''[[Ferguson Smith|Ferguson 'Fergie' Smith]], Commander of Special Branch''' 1966 to 1972, with rank of Deputy Assistant Commissioner.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/10324224/Ferguson-Smith.html Obituary: Ferguson Smith], ''The Telegraph'', 2013 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
:::* '''Ch. Supt. A[rthur]<ref>Tentative identification of first name only based on material from the Wilson & Adams history of Special Branch (see page 240).</ref> Cunningham'''. Name appears as signing a number of Special Branch reports submitted by Conrad Dixon in 1968,<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> though he is seemingly replaced by 3rd October that year by an Acting Chief Superintendent.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
::::* '''Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]], founding head of the Special Demonstration Squad''', 1968 onward.

Special Branch reports from 1968, authored by Conrad Dixon and under the authority of Ch. Supt. A. Cunningham, were regularly submitted to one J. M. Clift of F.4 Division in the Home Office.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> In later years, F.4 is listed as having responsibility for overseeing counter-terrorism and related matters.

==Notes==

<references />

John Graham (alias)

2025-07-14T10:13:13Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=John ? / HN329|Alias=John Graham|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1969|Targets=Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info] An updated profile on Graham can be found here: [https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn329-john-graham HN329 'John Graham']*



'''John Graham''' is the alias of a [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) undercover police officer. He was active for one year over the period 1968 to 1969, when he infiltrated a north London branch of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) and he also reported on the Revolutionary Socialists Students Federation (RSSF). Little else is known of him. His cover identity and groups he reported on were revealed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/>

He is also referred to as '''HN329''', the [[N_officers|cypher]] given to him by the Inquiry and [[Operation Herne]]. The [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

Update (May 2018): ''This profile updates an earlier version where it was believed that John Graham had focused on the north London Trotskyist milieu; that understanding has evolved and we now believe his focus was prominent but unaligned activists based in Camden who had formed a local branch of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign there. If anyone recalls 'John Graham' from his time in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in touch]. We appreciate that these events took place 50 years ago, so welcome corrections on how we have portrayed the history of the organisations mentioned.''

==Undercover as 'John Graham'==

[[Image:HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS(page1).jpg|200px|thumb|First page of HN326's personal statement in support of his restriction order application. UCPInquiry.org.uk, August 2017]]

'John Graham' was among the very first of the SDS undercovers. His 2017 [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Risk Assessment] says he became a Special Branch officer early on in his police career, then states:<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 3.3 Recruitment to UCO Role He cannot recall how he was recruited to SDS, but he would not have been a volunteer. There was no psychometric testing at the time. There were a number of UC's at the start of the SDS. He had no training. He thinks his deployment must have been around 1968 because it was at the time of the Vietnam crisis, but he cannot recall precisely. He was politically aware, and his back story was sufficient in that he was pretending to deliver cars from one garage to another. He had less of a formal legend than later operatives.

The job was 'simply a story, and he had no actual cover occupation'(4.9).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> From known tradecraft techniques, it is likely he will have maintained his own first name as part of his cover. The Risk Assessment explicitly states he did not use the identity of a dead child.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

In his [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf personal statement] he wrote:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: 3. I can't remember exactly but I believe I was deployed into the Special Operations Squad between 1968 and 1969. I don't know exactly though as it was just life. If you're posted somewhere you just went. It wasn't something I had always wanted to do.

At the time of his deployment, 'Graham' was recently married with young kids.
::'My undercover role wasn't someting that I discussed with my wife. I think she probably knew the object of the exercise but not anything more. She wasn't that interested.'

Graham does not mention to have had a home visit from the SDS, to check if his family situation was upto him going undercover - that routine may have been developed a bit later.

Nothing further of his police career is known, other than after serving undercover he remained a Special Branch officer for the rest of his career. (4.17) He has long retired from the police, and while in his 70s now, Graham is still working. In his personal statement he says that he thinks his current colleagues know he is a former undercover, and that it would not matter to them.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

Since retiring from the police he has made a number of television appearances under his real identity.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

==Targets==

The 'Open Risk Assessment' prepared by the Metropolitan Police for the Undercover Policing Public Inquiry stated that 'John Graham' was:<ref name="HN329.RA">David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN329 Open Risk Assessment], Metropolitan Police Service (via UCPI.org.uk), 31 May 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref>
:: 4.2 ...deploy[ed] into the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (Kilburn & Willesden Branch); and he also reported on the Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation.

The Risk Assessment is clear in that the VSC was his main target, and he 'occasionally reported' on the RSSF (4.2, 4.3).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

===The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===

In 1968, left wing political protest was dominated by the war in Vietnam. Many on the left supported the National Liberation Front (NLF - 'Viet Cong') in a war against Western presence in the country. The struggle of the NLF and the communist North Vietnam government, supported by China, then under the rule of Mao Zedong, was a proxy struggle in the Cold War.

In Britain, there were a number of anti-war groups, but by 1968 the leading one was the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Controlled by the International Marxist Group (IMG) and strongly based in the Trotskyist milieu, it was supported by the International Socialists (IS / later Socialist Workers Party), New Left Review and the Revolutionary Socialist Students' Federation (RSSF). Through the use of 'ad hoc committees' to organise different demonstrations, it was able to reach out across the left to build broad but temporary coalitions.

These ad hoc committees, generally dominated by the IMG and IS, were behind the large demonstrations of 1967 to 1969. In particular, they had been the driving force behind the 17 March 1968 protest which had seen large scale disturbances and an attack on the US Embassy in Grosvenor Square. A second large scale protest was planned for 27 October that year which caused the establishment considerable anxiety at the time.

In September 1968, Conrad Dixon of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch successfully proposed the formation of the Special Operations Squad (later the Special Demonstration Squad - SDS), in which 12 Special Branch officers would be deployed undercover into protest groups planning to participate in the October protest. From the dates, it appears that John Graham / HN329 was among those first twelve officers.

* ''This section is extracted from a much larger piece. For more detail, see Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-0/ 1968 – Protest and Special Branch] at SpecialBranchFiles.uk''

===Revolutionary Socialists Students' Federation===
[[Image:Student-international-no1-february-1969_cover.jpg|thumb|200px|Cover of ''Student International'', Issue 1, February 1969.]]

Not much has been revealed yet about Graham's reporting on the RSSF or how he came to have access to information of their activities. Other than the one line in his Risk Assessment, the group is not mentioned in documents released by the Undercover Policing Inquiry. He does not seem to have actively participated in it. The following material is provides some general context on the group.

Founded in late 1960s, the RSSF was a coalition of student groups which lasted only a couple of years. Closely associated with Trotskyist and Maoist parties, it had a broad church of left wing activists and branches in universities and colleges across the country. The heart of the organisation was focused on the London School of Economics, which over the period 1967 to 1969 experienced considerable student radicalism. As such, the RSSF was born out of and a key player in the radical student movements of the late 1960s and the anti-Vietnam war protests of the time.<ref name="gowan.1">Peter Gowan, [https://redmolearchive.files.wordpress.com/2016/06/student-international-no1-february-1969.pdf L.S.E. and R.S.S.F.], ''Student International'', Issue 1, February 1969 (accessed via Red Mole Archives).</ref>

At the London School of Economics one of the group's leading lights was Richard Kuper - who was also active with the International Socialists (elected a member of the National Committee in 1968) and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref>[http://mrc-catalogue.warwick.ac.uk/records/KUP Papers of Richard Kuper (International Socialism Group / Socialist Workers Party)], Modern Records Centre, Warwick University, catalogue entry (accessed 6 August 2017).</ref> In October 1968, some 3000 students occupied the LSE following an attempt by management to close the university ahead of the 27 October anti-Vietnam War demonstration. During this occupation, the LSE was used as a base for the protests, including a medical centre established by the Socialist Medical Association.

==Undercover as 'John Graham'==

[[Image:N19-1968-vsc-bulletin cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 19 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin, November 1968''.]]

According to the Risk Assessment, 'John Graham' grew a beard and simply turned up to the VSC branch meetings.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 4.4 [...] HN329 attended meetings, demonstrations, handing out leaflets and occasionally traveled some distance for conferences, etc.
:: 4.5 Tasking There were regular meetings at a flat where he could feed back information about the likely size of demonstrations, whether those demonstrations were likely to be violent etc.

The Risk Assessment stated the group size at the time was 15-30 and used to meet at the Durham Arms in Kennington. However, 'John Graham' would often go to meetings elsewhere in London, including Camden, and recalled going to a conference in Sheffield (4.8).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> (See below for analysis and queries over some of this material.)

The Risk Assessment noted that he did not take an active role in the group other than attending demonstrations and meetings, and did not become close to any individuals (8.2).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> According to HN329, his group was generally non-violent, the worst they ever suggested being to jump on the back of a policeman (11). Indeed, the only time he was subject to violence was when he was hit by a security guard at the Australian High Commission (12.1).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

N329 gives a slightly different account in his personal statement:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: 4. I reported on the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, and I think it was the Camden branch. The reason for being in the group was for me to find out what the strategy was for a big VSC march. I attended meetings and took part in demonstrations. I wasn't involved in any confrontations. The only two things I can remember are a big VSC march which we all went on and protesting at the Australian High Commission but I don't remember what it was for.
:: 5. I regarded the people I was with as intellectuals, they were well-educated people, one of whom was a doctor or something similar. They were just people that believed the Americans shouldn't have been in Vietnam but had no idea of how to get them out. I would include myself in that.
:: 6. For my cover name [John Graham]. I can't remember on how many occasions I gave out my full name but I don't think it was many. Maybe at the beginning when I was introducing myself. The VSC didn't keep any written records of members or anything like that. It was a very loose-knit organisation. It's been so long that if you spoke to anybody, I believe they wouldn't even remember my cover name. I doubt if anyone would even remember me.

It also noted that while undercover he handed out leaflets on the day of the 'big VSC march, which is presumed to be the march of October 1986.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

HN329 ceased his spying the VSC at an unknown point in 1969. According to the Risk Assessment:<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 4.16 Withdrawal / exit strategy He was asked by a Chief Inspector to attend a particular meeting, but he felt that to do so would operationally compromise himself, so he declined. The senior officer immediately assigned him to other duties within Special Branch. He did not use any excuse for his exit. He simply stopped attending meetings.

==Kilburn VSC==

The Risk Assessment, presumably relying on contemporary notes, states that John Graham infiltrated the Kilburn and Willesden branch of the VSC - the NW6 & NW10 postcodes in north London. Several specific references to the Kilburn group can be found in contemporary material archived at Marxists.org. The VSC Bulletin noted its recent formation in its February 1968 issue,<ref name="VSC.bulletin.11">[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n11-feb-1968-vsc-bulletin.pdf Local V.S.C. Activities], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 11, February 1968 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref> while in July 1968, a member of the Kilburn VSC co-authored a pamphlet entitled ''Background to the Vietnam War''.<ref>''Background to the Vietnam War'', July 1968, Papers of Marie and Geoff Richman, ''Bishopsgate Institute'', (''vide infra'').</ref> Kilburn VSC also appears in a Special Branch report of late August 1968, listed as one of the active VSC branches in London (others including Earls Court, Hampstead, Notting Hill Gate, Fulham, Lambeth, Walthamstow, Hornsey and Highgate & Holloway).<ref name="dixon.sb.30Aug68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487406-30th-august-1968-sb-report-on-vietnam-solidarity.html Report on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 30 August 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>

[[Image:Issue18-1968-vsc-bulletin cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 18 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin, October 1968''.]]

Conrad Dixon's Special Branch report of 10th September makes note of several London 'ad hoc committees' forming to co-ordinate local activity, including ones for North London and North West London (via the North-West London Action Group),<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487404-10th-sep-1968-sb-report-on-vietnam-solidarity.html Vietnam Solidarity Campaign "Autumn Offensive"], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 September 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> while a VSC Bulletin from October 1968 in London listed contacts of ad hoc committees for NW6 / Northwest London and NW8 / Kentish Town.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n18-1968-vsc-bulletin.pdf List of Local Ad Hoc Committees In/Around London], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 18, (October) 1968 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref>

Dixon's intelligence reports in the run up to the 27 October protest of 1968 contain details on the activities and plans of the North West Ad Hoc Committee which the Kilburn branch would have no doubt played a part in. For example, the 23 September report says that the North West London ad hoc committee planned to follow the decisions of the VSC national committee,<ref name="dixon.sb.23Sept68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487403-23rd-sep-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 September 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> while his report of 16 October notes:<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494420-16th-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html V.S.C. "Autumn Offensive", weekly summary], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 16 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.uk).</ref>
::The North west London ad-hoc Committee of the VSC intend to assemble at Henrietta Street in Covent Garden at 1.30pm on the 27th. They are expected to be about 150 strong.

It is likely that some of this material will have come from John Graham.

The Kilburn group appears to have declined after October 1968. Only one further mention of the group has been identified to date in contemporary publications, a ''Red Camden'' publication noting that Willesden / Kilburn VSC would be meeting on 16 January 1969 at The Common Room, Tollgate Gardens, Kilburn High Road, NW6.<ref name="redblood">''Red Blood vs Blue Blood'', a leaflet published by Red Camden, probably in January 1969, as it related to a meeting of Brent Council that month in relation to blood donation programme in support of the people of Vietnam.</ref>

==Camden Vietnam Solidarity Campaign==

===Background to Camden VSC===

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign encouraged the setting up of local branches, which would send delegates to VSC conferences. These conferences established the national executive and working committees that oversaw the actual work of the campaign. Among those who played a significant role in these committees and in establishing groups in north London were a group of mostly unaligned activists based in and around Camden. Their general background was Communist with strong leanings to Maoism rather than Trotskyism, albeit there were cross-overs with the International Socialists as well.

By mid-1968, this group of campaigners were very active, organising locally and submitting important proposals to the national VSC meetings.<ref>See 'Kilburn and Camden VSC Branches' in Donal O'Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-4/#Kilburn_and_Camden_VSC_branches 1968: Protest and Special Branch], SpecialBranchFiles.uk, 14 April 2018.</ref> Its members were listed as contacts for the various ad hoc committees in north west London. They also had connections with key figures in the London School of Economics branch of the Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation.<ref name="hughes2">Celia Hughes, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wroSDQAAQBAJ Young Lives on the Left: Sixties Activism and the Liberation of the Self], Oxford University Press, 2015.</ref><ref>[http://www.bishopsgate.org.uk/Library/Library-and-Archive-Collections/Labour-and-Socialist-History/Richman-Geoff-and-Marie Richman, Geoff and Marie Richman archive collection], ''Bishopsgate Institute'', undated (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n20-jan-1969-vsc-bulletin.pdf Extract from the Working Committee Minutes], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 20, January 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref><ref name="hughes.phd">Celia Hughes, [http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49428/7/WRAP_THESIS_Hughes_2011.pdf The Socio-Cultural Milieux of the Left in Post-War Britain (PhD Thesis)], Warwick University, 2011 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref> Another set of contacts was with Australians and New Zealanders Against the Vietnam War, which spearheaded protests against the Australian government's involvement in the war.

===Emergence of Camden VSC: local activities===

The first mention identified to date of a specific Camden VSC branch comes in December 1968, when a letter was circulated stating the Hampstead group renamed itself as Camden VSC.<ref name="cvsc.founding.letter">Letter announcing formation of Camden Vietnam Solidarity Campaign branch, circa December 1968, Papers of Marie and Geoff Richman, ''Bishopsgate Institute'', (''vide infra'').</ref> 'John Graham' in his personal statement recalled that he thought it was the Camden branch meetings he attended.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

The January 1969 issue of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Bulletin'' reported that London VSC committees had taken over a pro-Vietnam War meeting at Kensington Town Hall on 3 December 1968. Singled out for special mention is Geoff Richman, a central figure in the Camden group<ref>Geoffrey Crossick, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n20-jan-1969-vsc-bulletin.pdf London V.S.C. captures Saigon propaganda meeting], ''Vietnam Solidarity Bulletin'', No. 20, January 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>and who is likely to be the doctor referred to by ‘John Graham’ as one of those he got close to.<ref name="hughes.phd"/><ref name="HN329.RA"/>

Much more of the group is known for the year 1969. In January 1969 Camden VSC begins to publish its own newsletter, ''Red Camden'' which gives considerable insight into its activities.<ref>The following material is based on a reading of multiple copies of ''Red Camden'' to be found among the Geoff and Maria Richman archives, housed in the Bishopsgate Institute.</ref> The official address for this publication was Flat 3, 12 Rosslyn Hill, NW3, though later it moved to 8 Bramshill Gardens, NW5.

The Camden VSC centred on a couple, Marie and Geoff Richman, the latter a socialist doctor. Both played prominent roles in the VSC nationally, being executive committee members, and Marie being its Treasurer. They had been previously involved with a Maoist grouping within the Communist Party but were expelled in 1966. In 1967, they developed the 'Friday Group', a small group of political activists who developed their own thinking among the new left milieu in a different route than had been taken by the more traditional Trotskyists. Before it evolved into becoming Camden VSC, the group had been a key driving force behind 1968's North West London Ad Hoc Committee. Into this circle were pulled others who active in Vietnam War campaigning, including those involved in groups such as Stop-It and Medical Aid for Vietnam. Through their work protesting the Vietnam war they were also inspired by some of the on the ground activities of the NLF.<ref name="hughes.phd"/>

Among its early activities is participation in a demonstration of 8 January 1969 at Brent Town Hall, where the local council were having a meeting. This was protest of Brent Council having banned a session where the public could donate blood to aid the people of Vietnam due to be held on 8 December in Kilburn Square.<ref name="redblood"/><ref>Brent Town Hall Demo, ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.2, 17 February 1969.</ref>

[[File:Dublin_Castle,_Camden_Town,_NW1_(via_WikiCommons).jpg|200px|thumb|Dublin Castle Pub, Camden]]

The group initially met at Dublin Castle pub, The Parkway, NW1,<ref name="cvsc.founding.letter"/> including on Wednesday 15 January 1969 <ref name="redblood"/> though by mid-February it had switched to meeting at The Laurel Tree, Bayhem Street, NW1 - were it continued to meet every Wednesday for the rest of the year.

The group was a very active one. On Fridays, they would leaflet the queue to The Everyman Cinema in Hampstead, NW3 and on Saturdays, it held a stall at Queen Crescent Market raising funds for the group and the national VSC by selling pamphlets and posters - including of Ho Chi Minh. While on Sunday's it had a social session playing volleyball and other sports on Parliament Hill Field. Both events were apparently to be found by looking out for the NLF flags they used. Later in the year, it added a regular Sunday night newcomers meeting, held at 11 The Grange, Maitland Park Road, NW3.

===''Red Camden''===

It also produced the regular ''Red Camden'' newsletter, whose second issue carried the title 'By Any Means Necessary', a probable reference to the use of the phrase as popularised by Malcolm X,<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/By_any_means_necessary By Any Means Necessary], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 6 May 2018)</ref> but ironically later adopted as an informal motto by the Special Demonstration Squad.<ref>Carole Cadwalladr, [https://www.theguardian.com/books/2013/jun/29/undercover-secret-police-lewis-evans-review Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police Paul Lewis and Rob Evans – review], ''The Guardian'', 9 June 2013 (accessed 7 May 2018).</ref>

Early issues of ''Red Camden'' advertised the Agit-Prop workshops and play, and also a regular VSC Poster making workshop which took place at 61 Camden Road, NW1. It would appear that the latter is what is better known as the Camden Poster Workshop, which during the October 1968 protest had moved the studio briefly into the London School of Economics<ref>[http://www.tate.org.uk/visit/tate-britain/display/spotlights/london-1968 London: 1968], Tate Britain - web page for exhibition of 7 May - 31 October 2018 (accessed 6 May 2017).</ref>). Founded in early 1968, it had become a source of radical posters for the era.<ref>[http://www.posterworkshop.co.uk/aboutus.html The Poster Workshop: About Us], PosterWorkshop.co.uk, undated (accessed 6 May 2018).</ref>

Agit-Prop was 'a radical information service which also did street theatre as the Agit-Prop Street Players'.<ref>[http://darh.myblog.arts.ac.uk/2018/04/23/agitate-propagate-68/ Agitate Propagate - 68], Design Activism Research Hub (webpage for exhibition of 1-31st May, London College of Communications, 2018 (accessed 5 May 2018).</ref>

The Agit-Prop work was later replaced in diary listings by activities of the Angry Art Society, a film collective which was very closely associated with Camden VSC.<ref name="hughes2"/> Later, and through this art related world, the group would connect into the important Women's Liberation group based in Tufnell Park.

===Political campaigning===

As well as the local work, the group continued to be politically active:

*1 March 1969, a Saturday: 23 people from Camden VSC attend an anti-Vietnam War protest in Sheffield, which was followed on the Sunday by a conference.
* 20 March 1969, Camden VSC and the International Socialists host a joint meeting at the Enterprise pub, 2 Haverstock Hill, Chalk Farm, NW3 - another address which appears time to time in issues of ''Red Camden. There they heard author Roy Battersby talk about ecological destruction and capitalism.<ref>Notice in ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.3, 5 March 1969. This is believed to be Roy Battersby, the TV director and Trotskyist activist, later active with the Workers Revolutionary Party.</ref>

* 26/27 April: members of the group attend the anti-racism demonstration of 26/27 April in Wolverhampton.

A particularly noteworthy event was the annual C.N.D. Easter Monday march, which arrived in London on 7 April 1969, having come from Cardiff. It was joined on the outskirts of London by Nguyễn Thị Bình "Madame Binh", a leading figure in the NLF and negotiator in the Paris Peace talks.<ref>Roy Baker, [https://flashbak.com/100-years-of-protesting-at-trafalgar-square-part-2-19449/ 100 years of Protesting at Trafalgar Square (Part 2)], Flashbak.com, 1 September 2014 (accessed 6 May 2018).</ref> Madame Binh's presence in the UK was notable, having previously been prevented by the Government and raised as a campaigning issue by the VSC who said she should be allowed to come. As part of the publicity around the march, Camden VSC renamed the section of the route from Haverstock Hill to Rosslyn Hill as the 'Ho Chi Minh Trail'. ''Red Camden'' in its account, noted that Madame Binh stood on the steps of Haverstock Hill town hall (Hampstead Old Town Hall, NW3), to watch the march pass.<ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 21 April 1969.</ref><ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 1 May 1969. Note from URG: chronology listed on the front of the publication appears to be in error.</ref>

Camden VSC joined the demonstrators assembling in Hyde Park with a model tank they had constructed and marched with it to Trafalgar Square, where they set up a stall.<ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 21 April 1969.</ref>

{{#ev:youtube|https://youtu.be/b8naHviSkF4|500|left|Pathe News: Madame Binh Of The Vietnamese NLF Addresses CND rally in Trafalgar Square 7 Apr 1969.<ref>[https://www.britishpathe.com/video/VLVA2I5XBZXNEGRKJ9YKOJKCKLN45-UK-MADAME-BINH-OF-THE-VIETNAMESE-NLF-ADDRESSES-CND-RALLY-IN/query/CND UK: Madame Binh Of The Vietnamese NLF Addresses CND rally in Trafalgar Square], ''British Pathe'', 7 Apr 1969 (accessed 7 May 1969).</ref>}}

During the visit, members of Camden VSC had a meeting with Madame Binh, during which she referred to them as the 'Viet Cong in London'.<ref>Geoff Crossick, 'Camden VSC in Black Pyjamas', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 6, 1 May 1969.</ref> Unlike the Trotskyists who had political differences over the NLF, Camden VSC along with Maoists had embraced the NLF and adopted the slogan 'Victory to the NLF'.<ref>[https://woodsmokeblog.wordpress.com/2017/08/18/1968-grosvenor-square-thats-where-the-protest-should-be-made/ 1968, Grosvenor Square – that’s where the protest should be made], ''WoodsmokeBlog'', 18 August 2017 (accessed 10 February 2018).</ref> Indeed, Camden VSC produced its own NLF supporting literature - posters, pamphlets, etc. - which it sold on it's Saturday stall.

Tensions between Camden VSC and the national campaign emerged throughout the first half of 1969. The Camden group is referred to as the 'Richman faction', and led calls at the national conference of February 1969 that the VSC should re-orient around individual membership rooted in local branches.<ref name="hughes.phd"/>

Associated with Camden VSC is Ellen Adams Hammerschlag (of Angry Arts) who made the film 'End of a Tactic', a documentary on the 27 October 1968 march questioning the role of A to B marches such as that protest. Camden VSC showed the film on 18 April 1968 at the Camden Studio, Camden Street (presumably the same as the Camden Poster Workshop studio) followed by a discussion.<ref name="RC.1.6.1May1969">''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 6, 1 May 1969.</ref>

Political differences came to a head in April, when Marie Richman was sacked as treasurer of the VSC.<ref name="RC.1.6.1May1969"/> The group continued to make its own way politically, when in May, two members of the group, Steve and Alicia Merrett, meet in Paris with Mr. Sau, a delegate of the NLF to the Peace Talks there. He recommended they remain in contact with Mr. Sao and Mrs. Linh Qui - NLF representatives based in Hampstead.<ref>Steve Merrett, 'Paris Weekend', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 7, 12 May 1969.</ref>

On 14 June, members of the group were among a party of people who had an audience with Mr. Dinh Ba Thi, the deputy leader at the Paris Peace Talks on behalf of the communist South Vietnam Provisional Government. He was passing through London on the way to talk at a protest in Manchester. Others groups represented are CND, Morning Star and the Communist Party. That evening, Camden VSC held a party at The Three Horse Shoes at 26 Heath Street, NW3.<ref>'Welcome to the P.R.G.', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 9, 23 June 1969. The pub is now the Horseshoe, 28 Heath Street, NW3 6TE.</ref> The same month, the group started to conducts local 'liberation tours', aimed at exposing local businesses and company directors involved in serving the pro-American government in South Vietnam.<ref>'Liberation Tour', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 10, 14 July 1969.</ref> Mr. Sao and Mrs. Qui were noted again as representatives of North Vietnam, when following the death of Ho Chi Minh in September 1969, members Camden VSC visit them in at Eton Avenue, Hampstead to sign a book of condolences.<ref>'Mourning in Eton Avenue', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.12, 19 September 1969.</ref>

However, in late July, sixteen people from the group had a weekend holiday in Donhead St. Andrews, Dorset to discuss the future of Camden VSC. It recognised the declining interest in the weekly stall and leafleting sessions.<ref>'Weekend Commune', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 11, 19 August 1969.</ref>

The weekend away seems to have crystallised the changing nature of their political activism, the group becomes more involved in local issues, such as housing, local community events and women's liberation, as shown in articles published in ''Red Camden'' throughout the rest of the year. So, though they maintain a focus on activities around the Vietnam War, by the end of the year they are ready to transform into the Camden Movement for People Power, finally ceasing to be Camden VSC.

==John Graham in Camden VSC==

===Australia House protest===

In the risk assessment for Graham, mention is made of an incident in which he was assaulted by a security guard at the Australian High Commission.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/> It is likely this refers to an incident reported by Conrad Dixon on 3 October 1968:<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
:: The Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation continues to emphasise the importance of Australia House as a symbol of Commonwealth complicity in the Vietnam War and is calling for militant action there. Members of the group Australians and New Zealanders Against the Vietnam War attempted to disrupt a social event at Australia House on 27.9.68: Police had advance warning of their intentions, and about a dozen people who tried to create a disturbance were escorted from the premises. All the indications are that a further attempt will be made at this building.

It is worth nothing that there were personal connections between the Camden and ANZAVW groups as well. However, other protests at Australia House took place, so the incident recalled by Graham may be a later one such as the 11 January 1969 protest against a visit by Australian Premier, John Gorton.<ref>On 11 January 1969, 200 people demonstrated at Australia House and at the Savoy Hotel - where Premier John Gorton was staying.See: [https://www.nytimes.com/1969/01/12/archives/australians-new-zealanders-in-london-protest-war.html Australians, New Zealanders in London Protest War], ''New York Times'', 12 January 1969 (accessed 8 May 2018). A leaflet entitled 'Get Gorton', calling for these protests is one of the few actual leaflets found among the archives of the Richmans.</ref>

===Article for ''Red Camden''===

The 8 June 1969 issue ''Red Camden'' had two very important sections. One is titled "John's Titbits", and is a short bit of miscellaneous information which if not written by John Graham, appears to be derived from his comments. It includes mention a protest phone-line in New York, where one could ring to get information of demonstrations happening in the city that day. More significantly, it also notes he was part of a loud political discussion in the Mail Coach pub in Sheffield with others from the group. This matches with his recollection of having gone to Sheffield for a conference - the newsletter having previously reported that Camden VSC had sent 23 people to to a large anti-Vietnam war protest in the city in March that year.

[[File:John Grahame in Red Camden (Bishopsgate Inst).jpg|thumb|300px|Article by undercover officer 'John Graham' (HN 329) in the 8 June 1969 issue of ''Red Camden'' newsletter, regarding a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Accessed via the [http://www.bishopsgate.org.uk/content.aspx?CategoryID=1850 Marie and Geoff Richman archives] (grateful acknowledgment to the Bishopsgate Institute).]]

A couple of pages along from this, is an account of a meeting held at the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign offices at 120 Commercial Road on 15 May 1969. Its author is given as 'John Grahame', and it is clear he is one of the two people who attended a VSC Working Committee on behalf of the Camden group. He writes about anticipated hostility from the core VSC group staffed by members of the International Marxist Group (IMG).

The others named in the piece as being present besides the pair from Camden can be identified as IMG activists. Despite the wrong spelling of the name, it is highly likely the person behind both articles was the undercover officer using the name John Graham, which places him at the heart of the group's involvement in the Vietnam campaign.

There is one final possible mention. When the Merrett's meet Mr. Sau at the Paris Peace Talks in May 1969 (see above), their report talks of how Mr. Sau asked what persecution the group had as a result of their work on Vietnam. He was told two members of the group had been fined, while another, John, was imprisoned. While this could be John Graham, another possibility is John Hoyland, the Black Dwarf journalist and one of the founders of the Agit-Prop collective.

==Undercover Policing Public Inquiry==

'John Graham' is referenced by the nominal/cypher HN329 for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the UCPI. On 3rd August 2017, his cover name was one of three released by the Inquiry, along with details of dates and targets of his deployment.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: ‘Minded to’ note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref> As such he is also one of the first SDS / NPOIU undercover officers to be formally confirmed by the Inquiry who had not been previously exposed by activists. The Metropolitan Police have applied to have his real name restricted by the Inquiry,<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf Application for a restriction Order (Anonymity) re: HN329], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 30 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> which the Chair, John Mitting, has indicated he is minded to grant.<ref>John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], UCPI, 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 Oct 2017)</ref> In support of this application a personal / impact statement<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017">'John Graham' (alias), [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf Impact / Personal Statement by HN329 (open version)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 29 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> and a risk assessment<ref name="HN329.RA"/> have been issued, both in redacted form.

In giving his reason for not wanting to have his real name released, he said:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: I don't want to be associated with the idiot<ref>This is presumably a reference to Mark Kennedy, whose exposure kicked off the spycops scandal in 2011.</ref> that caused all this because it's a question of being tarred with the same brush. And of course, there is also the issue of people subsequently coming forward and claiming things because they have just picked on a name or something. I'm not worried about that because I never did anything except not tell the people in the organisation I was a police officer.

Graham is not a core participant at the Inquiry (4.20).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

===Anonymity application===

No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> though the Metropolitan Police Service did apply for an order to [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf restrict his real name], and provided [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf open personal / impact statement] from him alongside a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf open risk assessment (David Reid)].<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

Their application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref>
:: He does not wish his real name to be published, to avoid interference in his private life and damage to his reputation, by association with other undercover officers against who allegations of misconduct have been made... I acknowledge that the interference in the right to respect for private life described above is not great. I am satisfied that is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled. Accordingly, despite the fact it would not be great, it would not be proportionate or fair to disclose his real name; and the public interest does not require it.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN329.pdf Restriction Order] was published on 8 December 2017.

==Police line of command==

'''[[John Waldron]], Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''. Deputy Commissioner, her succeeded on the sudden death of his predecessor Joseph Simpson on 20 March 1968.<ref>See Wikipedia articles: [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Simpson Joseph Simpson] & [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Waldron_(police_officer) John Waldon (police officer)] for further details & sources. Accessed 10 August 2017.</ref>
:* '''[[Peter_Brodie|Peter Ewan Brodie]], Assistant Commissioner "C" ''' (Crime), head of CID between April 1966 and 1972.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Brodie_(police_officer) Peter Brodie (police officer)], ''Wikipedia'', 2017 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
::* '''[[Ferguson Smith|Ferguson 'Fergie' Smith]], Commander of Special Branch''' 1966 to 1972, with rank of Deputy Assistant Commissioner.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/10324224/Ferguson-Smith.html Obituary: Ferguson Smith], ''The Telegraph'', 2013 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
:::* '''Ch. Supt. A[rthur]<ref>Tentative identification of first name only based on material from the Wilson & Adams history of Special Branch (see page 240).</ref> Cunningham'''. Name appears as signing a number of Special Branch reports submitted by Conrad Dixon in 1968,<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview">[http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-all-files/ Anti Vietnam war – files overview], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', undated (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref> though he is seemingly replaced by 3rd October by an Acting Chief Superintendent.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
::::* '''Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]], founding head of the Special Demonstration Squad''', 1968 onward.

Special Branch reports from 1968 authored by Conrad Dixon and under the authority of Ch. Supt. A. Cunningham were regularly submitted to one J. M. Clift of F.4 Division in the Home Office.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> In later years, F.4 is listed as having responsibility for overseeing counter-terrorism and related matters.

==Notes==

<references />

John Graham (alias)

2025-07-14T10:12:37Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=John ? / HN329|Alias=John Graham|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1969|Targets=Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info] An upadted profile on Graham can be found here: [https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn329-john-graham HN329 'John Graham']*



'''John Graham''' is the alias of a [[Special Demonstration Squad]] (SDS) undercover police officer. He was active for one year over the period 1968 to 1969, when he infiltrated a north London branch of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) and he also reported on the Revolutionary Socialists Students Federation (RSSF). Little else is known of him. His cover identity and groups he reported on were revealed by the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/>

He is also referred to as '''HN329''', the [[N_officers|cypher]] given to him by the Inquiry and [[Operation Herne]]. The [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] has ruled that the officer's real name will be restricted.<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's 'Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Public Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

Update (May 2018): ''This profile updates an earlier version where it was believed that John Graham had focused on the north London Trotskyist milieu; that understanding has evolved and we now believe his focus was prominent but unaligned activists based in Camden who had formed a local branch of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign there. If anyone recalls 'John Graham' from his time in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net please get in touch]. We appreciate that these events took place 50 years ago, so welcome corrections on how we have portrayed the history of the organisations mentioned.''

==Undercover as 'John Graham'==

[[Image:HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS(page1).jpg|200px|thumb|First page of HN326's personal statement in support of his restriction order application. UCPInquiry.org.uk, August 2017]]

'John Graham' was among the very first of the SDS undercovers. His 2017 [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Risk Assessment] says he became a Special Branch officer early on in his police career, then states:<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 3.3 Recruitment to UCO Role He cannot recall how he was recruited to SDS, but he would not have been a volunteer. There was no psychometric testing at the time. There were a number of UC's at the start of the SDS. He had no training. He thinks his deployment must have been around 1968 because it was at the time of the Vietnam crisis, but he cannot recall precisely. He was politically aware, and his back story was sufficient in that he was pretending to deliver cars from one garage to another. He had less of a formal legend than later operatives.

The job was 'simply a story, and he had no actual cover occupation'(4.9).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> From known tradecraft techniques, it is likely he will have maintained his own first name as part of his cover. The Risk Assessment explicitly states he did not use the identity of a dead child.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

In his [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf personal statement] he wrote:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: 3. I can't remember exactly but I believe I was deployed into the Special Operations Squad between 1968 and 1969. I don't know exactly though as it was just life. If you're posted somewhere you just went. It wasn't something I had always wanted to do.

At the time of his deployment, 'Graham' was recently married with young kids.
::'My undercover role wasn't someting that I discussed with my wife. I think she probably knew the object of the exercise but not anything more. She wasn't that interested.'

Graham does not mention to have had a home visit from the SDS, to check if his family situation was upto him going undercover - that routine may have been developed a bit later.

Nothing further of his police career is known, other than after serving undercover he remained a Special Branch officer for the rest of his career. (4.17) He has long retired from the police, and while in his 70s now, Graham is still working. In his personal statement he says that he thinks his current colleagues know he is a former undercover, and that it would not matter to them.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

Since retiring from the police he has made a number of television appearances under his real identity.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

==Targets==

The 'Open Risk Assessment' prepared by the Metropolitan Police for the Undercover Policing Public Inquiry stated that 'John Graham' was:<ref name="HN329.RA">David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN329 Open Risk Assessment], Metropolitan Police Service (via UCPI.org.uk), 31 May 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref>
:: 4.2 ...deploy[ed] into the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (Kilburn & Willesden Branch); and he also reported on the Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation.

The Risk Assessment is clear in that the VSC was his main target, and he 'occasionally reported' on the RSSF (4.2, 4.3).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

===The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===

In 1968, left wing political protest was dominated by the war in Vietnam. Many on the left supported the National Liberation Front (NLF - 'Viet Cong') in a war against Western presence in the country. The struggle of the NLF and the communist North Vietnam government, supported by China, then under the rule of Mao Zedong, was a proxy struggle in the Cold War.

In Britain, there were a number of anti-war groups, but by 1968 the leading one was the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Controlled by the International Marxist Group (IMG) and strongly based in the Trotskyist milieu, it was supported by the International Socialists (IS / later Socialist Workers Party), New Left Review and the Revolutionary Socialist Students' Federation (RSSF). Through the use of 'ad hoc committees' to organise different demonstrations, it was able to reach out across the left to build broad but temporary coalitions.

These ad hoc committees, generally dominated by the IMG and IS, were behind the large demonstrations of 1967 to 1969. In particular, they had been the driving force behind the 17 March 1968 protest which had seen large scale disturbances and an attack on the US Embassy in Grosvenor Square. A second large scale protest was planned for 27 October that year which caused the establishment considerable anxiety at the time.

In September 1968, Conrad Dixon of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch successfully proposed the formation of the Special Operations Squad (later the Special Demonstration Squad - SDS), in which 12 Special Branch officers would be deployed undercover into protest groups planning to participate in the October protest. From the dates, it appears that John Graham / HN329 was among those first twelve officers.

* ''This section is extracted from a much larger piece. For more detail, see Dónal O’Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-0/ 1968 – Protest and Special Branch] at SpecialBranchFiles.uk''

===Revolutionary Socialists Students' Federation===
[[Image:Student-international-no1-february-1969_cover.jpg|thumb|200px|Cover of ''Student International'', Issue 1, February 1969.]]

Not much has been revealed yet about Graham's reporting on the RSSF or how he came to have access to information of their activities. Other than the one line in his Risk Assessment, the group is not mentioned in documents released by the Undercover Policing Inquiry. He does not seem to have actively participated in it. The following material is provides some general context on the group.

Founded in late 1960s, the RSSF was a coalition of student groups which lasted only a couple of years. Closely associated with Trotskyist and Maoist parties, it had a broad church of left wing activists and branches in universities and colleges across the country. The heart of the organisation was focused on the London School of Economics, which over the period 1967 to 1969 experienced considerable student radicalism. As such, the RSSF was born out of and a key player in the radical student movements of the late 1960s and the anti-Vietnam war protests of the time.<ref name="gowan.1">Peter Gowan, [https://redmolearchive.files.wordpress.com/2016/06/student-international-no1-february-1969.pdf L.S.E. and R.S.S.F.], ''Student International'', Issue 1, February 1969 (accessed via Red Mole Archives).</ref>

At the London School of Economics one of the group's leading lights was Richard Kuper - who was also active with the International Socialists (elected a member of the National Committee in 1968) and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref>[http://mrc-catalogue.warwick.ac.uk/records/KUP Papers of Richard Kuper (International Socialism Group / Socialist Workers Party)], Modern Records Centre, Warwick University, catalogue entry (accessed 6 August 2017).</ref> In October 1968, some 3000 students occupied the LSE following an attempt by management to close the university ahead of the 27 October anti-Vietnam War demonstration. During this occupation, the LSE was used as a base for the protests, including a medical centre established by the Socialist Medical Association.

==Undercover as 'John Graham'==

[[Image:N19-1968-vsc-bulletin cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 19 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin, November 1968''.]]

According to the Risk Assessment, 'John Graham' grew a beard and simply turned up to the VSC branch meetings.<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 4.4 [...] HN329 attended meetings, demonstrations, handing out leaflets and occasionally traveled some distance for conferences, etc.
:: 4.5 Tasking There were regular meetings at a flat where he could feed back information about the likely size of demonstrations, whether those demonstrations were likely to be violent etc.

The Risk Assessment stated the group size at the time was 15-30 and used to meet at the Durham Arms in Kennington. However, 'John Graham' would often go to meetings elsewhere in London, including Camden, and recalled going to a conference in Sheffield (4.8).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> (See below for analysis and queries over some of this material.)

The Risk Assessment noted that he did not take an active role in the group other than attending demonstrations and meetings, and did not become close to any individuals (8.2).<ref name="HN329.RA"/> According to HN329, his group was generally non-violent, the worst they ever suggested being to jump on the back of a policeman (11). Indeed, the only time he was subject to violence was when he was hit by a security guard at the Australian High Commission (12.1).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

N329 gives a slightly different account in his personal statement:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: 4. I reported on the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, and I think it was the Camden branch. The reason for being in the group was for me to find out what the strategy was for a big VSC march. I attended meetings and took part in demonstrations. I wasn't involved in any confrontations. The only two things I can remember are a big VSC march which we all went on and protesting at the Australian High Commission but I don't remember what it was for.
:: 5. I regarded the people I was with as intellectuals, they were well-educated people, one of whom was a doctor or something similar. They were just people that believed the Americans shouldn't have been in Vietnam but had no idea of how to get them out. I would include myself in that.
:: 6. For my cover name [John Graham]. I can't remember on how many occasions I gave out my full name but I don't think it was many. Maybe at the beginning when I was introducing myself. The VSC didn't keep any written records of members or anything like that. It was a very loose-knit organisation. It's been so long that if you spoke to anybody, I believe they wouldn't even remember my cover name. I doubt if anyone would even remember me.

It also noted that while undercover he handed out leaflets on the day of the 'big VSC march, which is presumed to be the march of October 1986.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

HN329 ceased his spying the VSC at an unknown point in 1969. According to the Risk Assessment:<ref name="HN329.RA"/>
:: 4.16 Withdrawal / exit strategy He was asked by a Chief Inspector to attend a particular meeting, but he felt that to do so would operationally compromise himself, so he declined. The senior officer immediately assigned him to other duties within Special Branch. He did not use any excuse for his exit. He simply stopped attending meetings.

==Kilburn VSC==

The Risk Assessment, presumably relying on contemporary notes, states that John Graham infiltrated the Kilburn and Willesden branch of the VSC - the NW6 & NW10 postcodes in north London. Several specific references to the Kilburn group can be found in contemporary material archived at Marxists.org. The VSC Bulletin noted its recent formation in its February 1968 issue,<ref name="VSC.bulletin.11">[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n11-feb-1968-vsc-bulletin.pdf Local V.S.C. Activities], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 11, February 1968 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref> while in July 1968, a member of the Kilburn VSC co-authored a pamphlet entitled ''Background to the Vietnam War''.<ref>''Background to the Vietnam War'', July 1968, Papers of Marie and Geoff Richman, ''Bishopsgate Institute'', (''vide infra'').</ref> Kilburn VSC also appears in a Special Branch report of late August 1968, listed as one of the active VSC branches in London (others including Earls Court, Hampstead, Notting Hill Gate, Fulham, Lambeth, Walthamstow, Hornsey and Highgate & Holloway).<ref name="dixon.sb.30Aug68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487406-30th-august-1968-sb-report-on-vietnam-solidarity.html Report on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 30 August 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>

[[Image:Issue18-1968-vsc-bulletin cover.jpg|200px|thumb|Cover of Issue 18 of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Campaign Bulletin, October 1968''.]]

Conrad Dixon's Special Branch report of 10th September makes note of several London 'ad hoc committees' forming to co-ordinate local activity, including ones for North London and North West London (via the North-West London Action Group),<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487404-10th-sep-1968-sb-report-on-vietnam-solidarity.html Vietnam Solidarity Campaign "Autumn Offensive"], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 September 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> while a VSC Bulletin from October 1968 in London listed contacts of ad hoc committees for NW6 / Northwest London and NW8 / Kentish Town.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n18-1968-vsc-bulletin.pdf List of Local Ad Hoc Committees In/Around London], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 18, (October) 1968 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref>

Dixon's intelligence reports in the run up to the 27 October protest of 1968 contain details on the activities and plans of the North West Ad Hoc Committee which the Kilburn branch would have no doubt played a part in. For example, the 23 September report says that the North West London ad hoc committee planned to follow the decisions of the VSC national committee,<ref name="dixon.sb.23Sept68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2487403-23rd-sep-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 September 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref> while his report of 16 October notes:<ref>Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494420-16th-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html V.S.C. "Autumn Offensive", weekly summary], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 16 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.uk).</ref>
::The North west London ad-hoc Committee of the VSC intend to assemble at Henrietta Street in Covent Garden at 1.30pm on the 27th. They are expected to be about 150 strong.

It is likely that some of this material will have come from John Graham.

The Kilburn group appears to have declined after October 1968. Only one further mention of the group has been identified to date in contemporary publications, a ''Red Camden'' publication noting that Willesden / Kilburn VSC would be meeting on 16 January 1969 at The Common Room, Tollgate Gardens, Kilburn High Road, NW6.<ref name="redblood">''Red Blood vs Blue Blood'', a leaflet published by Red Camden, probably in January 1969, as it related to a meeting of Brent Council that month in relation to blood donation programme in support of the people of Vietnam.</ref>

==Camden Vietnam Solidarity Campaign==

===Background to Camden VSC===

The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign encouraged the setting up of local branches, which would send delegates to VSC conferences. These conferences established the national executive and working committees that oversaw the actual work of the campaign. Among those who played a significant role in these committees and in establishing groups in north London were a group of mostly unaligned activists based in and around Camden. Their general background was Communist with strong leanings to Maoism rather than Trotskyism, albeit there were cross-overs with the International Socialists as well.

By mid-1968, this group of campaigners were very active, organising locally and submitting important proposals to the national VSC meetings.<ref>See 'Kilburn and Camden VSC Branches' in Donal O'Driscoll, [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/1968-protest-and-special-branch-4/#Kilburn_and_Camden_VSC_branches 1968: Protest and Special Branch], SpecialBranchFiles.uk, 14 April 2018.</ref> Its members were listed as contacts for the various ad hoc committees in north west London. They also had connections with key figures in the London School of Economics branch of the Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation.<ref name="hughes2">Celia Hughes, [https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=wroSDQAAQBAJ Young Lives on the Left: Sixties Activism and the Liberation of the Self], Oxford University Press, 2015.</ref><ref>[http://www.bishopsgate.org.uk/Library/Library-and-Archive-Collections/Labour-and-Socialist-History/Richman-Geoff-and-Marie Richman, Geoff and Marie Richman archive collection], ''Bishopsgate Institute'', undated (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref><ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n20-jan-1969-vsc-bulletin.pdf Extract from the Working Committee Minutes], Bulletin of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, No. 20, January 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org, 8 August 2017).</ref><ref name="hughes.phd">Celia Hughes, [http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49428/7/WRAP_THESIS_Hughes_2011.pdf The Socio-Cultural Milieux of the Left in Post-War Britain (PhD Thesis)], Warwick University, 2011 (accessed 8 August 2017).</ref> Another set of contacts was with Australians and New Zealanders Against the Vietnam War, which spearheaded protests against the Australian government's involvement in the war.

===Emergence of Camden VSC: local activities===

The first mention identified to date of a specific Camden VSC branch comes in December 1968, when a letter was circulated stating the Hampstead group renamed itself as Camden VSC.<ref name="cvsc.founding.letter">Letter announcing formation of Camden Vietnam Solidarity Campaign branch, circa December 1968, Papers of Marie and Geoff Richman, ''Bishopsgate Institute'', (''vide infra'').</ref> 'John Graham' in his personal statement recalled that he thought it was the Camden branch meetings he attended.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>

The January 1969 issue of the ''Vietnam Solidarity Bulletin'' reported that London VSC committees had taken over a pro-Vietnam War meeting at Kensington Town Hall on 3 December 1968. Singled out for special mention is Geoff Richman, a central figure in the Camden group<ref>Geoffrey Crossick, [https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/vsc/n20-jan-1969-vsc-bulletin.pdf London V.S.C. captures Saigon propaganda meeting], ''Vietnam Solidarity Bulletin'', No. 20, January 1969 (accessed via Marxists.org).</ref>and who is likely to be the doctor referred to by ‘John Graham’ as one of those he got close to.<ref name="hughes.phd"/><ref name="HN329.RA"/>

Much more of the group is known for the year 1969. In January 1969 Camden VSC begins to publish its own newsletter, ''Red Camden'' which gives considerable insight into its activities.<ref>The following material is based on a reading of multiple copies of ''Red Camden'' to be found among the Geoff and Maria Richman archives, housed in the Bishopsgate Institute.</ref> The official address for this publication was Flat 3, 12 Rosslyn Hill, NW3, though later it moved to 8 Bramshill Gardens, NW5.

The Camden VSC centred on a couple, Marie and Geoff Richman, the latter a socialist doctor. Both played prominent roles in the VSC nationally, being executive committee members, and Marie being its Treasurer. They had been previously involved with a Maoist grouping within the Communist Party but were expelled in 1966. In 1967, they developed the 'Friday Group', a small group of political activists who developed their own thinking among the new left milieu in a different route than had been taken by the more traditional Trotskyists. Before it evolved into becoming Camden VSC, the group had been a key driving force behind 1968's North West London Ad Hoc Committee. Into this circle were pulled others who active in Vietnam War campaigning, including those involved in groups such as Stop-It and Medical Aid for Vietnam. Through their work protesting the Vietnam war they were also inspired by some of the on the ground activities of the NLF.<ref name="hughes.phd"/>

Among its early activities is participation in a demonstration of 8 January 1969 at Brent Town Hall, where the local council were having a meeting. This was protest of Brent Council having banned a session where the public could donate blood to aid the people of Vietnam due to be held on 8 December in Kilburn Square.<ref name="redblood"/><ref>Brent Town Hall Demo, ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.2, 17 February 1969.</ref>

[[File:Dublin_Castle,_Camden_Town,_NW1_(via_WikiCommons).jpg|200px|thumb|Dublin Castle Pub, Camden]]

The group initially met at Dublin Castle pub, The Parkway, NW1,<ref name="cvsc.founding.letter"/> including on Wednesday 15 January 1969 <ref name="redblood"/> though by mid-February it had switched to meeting at The Laurel Tree, Bayhem Street, NW1 - were it continued to meet every Wednesday for the rest of the year.

The group was a very active one. On Fridays, they would leaflet the queue to The Everyman Cinema in Hampstead, NW3 and on Saturdays, it held a stall at Queen Crescent Market raising funds for the group and the national VSC by selling pamphlets and posters - including of Ho Chi Minh. While on Sunday's it had a social session playing volleyball and other sports on Parliament Hill Field. Both events were apparently to be found by looking out for the NLF flags they used. Later in the year, it added a regular Sunday night newcomers meeting, held at 11 The Grange, Maitland Park Road, NW3.

===''Red Camden''===

It also produced the regular ''Red Camden'' newsletter, whose second issue carried the title 'By Any Means Necessary', a probable reference to the use of the phrase as popularised by Malcolm X,<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/By_any_means_necessary By Any Means Necessary], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 6 May 2018)</ref> but ironically later adopted as an informal motto by the Special Demonstration Squad.<ref>Carole Cadwalladr, [https://www.theguardian.com/books/2013/jun/29/undercover-secret-police-lewis-evans-review Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police Paul Lewis and Rob Evans – review], ''The Guardian'', 9 June 2013 (accessed 7 May 2018).</ref>

Early issues of ''Red Camden'' advertised the Agit-Prop workshops and play, and also a regular VSC Poster making workshop which took place at 61 Camden Road, NW1. It would appear that the latter is what is better known as the Camden Poster Workshop, which during the October 1968 protest had moved the studio briefly into the London School of Economics<ref>[http://www.tate.org.uk/visit/tate-britain/display/spotlights/london-1968 London: 1968], Tate Britain - web page for exhibition of 7 May - 31 October 2018 (accessed 6 May 2017).</ref>). Founded in early 1968, it had become a source of radical posters for the era.<ref>[http://www.posterworkshop.co.uk/aboutus.html The Poster Workshop: About Us], PosterWorkshop.co.uk, undated (accessed 6 May 2018).</ref>

Agit-Prop was 'a radical information service which also did street theatre as the Agit-Prop Street Players'.<ref>[http://darh.myblog.arts.ac.uk/2018/04/23/agitate-propagate-68/ Agitate Propagate - 68], Design Activism Research Hub (webpage for exhibition of 1-31st May, London College of Communications, 2018 (accessed 5 May 2018).</ref>

The Agit-Prop work was later replaced in diary listings by activities of the Angry Art Society, a film collective which was very closely associated with Camden VSC.<ref name="hughes2"/> Later, and through this art related world, the group would connect into the important Women's Liberation group based in Tufnell Park.

===Political campaigning===

As well as the local work, the group continued to be politically active:

*1 March 1969, a Saturday: 23 people from Camden VSC attend an anti-Vietnam War protest in Sheffield, which was followed on the Sunday by a conference.
* 20 March 1969, Camden VSC and the International Socialists host a joint meeting at the Enterprise pub, 2 Haverstock Hill, Chalk Farm, NW3 - another address which appears time to time in issues of ''Red Camden. There they heard author Roy Battersby talk about ecological destruction and capitalism.<ref>Notice in ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.3, 5 March 1969. This is believed to be Roy Battersby, the TV director and Trotskyist activist, later active with the Workers Revolutionary Party.</ref>

* 26/27 April: members of the group attend the anti-racism demonstration of 26/27 April in Wolverhampton.

A particularly noteworthy event was the annual C.N.D. Easter Monday march, which arrived in London on 7 April 1969, having come from Cardiff. It was joined on the outskirts of London by Nguyễn Thị Bình "Madame Binh", a leading figure in the NLF and negotiator in the Paris Peace talks.<ref>Roy Baker, [https://flashbak.com/100-years-of-protesting-at-trafalgar-square-part-2-19449/ 100 years of Protesting at Trafalgar Square (Part 2)], Flashbak.com, 1 September 2014 (accessed 6 May 2018).</ref> Madame Binh's presence in the UK was notable, having previously been prevented by the Government and raised as a campaigning issue by the VSC who said she should be allowed to come. As part of the publicity around the march, Camden VSC renamed the section of the route from Haverstock Hill to Rosslyn Hill as the 'Ho Chi Minh Trail'. ''Red Camden'' in its account, noted that Madame Binh stood on the steps of Haverstock Hill town hall (Hampstead Old Town Hall, NW3), to watch the march pass.<ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 21 April 1969.</ref><ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 1 May 1969. Note from URG: chronology listed on the front of the publication appears to be in error.</ref>

Camden VSC joined the demonstrators assembling in Hyde Park with a model tank they had constructed and marched with it to Trafalgar Square, where they set up a stall.<ref>''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.6, 21 April 1969.</ref>

{{#ev:youtube|https://youtu.be/b8naHviSkF4|500|left|Pathe News: Madame Binh Of The Vietnamese NLF Addresses CND rally in Trafalgar Square 7 Apr 1969.<ref>[https://www.britishpathe.com/video/VLVA2I5XBZXNEGRKJ9YKOJKCKLN45-UK-MADAME-BINH-OF-THE-VIETNAMESE-NLF-ADDRESSES-CND-RALLY-IN/query/CND UK: Madame Binh Of The Vietnamese NLF Addresses CND rally in Trafalgar Square], ''British Pathe'', 7 Apr 1969 (accessed 7 May 1969).</ref>}}

During the visit, members of Camden VSC had a meeting with Madame Binh, during which she referred to them as the 'Viet Cong in London'.<ref>Geoff Crossick, 'Camden VSC in Black Pyjamas', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 6, 1 May 1969.</ref> Unlike the Trotskyists who had political differences over the NLF, Camden VSC along with Maoists had embraced the NLF and adopted the slogan 'Victory to the NLF'.<ref>[https://woodsmokeblog.wordpress.com/2017/08/18/1968-grosvenor-square-thats-where-the-protest-should-be-made/ 1968, Grosvenor Square – that’s where the protest should be made], ''WoodsmokeBlog'', 18 August 2017 (accessed 10 February 2018).</ref> Indeed, Camden VSC produced its own NLF supporting literature - posters, pamphlets, etc. - which it sold on it's Saturday stall.

Tensions between Camden VSC and the national campaign emerged throughout the first half of 1969. The Camden group is referred to as the 'Richman faction', and led calls at the national conference of February 1969 that the VSC should re-orient around individual membership rooted in local branches.<ref name="hughes.phd"/>

Associated with Camden VSC is Ellen Adams Hammerschlag (of Angry Arts) who made the film 'End of a Tactic', a documentary on the 27 October 1968 march questioning the role of A to B marches such as that protest. Camden VSC showed the film on 18 April 1968 at the Camden Studio, Camden Street (presumably the same as the Camden Poster Workshop studio) followed by a discussion.<ref name="RC.1.6.1May1969">''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 6, 1 May 1969.</ref>

Political differences came to a head in April, when Marie Richman was sacked as treasurer of the VSC.<ref name="RC.1.6.1May1969"/> The group continued to make its own way politically, when in May, two members of the group, Steve and Alicia Merrett, meet in Paris with Mr. Sau, a delegate of the NLF to the Peace Talks there. He recommended they remain in contact with Mr. Sao and Mrs. Linh Qui - NLF representatives based in Hampstead.<ref>Steve Merrett, 'Paris Weekend', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 7, 12 May 1969.</ref>

On 14 June, members of the group were among a party of people who had an audience with Mr. Dinh Ba Thi, the deputy leader at the Paris Peace Talks on behalf of the communist South Vietnam Provisional Government. He was passing through London on the way to talk at a protest in Manchester. Others groups represented are CND, Morning Star and the Communist Party. That evening, Camden VSC held a party at The Three Horse Shoes at 26 Heath Street, NW3.<ref>'Welcome to the P.R.G.', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 9, 23 June 1969. The pub is now the Horseshoe, 28 Heath Street, NW3 6TE.</ref> The same month, the group started to conducts local 'liberation tours', aimed at exposing local businesses and company directors involved in serving the pro-American government in South Vietnam.<ref>'Liberation Tour', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 10, 14 July 1969.</ref> Mr. Sao and Mrs. Qui were noted again as representatives of North Vietnam, when following the death of Ho Chi Minh in September 1969, members Camden VSC visit them in at Eton Avenue, Hampstead to sign a book of condolences.<ref>'Mourning in Eton Avenue', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No.12, 19 September 1969.</ref>

However, in late July, sixteen people from the group had a weekend holiday in Donhead St. Andrews, Dorset to discuss the future of Camden VSC. It recognised the declining interest in the weekly stall and leafleting sessions.<ref>'Weekend Commune', ''Red Camden'', Vol. 1, No. 11, 19 August 1969.</ref>

The weekend away seems to have crystallised the changing nature of their political activism, the group becomes more involved in local issues, such as housing, local community events and women's liberation, as shown in articles published in ''Red Camden'' throughout the rest of the year. So, though they maintain a focus on activities around the Vietnam War, by the end of the year they are ready to transform into the Camden Movement for People Power, finally ceasing to be Camden VSC.

==John Graham in Camden VSC==

===Australia House protest===

In the risk assessment for Graham, mention is made of an incident in which he was assaulted by a security guard at the Australian High Commission.<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/> It is likely this refers to an incident reported by Conrad Dixon on 3 October 1968:<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
:: The Revolutionary Socialist Students Federation continues to emphasise the importance of Australia House as a symbol of Commonwealth complicity in the Vietnam War and is calling for militant action there. Members of the group Australians and New Zealanders Against the Vietnam War attempted to disrupt a social event at Australia House on 27.9.68: Police had advance warning of their intentions, and about a dozen people who tried to create a disturbance were escorted from the premises. All the indications are that a further attempt will be made at this building.

It is worth nothing that there were personal connections between the Camden and ANZAVW groups as well. However, other protests at Australia House took place, so the incident recalled by Graham may be a later one such as the 11 January 1969 protest against a visit by Australian Premier, John Gorton.<ref>On 11 January 1969, 200 people demonstrated at Australia House and at the Savoy Hotel - where Premier John Gorton was staying.See: [https://www.nytimes.com/1969/01/12/archives/australians-new-zealanders-in-london-protest-war.html Australians, New Zealanders in London Protest War], ''New York Times'', 12 January 1969 (accessed 8 May 2018). A leaflet entitled 'Get Gorton', calling for these protests is one of the few actual leaflets found among the archives of the Richmans.</ref>

===Article for ''Red Camden''===

The 8 June 1969 issue ''Red Camden'' had two very important sections. One is titled "John's Titbits", and is a short bit of miscellaneous information which if not written by John Graham, appears to be derived from his comments. It includes mention a protest phone-line in New York, where one could ring to get information of demonstrations happening in the city that day. More significantly, it also notes he was part of a loud political discussion in the Mail Coach pub in Sheffield with others from the group. This matches with his recollection of having gone to Sheffield for a conference - the newsletter having previously reported that Camden VSC had sent 23 people to to a large anti-Vietnam war protest in the city in March that year.

[[File:John Grahame in Red Camden (Bishopsgate Inst).jpg|thumb|300px|Article by undercover officer 'John Graham' (HN 329) in the 8 June 1969 issue of ''Red Camden'' newsletter, regarding a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Accessed via the [http://www.bishopsgate.org.uk/content.aspx?CategoryID=1850 Marie and Geoff Richman archives] (grateful acknowledgment to the Bishopsgate Institute).]]

A couple of pages along from this, is an account of a meeting held at the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign offices at 120 Commercial Road on 15 May 1969. Its author is given as 'John Grahame', and it is clear he is one of the two people who attended a VSC Working Committee on behalf of the Camden group. He writes about anticipated hostility from the core VSC group staffed by members of the International Marxist Group (IMG).

The others named in the piece as being present besides the pair from Camden can be identified as IMG activists. Despite the wrong spelling of the name, it is highly likely the person behind both articles was the undercover officer using the name John Graham, which places him at the heart of the group's involvement in the Vietnam campaign.

There is one final possible mention. When the Merrett's meet Mr. Sau at the Paris Peace Talks in May 1969 (see above), their report talks of how Mr. Sau asked what persecution the group had as a result of their work on Vietnam. He was told two members of the group had been fined, while another, John, was imprisoned. While this could be John Graham, another possibility is John Hoyland, the Black Dwarf journalist and one of the founders of the Agit-Prop collective.

==Undercover Policing Public Inquiry==

'John Graham' is referenced by the nominal/cypher HN329 for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the UCPI. On 3rd August 2017, his cover name was one of three released by the Inquiry, along with details of dates and targets of his deployment.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: ‘Minded to’ note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref> As such he is also one of the first SDS / NPOIU undercover officers to be formally confirmed by the Inquiry who had not been previously exposed by activists. The Metropolitan Police have applied to have his real name restricted by the Inquiry,<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf Application for a restriction Order (Anonymity) re: HN329], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 30 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> which the Chair, John Mitting, has indicated he is minded to grant.<ref>John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], UCPI, 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 Oct 2017)</ref> In support of this application a personal / impact statement<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017">'John Graham' (alias), [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf Impact / Personal Statement by HN329 (open version)], ''Metropolitan Police Service'' (via UCPI.org.uk), 29 March 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> and a risk assessment<ref name="HN329.RA"/> have been issued, both in redacted form.

In giving his reason for not wanting to have his real name released, he said:<ref name="john.graham.statement.30March2017"/>
:: I don't want to be associated with the idiot<ref>This is presumably a reference to Mark Kennedy, whose exposure kicked off the spycops scandal in 2011.</ref> that caused all this because it's a question of being tarred with the same brush. And of course, there is also the issue of people subsequently coming forward and claiming things because they have just picked on a name or something. I'm not worried about that because I never did anything except not tell the people in the organisation I was a police officer.

Graham is not a core participant at the Inquiry (4.20).<ref name="HN329.RA"/>

===Anonymity application===

No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> though the Metropolitan Police Service did apply for an order to [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf restrict his real name], and provided [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf open personal / impact statement] from him alongside a [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN329-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf open risk assessment (David Reid)].<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017.</ref> See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

Their application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref>
:: He does not wish his real name to be published, to avoid interference in his private life and damage to his reputation, by association with other undercover officers against who allegations of misconduct have been made... I acknowledge that the interference in the right to respect for private life described above is not great. I am satisfied that is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled. Accordingly, despite the fact it would not be great, it would not be proportionate or fair to disclose his real name; and the public interest does not require it.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN329.pdf Restriction Order] was published on 8 December 2017.

==Police line of command==

'''[[John Waldron]], Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police'''. Deputy Commissioner, her succeeded on the sudden death of his predecessor Joseph Simpson on 20 March 1968.<ref>See Wikipedia articles: [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Simpson Joseph Simpson] & [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Waldron_(police_officer) John Waldon (police officer)] for further details & sources. Accessed 10 August 2017.</ref>
:* '''[[Peter_Brodie|Peter Ewan Brodie]], Assistant Commissioner "C" ''' (Crime), head of CID between April 1966 and 1972.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Brodie_(police_officer) Peter Brodie (police officer)], ''Wikipedia'', 2017 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
::* '''[[Ferguson Smith|Ferguson 'Fergie' Smith]], Commander of Special Branch''' 1966 to 1972, with rank of Deputy Assistant Commissioner.<ref>[http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/10324224/Ferguson-Smith.html Obituary: Ferguson Smith], ''The Telegraph'', 2013 (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref>
:::* '''Ch. Supt. A[rthur]<ref>Tentative identification of first name only based on material from the Wilson & Adams history of Special Branch (see page 240).</ref> Cunningham'''. Name appears as signing a number of Special Branch reports submitted by Conrad Dixon in 1968,<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview">[http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-all-files/ Anti Vietnam war – files overview], ''SpecialBranchFiles.uk'', undated (accessed 10 August 2017).</ref> though he is seemingly replaced by 3rd October by an Acting Chief Superintendent.<ref name="dixon.sb.3Oct68">Conrad Dixon, [http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2494422-3rd-oct-1968-weekly-report-on-preparations-for.html VSC "Autumn Offensive" (weekly report)], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1968 (accessed via SpecialBranchFiles.UK).</ref>
::::* '''Det. Ch. Insp. [[Conrad Dixon]], founding head of the Special Demonstration Squad''', 1968 onward.

Special Branch reports from 1968 authored by Conrad Dixon and under the authority of Ch. Supt. A. Cunningham were regularly submitted to one J. M. Clift of F.4 Division in the Home Office.<ref name="SBF.uk.vietnam.overview"/> In later years, F.4 is listed as having responsibility for overseeing counter-terrorism and related matters.

==Notes==

<references />

Douglas Edwards (alias)

2025-07-14T10:08:11Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN326'|Alias=Douglas "Doug" Edwards|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1971|Targets=Anarchist groups, Independent Labour Party, Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee}}

'''Douglas "Doug" Edwards''' is the cover name of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated anarchist groups (including West Ham Anarchists). He later spied on the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Through the ILP he monitored campaigning groups Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee (DMC) from late 1968 to May 1971. His cover personality created for his deployment was commonly known as 'Doug’ and gave a date of birth as 8 August 1945.
His real name is restricted by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and he is also known by the cipher HN326 for the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]).<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* ''' A -n updated version of this profile can be found here:'''*[

HN326 gave live evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 13 November 2020. The majority of the following derives from his written<ref name= "Doug1st">HN326, [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426722-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 First Written Statement of HN326] 16 April 2019 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0738584, 1 December 2020).</ref> and oral testimony<ref name= "EHDay1"/> as well as Special Branch Intelligence reports released by the Inquiry in November 2020.

==Police Career before SDS==
Doug Edwards joined the Metropolitan Police in 1964, after completing his initial training he was posted to a North London police station.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Unhappy in this policing role, he successfully applied to join Special Branch and began working there in 1968 as a ‘PC CID’, having passed the relevant course.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Doug states:

:: Initially, upon joining Special Branch, I was posted to C Squad which dealt with left-wing enquiries (sic) [redacted]. Day-to-day, I would carry out these enquiries (sic). Sometimes there would be a little bit of subterfuge involved. We would do what was called a 'knock-knock' and pretend to be someone else to find out about the individual who was the subject of an enquiry.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

‘C Squad’ dealt with Communists and Subversives, public order issues and what was later labelled ‘ Domestic Extremism’. It is thought that the SDS was within ‘C’ Squad in Edwards’ era – although later moved into ‘S’ (Specialist/Technical Support) Squad.<ref name="DLOOS">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426753-20201028-opening_statement-dl_clients Opening statement from the Designated Lawyer Officers] ''Designated Lawyer Officers'', 28 October 2020 (source: ucpi.org.uk). </ref>

Evidence released by the Inquiry regarding the Vietnam Solidarity Committee contains a telegram from HN326 reporting on a Marylebone magistrates court hearing on 3 July 1968.<ref name="MPS-0722098p.50">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 June 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0722098).</ref> It describes three people being sentenced to fines for a demonstration in Powis Square in Notting Hill on 25 May 1968.<ref name="VSCTG">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427448-mps-0731916 Police Telegram] Demonstration by members of VSC and Black Power Movement] ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 25 May 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk).</ref> (This event also relates to other undercover officers [[Helen Crampton]] and [[Don de Freitas]] ). As this trial pre-dates the formation of the SDS, this was not undercover work. Rather, the officer would have attended the court in plain clothes as part of standard Special Branch activity gathering intelligence on behalf of ‘C ‘ Squad.

==Special Demonstration Squad==
After a short time in Special Branch (SB), Doug was recruited by Detective Inspector Saunders<ref> Note Saunders was Doug’s Detective Inspector on C Squad.</ref> into the SDS in late 1968, which had only begun in July of 1968. Although he joined in 1968, Doug was deployed after the Grosvenor Square October 1968 demonstration and therefore does not belong to the very first cohort of SDS officers.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> At the time, Edwards was still on two years’ SB probation.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

===Attitude and Opinions===
To date, no one from Edwards' target groups has provided information on his infiltration, and it is unclear how much effort the Inquiry made to locate contemporary witnesses,<ref> Note: It is not known if the Inquiry managed to trace anyone from those groups but if so, no evidence written or otherwise played a part in the evidentiary hearings.</ref> this means that any comments on Edward's attitude and personality entirely rely on his testimony of 13 November 2020, 50 years after his deployment. Further, no questions were posed to Doug how he presented himself to the groups that he infiltrated or what his cover personality was like.

Whilst there are several Special Branch reports published on his infiltration, the reports were according to Edwards, typed and completed by other police personnel.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name= "EHDay1"/> This issue is explored in more detail below.

In reply to written questions submitted by the Inquiry, Doug says he did not know why the SDS had been set up but commented that: 'What was going on at these demonstrations was quite nasty and frightening at times’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

On being a Special Branch officer:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::[...] you needed to identify people and try and understand what their political beliefs were. And it was [...] reported back so that there were records of these people to be called upon if need be.

Doug outlined why people's political beliefs were being recorded:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::Well, it was just part and parcel of being an SB officer, to try and get this information, to try and understand what groups that they were allocated to; because there's all sorts of rivalries in different groups and some were Trotskyite (sic) people that were bent on causing violence, and anarchist groups that were causing violence at demonstrations.

===Training===
Doug states that before joining the SDS the only policing that he carried out that could be described as undercover was when he had been assigned to monitor a fellow officer drinking after hours.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like other former SDS officers whose statements have been released as of November 2020, Doug said he ‘did not receive any training, formal or informal, for the role of an undercover police officer before I was deployed’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Nor did he receive any formal ethical guidance on whether it was permissible to enter to any sexual relationships with members of the groups he was monitoring – commenting that: […] in those days, we lived by what I perceive to be higher moral standards than today. This sort of activity simply would not be done.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug stated he also received no guidance on what to do if brought before a court whether as a defendant or as a witness or if he would obtain access to legally privileged information.

===Development of Cover Identity===
Before his deployment, Edwards states that he: ‘[…] was not given any guidance or instruction about the creation of a false identity [...] I was just told to get an identity and to get a job.’<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like many of the officers from the early days of the SDS, Douglas ‘legend’ or back story was not well developed, commenting that he ‘just played it by ear’ and relied on his cover employment as a lorry driver.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> This is an early example of SDS use of fake (or 'duff' in SDS parlance) jobs which required working away from home to give the officer excuses as for being far away from his undercover address. HN326 also said this job meant that he also could not easily be reached by telephone. Like many of the undercovers of the time, Doug changed his appearance by growing his hair and beard to fit into the activist milieu better.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> It was this tactic that gained the SDS’ nickname ‘The Hairies’. The only identity document that Edwards had in his cover name, was his rent book for his cover address in the E15 postcode area of east London.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===As an SDS Officer===
Edwards served for two and a half years as a Special Demonstration Squad officer, with two years in the field and six months in the back office. He started in November 1968, leaving the SDS in May 1971.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>
Although Doug states his initial tasking was to infiltrate anarchist groups, the earliest report released by the Inquiry in relation to his undercover work concerns a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. He was one of five undercovers who attended a large public meeting on the back of the anti-Vietnam War demonstration of October 1968. Among the other undercovers was SDS founder and commanding officer [[Conrad Dixon]].<ref name= "12Nov68VSC"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427409-mps-0730768 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC ‘reporting back’ on the October demonstration], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'',12 November 1968 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0730768).</ref> Commenting on the numbers of officers present at this meeting, Edwards said ' The presence of so many officers was probably Conrad Dixon's way of showing how active the SDS was.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===SDS Secrecy===
In his personal statement, Doug writes:<ref name="HN326PS">'HN326', [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20414285-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 Open personal statement of HN326], Metropolitan Police Service, 2017 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Discretion and secrecy was the order of the day – ‘stum und krum'<ref> Note: An aphorism that I can not trace.</ref>. Say nothing about anything, this was communicated to me right from the very start. Even other members of my unit were not aware of my undercover name and which groups I infiltrated. It was very much ‘keep quiet about the whole thing’. To be honest, I can't recall a conversation about secrecy at the end of my deployment. It was just the nature of the job that you didn't talk about it.
He added: 'At the time of my deployment, I was living with my parents. I told them I was on the Drugs squad [...]’<ref name= "HN326PS"/>

See: [[Conrad Dixon]] and [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-2/ Special Branch Files] for further information on the Anti-Vietnam war protests and the founding of the SDS.

==The authorship and process of creating Special Branch Intelligence Reports==

The Inquiry has released a number of reports submitted in the name of HN326 (see table below). In his oral statement. However, the former officer has thrown doubt on the authorship and provenance of the intelligence contained in them. In his written statement he sketched out the report writing process that suggested little can be unambiguously attributed to him personally. A detailed account of the process of the creation of the reports which contrasts with his recollection of the content of them:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::After attending a meeting or a demonstration, I wrote out by hand or typed out what I had learnt on a bit of paper in the SOS<ref>Note: 'Special Operations Squad' - one of the other names that the SDS went by.</ref> flat. This bit of paper would then be taken over to the Yard via a secure bag: either someone from the Yard would come to the SDS flat with the secure bag in order to pick up the information, or we would meet someone at a location away from the Yard in order to hand the information over. Sometimes it was [Detective Inspector] Phil Saunders who would go between the Yard and the SDS flat to collect our intelligence, but it was also often an officer of a lesser rank. Reports were then collated and typed up in full in the office, either by the officers in the office — [[Bill Furner]], [[Roy Creamer]] and [[Dave Smith]] — or by the typing pool. They typed the reports with the appropriate formatting and alignment on a better typewriter than we had access to in the SDS flat. When drafting the reports, those in the office would collate all of the information provided about a particular meeting, demonstration, or issue. They would look at the information I provided on the bits of paper alongside other information[..]

Edwards also suggested that some reports were attributed to him and other undercover officers to justify their deployments:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

::When there were quieter periods for SDS officers, I assume that intelligence reports were put in their name to justify their continued deployment. It is an assumption I have made since being shown the reports […] because there are certain reports which bear my name but I do not recall having any involvement with these groups.

Edwards says that he has: ‘no independent recollection of any of the meetings or events referred to within these reports save where I have expressly stated otherwise'.<ref name="Doug1st"/>. However, with most of the reports, he did agree he was likely to be the ‘reliable source’ of at least some of the information in the report. Though he did not type them up himself, he submitted handwritten notes which were used alongside other material. He also points out that he only signed one of the reports discussed below.<ref name="Doug1st"/>.

Often in the evidence hearing itself, when asked if recalled particular details of a report, or the attitude of fellow officers he exclaimed that he could not be expected to remember them after such a long period: ‘Cor, blimey! I can't remember that. Goodness me’.<ref name= "EHDay1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20507597-20201113-ucpi_evidence_hearings_transcript UCPI Evidence Hearings: Tranche 1 (Phase 1) | Day 10 (Full day) (Transcript)] 13 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk ).</ref> In contrast, Douglas was able to specifically deny he attended two meetings of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

==Anarchist Groups==

As stated, HN326 was tasked to infiltrate anarchist groups in the east end of London,<ref name= "Doug1st"/> with the only direction he was given was to ‘hang around’ Piccadilly Circus to be recruited into a group; this was where they thought these anarchist groups tended to congregate’. No context was given by Edwards to this instruction.<ref>Note: One possible reason for it was the presence of a high-profile squat in the area at 144 Piccadilly in September 1969, which was widely reported in the media at the time although this post-dates the beginning of Edwards’ deployment. See: Phil Cohen,[https://philcohenworks.com/the-way-we-were/ The Way we were] undated (sourced: 1 December 2020). However, there was reportedly another squatted building occupied in Endell Street, before this - although the precise date is uncertain. More generally, Piccadilly Circus also had a reputation as a centre of queer and gay culture – and drug use – which the police may have connected with an imagined anarchist lifestyle.</ref><ref name="TheSquatters">Ron Bailey, The Squatters (1973), Penguin.</ref> Edwards also mentions that among other back office staff in the SDS, supposed police expert on anarchist groups, Roy Creamer (later of the Bomb Squad- and involved in ‘The Angry Brigade’ investigations) then a Sergeant with the SDS, gave him some advice.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Having failed to make any inroads with the anarchists around Piccadilly Circus, Edwards moved his attention elsewhere:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::I then decided to go to the East End of London in order to be nearer the action, so to speak. I hung around in the local pubs because I thought it was likely that people involved in these anarchist groups would go there to have a drink. I infiltrated a few groups at this stage; by 'infiltrate' in this instance I mean attending a few meetings to get up to date with what the groups were doing, rather than penetrating the groups or becoming a card-carrying member. The groups whose meetings I attended included the West Ham Anarchists and Freedom Press. There may have been other groups but due to the passage of time, I cannot recall their names. Some of these groups were quite nasty pieces of work insofar as they would cause criminal damage and go wild at demonstrations. For example, I remember at a demonstration outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square cries of ‘Anarchista!’ and demonstrators throwing objects at the Embassy.

On this demonstration, Edwards commented:
:: […] It got a bit tasty. They started smashing windows and it was violent and – there we are. The mounted police came in then, to try and stop things.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The Inquiry released three intelligence reports based on Edwards' spying which predominantly relates to West Ham Anarchists. This group, based in the east end of London appeared to have been active between 1966 and 1969.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-7996/page/2/mode/2up?q=West+Ham+Anarchists Direct Action] Syndicalist Workers Federation, April 1966 (accessed via Sparrows Nest, 1 December 2020).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-18.pdf Freedom News] 18 January 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> In 1966, they disrupted a husting during the general election which was captured on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc film].<ref>Note: Nick Heath (aka Charles Mowbray) stated that the hecklers interrupting a Conservative Party candidate in the 1966 General election at 37.09-41.00 are members of West Ham Anarchists. See: Joseph Strick, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers] 1966 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref>

[[File:WesthamanarchistsFreedom26November1966.png|300px|left|thumb|Freedom Newspaper 26 November 1966]][[File:WestHamAnarchists.png|right|300px|thumb|Screenshot (from [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers]) of West Ham Anarchists disrupting a 1966 Election Hustings]]

Beyond this – and what Edwards reported, little is known about their activities, although they did publish a newspaper named ‘Black Mass’ in 1969.<ref> Note: No archived copy can be found but there is a review of it in ''Freedom News'': [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-09-27.pdf ''Freedom News''] 27 September 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> The fact that the group's apparent demise happened at the same time as Doug’s infiltration is not known to be connected.<ref>Note: The stated ‘demise’ is only based on a lack of any listing or mention of the groups in any archived anarchist publications from 1970 onwards.</ref>

The first report is dated 22 January 1969 and discussed some leafleting that West Ham Anarchists were going to carry out around a local by-election, and the making of another leaflet attacking the fascist National Front(NF).<ref name= "WHA1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 22 January 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008160).</ref>
It stated that the leaflet was to be printed at Freedom Press, home of the longest-running British anarchist newspaper.<ref name= "WHA1"/>

===East London Libertarians and the Family Squatting Campaign===
The intelligence report on the WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians was present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on 9 February 1969. The East London Libertarians were a group that operated in the same area as the West Ham Anarchists, with a particular focus on squatting. There was an overlap in activities between the two groups.<ref>Note:' Libertarian' is now a term currently used to self-identify those on the extreme right of the political spectrum but in the context of the 1960/70s it was adopted by anarchists.</ref> For instance, some members of West Ham Anarchists took part in the Family Squatting Campaign.<ref name="TheSquatters"/>

The Family Squatting Campaign was formed in 1968 but also had its antecedents in the first half of the 20th Century. Among its organisers was Ron Bailey.<ref name="manalive">[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m Extract from BBC Man Alive - The Squatters] BBC, 1973 (accessed 27 December 2020).</ref> The same SB intelligence report on a WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 (and filed on 22 January 1969) also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians, another anarchist group that operated in the same area was also present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on the 9 February 1969. While Ron recalls going to some WHA's meetings (as a member of East London Libertarians) he is unable to recall whether he was at this specific meeting.<ref name="RBinterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Ron Bailey, 10 December 2020.</ref><ref> Ron also said that none of the physical descriptions given at the end of the Special Branch report fit his appearance at the time.</ref><ref name="RBinterview"/>

HN326 writes in his statement that he did not attend any meetings of the East London Libertarians, stating that this was because they engaged in criminalised activity (such as ‘sit-ins’) which he was not permitted to participate in.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards emphasized in his witness testimony that they were not in allowed to take part in any criminal activity, no matter how minor.<ref name="EHDay1"/> However, elsewhere he expressed the view that he was not given any guidance on such matters. It also seems opposed to the goals of the SDS - to monitor criminal activity by political activists if they were not even allowed to attend meetings of groups who allegedly broke the law. On this point, Edwards’ testimony also appears especially contradictory given his recollections of WHA committing minor criminal offences.

[[File:800px-ClipfromManAlive1969.png|right|450px|thumb|Screenshot from the BBC documentary [[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m The Squatters]] (1969). This footage was taken on 9 February 1969 of the Squatting action in Redbridge, London]]

The person who is placed was at the WHA meeting from East London Libertarians <ref>Note, that in the reports published by the inquiry, activist's names are normally redacted, making it impossible to identify which individual is being reported on.</ref> mentioned a plan taking place on the 9 February 1969 to ‘establish some homeless families [...] in empty council houses’.<ref name= "WHA1"/> This was a successful action by the Family Squatting Campaign, in which although they arranged to meet at Manor Park Underground station in the London Borough of Newham they occupied four houses in the adjacent borough of Redbridge.<ref name="RonInterview"> Note: You can hear Ron Bailey talk about this at 10:54 into this interview: Mallen Baker, [http://mallenbaker.net/podcast/ron-bailey-successful-campaigns-against-powerful-opponents Episode #22: Ron Bailey – Successful campaigns against powerful opponents] 19 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020).</ref> Some members of West Ham Anarchists took a squat, a former post office building on Cleveland Road.<ref name="TheSquatters"/> Again, in the hearings, Edwards comments that this kind of activity is something he would not get involved with due to its criminality.<ref>Note: Squatting was not a criminal offence in England and Wales until 2012.</ref><ref>Note: A article on the squatting campaigns in 1969, including that mention in Redbridge, can be found here:[https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/02 Today in London housing history: Family Squatting Campaign occupies 4 houses in Ilford, 1969] Past Tense (blog) 9 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020.</ref>

It is unclear if the intelligence on the 9 February action was passed on to uniformed police. It certainly did not impact on the group as it was successful. However, it may be that the police were wrong-footed in that the meeting place was given as Manor Park station in the neighbouring borough of Newham.<ref name="RonInterview"/><ref> Note: The police subsequently tried to bring some of the squatters to court for theft of electricity but he was foiled by the fact that meter readings had been taken and pre-payment made to the electricity board. See: pp.48 of 'The Squatters'.</ref>

As with other Special Branch reports published by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this one also contains descriptions of those attending the meetings. This is mainly related to physical appearances, but one attendee is described as a ‘drug addict’,<ref name="WHA1"/> (likely a pejorative description for someone using marijuana - see below).

===West Ham Anarchists===
The second report concerning West Ham Anarchists is dated 26 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008161).</ref> A gap of almost four months between the first and second report, suggests that several unpublished reports, based on Edwards’ intelligence are missing; or for whatever reason have not been published by the Inquiry.

This report, which also contains personal information, describes the alleged decline of the group, in the frequency of meetings and the number of people attending - ‘no more than 12’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> Whether this represented a marked decline in membership of the group is not known. However, to put this in context the anarchist movement from this period (and to the present day) are often small - and local groups this size are commonplace.

The report also dismissively described the group members as students and school leavers who all are around ‘20 years of age’ - and ‘long haired’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> It says that they participated in other activities such as anti-Vietnam war marches and ‘minor acts of malicious damage’ against the local Conservative and Labour Party offices. The report then critiques the members supposed lack of knowledge about anarchist political theory.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

The report also mentions one particular member as being connected with other groups, including the umbrella London Federation of Anarchists<ref>Note: The successor group Federation of London Anarchist Groups was targeted by [[Jim 'Jimmy' Pickford (alias)]].</ref> and the Ilford Branch of the International Socialism Group, as well as the aforementioned Freedom Press and East London Libertarians. Another member is described as being involved in a 'breakaway group’ that committed criminal damage after a demonstration outside Rhodesia House on 12 January 1969.<ref name= "WHA2"/><ref>
[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1969/jan/20/disturbances-strand DISTURBANCES, STRAND] Hansard, 20 January 1969 vol 776 cc44-7 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref> A West Ham Anarchist's mother is noted as having moved away from anarchism towards Christianity.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

It is also mentioned that WHA met in two pubs, The Railway Tavern, and The Golden Horse both within the London postcode area of E15. Further comments include the accusation that members spend their weekends ‘taking the drug cannabis’<ref name="WHA2"/><ref>Note: The report also mentions that the WHA is subject of a Special Branch Registry File No: RF.400/66/70.</ref>

The third and final published based on Edwards intelligence on WHA's is dated 29 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427933-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 29 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008162, 1 December 2020).</ref> It concerns the personal details of two members of the WHA, recording that one of their fathers is employed as a motor mechanic and while the WHA is a clerk at ‘Stratford Goods Yard, E15’. On the reason for recording the information about the subjects’ father, Edwards did not elaborate beyond saying that it was probably intelligence from the back office of the SDS that was inserted into the report.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name="WHA3"/>

==Switch of Targets: From anarchist groups to the Independent Labour Party==
According to Edwards: ‘[…] it became apparent to me and my supervisors that these [anarchist] groups were a waste of time. Accordingly, it was decided that I would join the Independent Labour Party (ILP)’. He added that the decision to withdraw from the anarchist groups was approved by [[Conrad Dixon]], the commanding officer of the SDS at the time.<ref name= "EHDay1"/> Further context to this decision is given in the SDS 1969 Annual report which said of anarchists and anarchist groups:<ref name="AnnualReport1969">Phil Saunders, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427367-mps-0728973 Special Demonstration Squad Annual Report 1969] Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 7 November 1969 (sourced via: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0728973).</ref>

::The distasteful nature of the way of life of such people, which officers must assume, adds to the difficulties of penetration. Small groups can be and have been penetrated with some success by the S.O.S. but their tendency to act in isolation makes the value of full time coverage questionable.

Despite this 'distaste' for their lifestyles and the decentralised organising structure of anarchist groups, the choice of the Edwards' initial target appears to be closer the SDS' raison d'être - as targeting of the WHA could be justified in the realm of public order issues. The same could not be said of surveilling the Independent Labour Party, at least according to Edwards:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

:: They were quite left-wing but very pleasant, sociable people wrapped up in the world of intellectual Marxism. They were people who would like to have been politicians. The ILP did not do very much, to be honest. They would support different demonstrations depending on the issue.

However, Edwards defended the selection of what became his main target between 1969 until 1971:
::[It was] to have a 'handle to swing' into other groups. By this, I mean that I could use my membership of the ILP as a means of going to almost any other meeting.

==='A handle to swing'===
The Independent Labour Party, was a small, left-wing political party. Established in 1893 its heyday predated the Second World War. In the early 1960s, it was involved in opposition to the nuclear arms race and promoted ideas such as workers' control. It also campaigned for decolonisation.<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independent_Labour_Party Independent Labour Party], last updated July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>
At the time of Edwards infiltration, its national membership totalled 742 and the London Division (which Edwards monitored) included branches in west London, Woolwich, Bexleyheath, and Tower Hamlets.<ref name="ILP1"/>

::The SDS did not have any real interest in the ILP: it was merely a vehicle for obtaining information. Through my membership of the ILP, I targeted Tri-Continental (sic), the Dambusters Mobilising Committee (‘DMC’) and linked anti-apartheid groups which were causing a lot of problems at the time.
Edwards said: 'they [the ILP] did support demonstrations that were seen to have the potential to undermine parliamentary democracy'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> However, in the live evidence hearings, Edwards states that he probably used the ‘wrong words’ in this context, though without further elaborating what he meant.<ref name="EHDay1"/> In his statement, he also stated that the ILP did not participate in criminal activity, or public disorder.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

It can be noted that the other groups that Doug targeted: Tricontinental, Dambusters and anti-apartheid groups for the most part did not fit into either a subversion or public disorder risk categories.

In opposition to Edwards assessment of the ILP, in 1969 they were presented as one of the 'main' threats to public order in the SDS annual report of that year.<ref name="AnnualReport1969"/>

===Activities within the ILP===
Doug describes his activities when infiltrating the ILP in oral testimony as: ‘Making posters and things, I think. Yeah, there was you had to sort of go willing to stay a member, sort of thing, to be -- you had to go to the branch meetings […]’<ref name="EHDay1"/>
He claimed he generally only interacted with members of the ILP at meetings and drinks afterward. However, it is clear that he became quite integrated into the group, and he himself says he was invited to the wedding of two ILP members. While he did not go to the registry office ceremony itself, he did attend the reception.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>He also became the treasurer of the Tower Hamlets ILP branch, a position indicating a degree of trust, and which would have also given access to bank and membership details.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

===Reporting on the ILP===
The first report on the Independent Labour Party (ILP) is dated 16 June 1969. In its opening paragraphs, it states: ‘The I.L.P. are on the whole content to work within the framework of conventional politics.’<ref name="ILP1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427947-ucpi0000008203 Special Branch report containing background information regarding the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 June 1969 (source: upci.org.uk as document UCPI-0000008203 ).</ref> However, it also states: ‘there is a trend within the party towards Revolutionary' socialism and this has brought some of its members to notice in a public order context’.<ref name= "ILP1"/> This is at odds with Edwards's retrospective view that the ILP themselves were not of interest to the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
This report seems to function as an introduction to the ILP and outlines its structure and size, and political tensions within the group. These tensions are described as being between revolutionary and non-revolutionary wings. This might seem to serve as an implicit justification for monitoring the group.<ref name="ILP1"/> However, Edwards himself brings this reasoning into doubt. When asked how militant the Tower Hamlets branch that he infiltrated was, he answers: '[...] I don't think they were that [militant] there were some pleasant enough blokes there. They'd turn out for the usual demonstrations, that's all'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
The second report based on Edward's intelligence is dated 14 June 1969.<ref name="ILP2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 June 1969 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008204).</ref> It records a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the ILP, a planned demonstration against a fascist rally at Laurie Hall in Romford, Essex on 29 June 1969, and a leaflet regarding a local rent struggle.<ref name="ILP2"/> It is also noted that whereas there was an SB file on the ILP, there was not one on the Tower Hamlets branch.<ref name="ILP2"/>

The third report dated 22 August 1969 contains the details of a member of the ILP and is dated 22 August 1969. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969 (see also ICRSC section below).<ref name="ILP3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008205, 2 December 2020).</ref>

===National Front Debate===
The fourth, fifth and sixth reports, dated 26 September 1969, 3 October 1969 and 16 October 1969 respectively, mainly concern the organising committee of the ILP and plans for a controversial debate with the fascist National Front.<ref name="ILP4">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party] 26 September 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008206 ).</ref><ref name="ILP5">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch''’, 3 October 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008207).</ref><ref name="ILP6">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008208, 2 December 2020).</ref>

The last of these three reports concerned a meeting held on 14 October 1969<ref name="ILP6"/> which was only attended by 3 people. In the evidence hearing of the Inquiry, the Counsel for the Inquiry (CTI) raised the issue of Doug Edward's involvement in decision making at ILP meetings, including ones with very low attendance. Edwards stated that he definitely did not influence the 'direction of travel' of the group but did not explain how he avoided expressing support (or opposition) for proposals within such a small group. Edwards also played down the significance of his role as Tower Hamlets branch treasurer in this regard, seemingly not understanding how having an official role in a group he is infiltrating might be controversial, instead emphasising the very small amounts of money involved.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The planned debate between the ILP and the NF led to one of the few incidents that Edwards could remember during his deployment in detail, albeit confusedly.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

Debating with fascists had generally been seen as unacceptable – and a ‘no platform’ policy across the left was inspired by popular anti-fascist actions across the UK both before and after the Second World War.<ref>Evan Smith, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, pp65-75 Routledge, 2020.</ref> The proposed ILP-NF debate attracted similar criticism.

Edwards recalls:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::The only thing I remember, they tried to organise a - a meeting with - have a debate with the right-wing fascists. And that got a bit out of order. The fascists (sic) got to hear of this debate taking place and there was a mob of - I don't know what they called themselves in those days, the 20s -- I can't remember what it was called. But we were all sitting outside the pub having a pint before the meeting when there was a big swarm of people came in and started punching everybody and sorting it all out.

However, despite saying it was initially fascists who caused the violence, Edwards corrected himself by saying it was in fact members of the International Socialists (now SWP) who attacked members of the ILP as they were angry that they had agreed to debate with the NF. He added that fellow SDS officers [[Phil Saunders]] and [[Riby Wilson]] were in a car outside the pub – and subsequently told him if Doug had been attacked they would have helped out. Edwards was not sure if this would have been the case.<ref>Note: In the telling, this anecdote had the feel of an amusing story told several times – perhaps at SDS reunions and other social occasions - with Edwards' doubt his fellow officers willingness to intervene serving as the punchline. It is also unclear why Phil Saunders and Riby Wilson would have been waiting outside the pub.</ref>

Other SDS reports in HN326's name on the ILP include administrative details such as the fact that the HQ in Bethnal Green, in east London is too expensive.<ref name="ILP7">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 Dec 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008210).</ref> In 1970, a meeting of the ILP is said to be a ‘showdown’ between moderates and militants within the party was planned for October in Leeds.

A conference, ‘The Convention of the New Left’ is also attended by Doug Edwards on 11 April 1970, along with another unnamed member (s) of the ILP and another group, ‘The New Socialists’.<ref name="ILP8">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 April 1970 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008211).</ref> A later report, gives personal details on a member of the ILP of whom it is said he could be described as a ‘militant’ and they were also involved with Southern Africa Solidarity Committee, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref name="ILP9">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008213).</ref>

===End of deployment===
::My involvement in the ILP came to an end when I realised I had had enough of being an undercover officer on the SDS.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> I simply stopped attending meetings and demonstrations and disappeared from the ILP - commenting that: ‘They wouldn't have missed me'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==Other groups reported on==

===Action Committee Against NATO and Tricontinental===
Contemporarily with attending ILP meetings, Edwards also went to some other group’s discussions. This included the Action Committee Against NATO (ACAN).<ref name="NATO"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 November 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008209).</ref> Little is known about this group, and it seems likely was an ad hoc organising committee rather than a long-term campaign group.

The Special Branch report says that a group called Tricontinental paid the deposit for a meeting at Conway Hall on 10 December 1969. This decision was relayed to several other groups who may have had representatives on the committee.<ref> Note: These were Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece, and The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship.</ref> The London-based Tricontinental Committee is described in another Special Branch report as '[...] a small Cuba/Moscow oriented group' <ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447642-mps-0736221 Stop the Seventy Tour] 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0736221).</ref>

When questioned at the evidence hearing about his attendance at these meetings, Edwards could only reply in generalities to why they were monitored - or why Special Branch was interested in them - saying that they it was due to NATO's importance in the UK's security policy - and that some of the people attending such demonstrations were likely to be troublemakers.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

===Dambusters Organising Committee===
The Dambusters Organising Committee (DMC) was a ‘[…] coalition of groups that included the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Haslemere Group and the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guiné. Its focus was preventing the construction of the huge Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique. This was a collaboration between South Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal - the project was intended to supply electricity to apartheid South Africa. They were also spied upon by SDS undercover Stewart Goodman from autumn 1971<ref>Note: For example see:[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427925-ucpi0000008117 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing a planned day of action against British companies involved in a particular project] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 January 1971 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI000008117).</ref><ref>[https://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-5E6 STOP CABORA BASSA DAM] African Activist Archive (website), no date (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref>

In the evidence hearings, Edwards suggests that a group like Dambusters might have been of interest to Special Branch - due to its connection to 'all the trouble with the movement against apartheid'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards then cites anti-apartheid actions - such as the rugby match at Twickenham between England and South Africa, which was disrupted by the 'Stop the Seventy Campaign' (see main profile: [[Mike Ferguson]]). However, there is no suggestion in any of the reports on the Dambusters Mobilising Campaign group that they might be a public disorder problem themselves.
The first of these intelligence reports is dated 11 February 1970 and describes the group's plans – and reports back from previous events.<ref name= "DB1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as UCPI0000008111).</ref>.
Subsequent reports filed in Douglas Edwards' name said that as part of their campaign a member of DMC had purchased 100 shares in Barclays bank in early 1971.<ref name="DB3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 5 April 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008109).</ref><ref> Note: A report dated 7 October 1970 on the group was also published by the Inquiry as if it was associated with Doug Edwards. However, neither his name is not attached to the report, but that of [[Stewart Goodman]]. See:[ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427920-ucpi0000008112 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing future actions of the group].</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===
Douglas also reported on three meetings of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in the autumn of 1970, two years after the large October 1968 demonstration. In his written statement, Doug said, like the rest of the meetings he could remember nothing of them.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug reports that on 22 September 1970 a meeting of the VSC took place and planning for a weekend of action in October, including a march in London’s West End. This would include the blocking of roads and ‘disorder’ as well as a plan to attack President Richard Nixon’s car.<ref name= "DouglasVSC">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 25 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005813).</ref> there is a further report from a meeting on 29 September <ref>Note: This mentioned some other groups, including the Agitprop Bookshop and the Young Communist League (YCL) who were also the subject of surveillance by the SDS.</ref> which states the intention of some attending this meeting to cause ‘damage and disruption’ during the demonstration.<ref name="DougVSC2"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration ] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 6 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005814).</ref> The final report states that the VSC is withdrawing support for an action on 31 October 1970, much to the apparent chagrin of some present.<ref name="DougVSC3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 9 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005816).</ref>

===Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign===
The ICRSC was closely connected to the International Socialists (later the SWP) and counted the well-known Civil Rights campaigner and MP (1969-1974), Bernadette Devlin, as a member.<ref name="Devlinarticle">Kitty Holland, [https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293 Bernadette McAliskey: ‘I am astounded I survived. I made mad decisions’] 22 September 2016 (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref> The group was extensively monitored and infiltrated and reported on by several other SDS officers: [[Sean Lynch]], [[Andy Bailey]] and [[Mike Ferguson]]. It should also be noted that the political situation in the north of Ireland was used to justify the continuance of the SDS in the opening hearing by legal representatives of the various police bodies.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426759-20201103-ucpi_opening_statements_transcript Opening Statements, Day 2] 3 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

Edwards’ name is put to three Special Branch reports which mention the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/> As well as the two reports (discussed in detail below), Edwards sent a Metropolitan Police telegram as a member of 'CI Dixon's Squad'<ref name="DougTelegram1"/> to the Commander<ref>Note: the addressing of correspondence to the ‘Commader of Special Branch’ would have been a formality.</ref> of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969 at 10.10 pm.<ref name="DougTelegram1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736646).</ref>
The telegram reads:
::Whilst attending. to another Matter at The Dolphin P.H., Bidborough Street., W.C.1., I overheard a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign at which a decision was made by about 15 to 20 young person’s immediately to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, W.1. with the intention of causing mischief. The group were in a militant mood and may cause malicious damage.

[[Image:MPSTelgramHN326toCmdrSB.png|right|400px|thumb|MPS Telegram from HN326 ('Doug Edwards') to Cmdr of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969]]

Edwards, at the hearing in November 2020 did not fully explain his presence at the venue - though vaguely intimated that he may have been working in tandem with another officer (who may have been [[Sean Lynch]] who both infiltrated the ICRSC - and was a close friend of Edwards).<ref name="EHDay1"/> Edwards said that he was '[...] waiting for a signal from him [an undercover officer] to tell him that this thing [act of malicious damage] was going to go ahead [...]'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

Edwards said he never attended any other meetings of the ICRSC, so could not see how he would be the intelligence source for the reports attributed to him on this group. Doug speculated that the ‘reliable source’ in the case of these reports might have been another ‘hairy’ - member of the SDS. At the time [[Sean Lynch]], [[Mike Ferguson]] and [[Andy Bailey]] were infiltrating the ICRSC. Doug responded that he could not comment on why these particular reports were copied to MI5. He also inaccurately alleged that members of the group ‘were a front for the IRA’,<ref name="Doug1st"/> - something that Edwards said he probably gleaned through another member of the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second of the reports, dated 22 August 1969, contains the details of a member of the ILP. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969. the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/>

The third of these reports is of a redacted individual entering the UK.<ref name= "ICRSC1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as MPS-0732317, 2 December 2020).</ref> One report dated 7 October 1970 is exclusively concerned with an anonymised individual who is a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 7 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000026969).</ref>
A further report dated 28 January 1971 contains a leaflet attacking the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland. <ref name= "ICRSC2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 28 January 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0738228).</ref><ref>Note: At this time, CS gas had not been used elsewhere in the British Isles and its use by the Royal Ulster Constabulary in the Bogside area of Derry in 1969 was very controversial. not least as it caused choking, vomiting and irritation of the eyes and skin to residents. Frank Roche and Bowes Egan, members of a group called ‘People’s Democracy’ (also mentioned in a number of other published SB reports)</ref> Support for the two men's trial is also voiced in the leaflet, alongside mentions of two other groups: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and Clann na h’Eireann.<ref name="ICRSC2"/>

In his written statement, Doug did recall attending a demonstration outside of the ‘the Northern Irish offices in Barclay Street and bumping into another Undercover officer, [Sean Lynch]] and going to the pub with him and a genuine member of the ILP, Bill Turner.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> No date is given for this event.

===Single Mentions===
Two reports signed by Douglas concern groups not otherwise mentioned in Douglas’ intelligence. The first regarded the founding of a new group; the ‘Socialist Alliance Against Racism (which included a ‘faction’ of the ILP).<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736231).</ref> During the evidence hearings, the Counsel to the Inquiry asked why, if this was the first meeting of a campaign group, it would have been of interest to Special Branch. This seems to implicate that for the Inquiry, a group that had not started yet could not be designated either a ‘public order’ or ‘subversive threat’ to allow targeting by the SDS Edwards could only reply in the most general of terms saying that it was unfair to criticise the gathering of such information in hindsight - especially given the political context of the times.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second report covered a meeting of a group called the British Albania Society that took place in Derbyshire in May 1970. Again, Douglas could not recall anything about this group or reporting on it. The meeting was led by Harpal Brar, who was the chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) until 2018. In the hearings, Douglas disavowed that he could have had any direct knowledge of this group, despite his name being on the report.<ref name="Albania">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 27 May 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0739668).</ref>

In his statement, Doug also mentions that he visited the offices of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) although this was only ‘as a result of my involvement in the ILP’.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

==Post-SDS career==
In the last two or three years of Edward's police career, he was posted to the 'vetting office'. This section of the MPS conducted security vetting for applicants for jobs within the MPS, with Edwards stating it was a collaborative process with MI5.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==In the Preliminary stages of the Undercover Policing Inquiry==
According to Edward's risk assessment:<ref name = HN326RA>Kevin Shanahan, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN326-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Open risk assessment for HN326], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (sourced: via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: He was recruited by Special Branch management into the Special Operations Squad, whose function was to monitor protest groups who were a major concern of the Government. He had no formal induction or form of training (3.3).
:: At the time of his recruitment was informed by his senior management (Detective Chief Inspector & Detective Inspector) that the Unit he was seconded to was highly secret and was to be deployed as a result of the ongoing large-scale public disorder being a major concern of the Government at that time (late 1968) (3.4).
:: Not offered or provided with support during his deployment; it was ad hoc and uncoordinated (4.19).

According to his written statement, Edwards was also involved in [[HN16]]'s deployment in an administrative role.<ref name="HN326PS"/> In his risk assessment he points out that when he was asked to provide information about HN16, he had specifically requested officers from ‘an operation'’ [redacted, most probably Operation Herne] not to visit his home address. Despite his request, in his words 'unthinking officers unable to accept that he is retired' did visit him there, 'creating a great deal of distress to his wife'.<ref name = HN326RA/>

The MPS applied in August 2017 for a restriction order over his real name with open versions published.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry ('', 3 August 2017.</ref>
No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry '', 3 August 2017.</ref> and it was formally released in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

According to Mitting (Aug 2017): <ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: He has been careful to preserve his anonymity and is worried about disclosure of his real name. He is concerned that it may be discovered by organisations such as undercoverresearch.net and fears media intrusion. He suffers from conditions that may be exacerbated by worry. His cover name will be published.

The application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref> I am satisfied that publication of HN326's real name would interfere with his right to respect for his private life and that the interference is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN326.pdf Restriction Order] over his real was made on 8 December 2017. See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Table of Special Branch Reports attributed to Edwards' Reporting==

{| class="wikitable" style="border-spacing: 2px; border: 2px solid Blue;"
! Date
! Title of Report
! Target Group
! Notes
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/07/68
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)]
|VSC
|Reports on a Court Case in Bow Street Magistrates; 'C' Squad report, prior to Doug’s move to the SDS
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|22/01/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election]
|West Ham Anarchists/East London Libertarians/Family Squatting Campaign
|Reports of leaflets regarding by-election and Squatting Actions Signed off by CI Conrad Dixon
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/06/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|23/08/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|12/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Telegram from HN326 ('from CI Dixon's squad') to Cmdr Special Branch
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|26/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; National Front
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|16/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders; CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/11/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]
|Action Committee Against NATO; Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece: The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship
|Signed off by CI Saunders and CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/12/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI (?) R Wilson
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee; Haslemere Group
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism]
|Socialist Alliance Against Racialism; New Socialists;Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain; Indian Marxist-Leninist Association; Socialist Current
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|21/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|27/05/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society]
|British Albania Society
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/09/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Member passing through Port of Dover
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|07/10/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC]
|Islington Branch of the ICRSC
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|28/01/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland]
|Irish Solidarity Campaign, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Clann na h'Eireann
|Signed off by Ch. Supt Watts and CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; Palestine Solidarity Campaign; Southern African Solidarity Committee; VSC.
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|05/04/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|25/09/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]
|VSC, Black Power
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|06/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration]
|Agitprop, Young Communist League
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|09/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration]
|VSC; Agitprop; Anti-Imperalist Movement
|Signed off by CI HN294
|}

==Notes==

<references/>

Douglas Edwards (alias)

2025-07-14T10:07:53Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN326'|Alias=Douglas "Doug" Edwards|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1971|Targets=Anarchist groups, Independent Labour Party, Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* Edwards updated profile can be found here:'''[https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn326-doug-edwards HN329 'Doug Edwards'] 



'''Douglas "Doug" Edwards''' is the cover name of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated anarchist groups (including West Ham Anarchists). He later spied on the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Through the ILP he monitored campaigning groups Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee (DMC) from late 1968 to May 1971. His cover personality created for his deployment was commonly known as 'Doug’ and gave a date of birth as 8 August 1945.
His real name is restricted by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and he is also known by the cipher HN326 for the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]).<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

HN326 gave live evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 13 November 2020. The majority of the following derives from his written<ref name= "Doug1st">HN326, [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426722-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 First Written Statement of HN326] 16 April 2019 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0738584, 1 December 2020).</ref> and oral testimony<ref name= "EHDay1"/> as well as Special Branch Intelligence reports released by the Inquiry in November 2020.

==Police Career before SDS==
Doug Edwards joined the Metropolitan Police in 1964, after completing his initial training he was posted to a North London police station.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Unhappy in this policing role, he successfully applied to join Special Branch and began working there in 1968 as a ‘PC CID’, having passed the relevant course.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Doug states:

:: Initially, upon joining Special Branch, I was posted to C Squad which dealt with left-wing enquiries (sic) [redacted]. Day-to-day, I would carry out these enquiries (sic). Sometimes there would be a little bit of subterfuge involved. We would do what was called a 'knock-knock' and pretend to be someone else to find out about the individual who was the subject of an enquiry.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

‘C Squad’ dealt with Communists and Subversives, public order issues and what was later labelled ‘ Domestic Extremism’. It is thought that the SDS was within ‘C’ Squad in Edwards’ era – although later moved into ‘S’ (Specialist/Technical Support) Squad.<ref name="DLOOS">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426753-20201028-opening_statement-dl_clients Opening statement from the Designated Lawyer Officers] ''Designated Lawyer Officers'', 28 October 2020 (source: ucpi.org.uk). </ref>

Evidence released by the Inquiry regarding the Vietnam Solidarity Committee contains a telegram from HN326 reporting on a Marylebone magistrates court hearing on 3 July 1968.<ref name="MPS-0722098p.50">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 June 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0722098).</ref> It describes three people being sentenced to fines for a demonstration in Powis Square in Notting Hill on 25 May 1968.<ref name="VSCTG">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427448-mps-0731916 Police Telegram] Demonstration by members of VSC and Black Power Movement] ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 25 May 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk).</ref> (This event also relates to other undercover officers [[Helen Crampton]] and [[Don de Freitas]] ). As this trial pre-dates the formation of the SDS, this was not undercover work. Rather, the officer would have attended the court in plain clothes as part of standard Special Branch activity gathering intelligence on behalf of ‘C ‘ Squad.

==Special Demonstration Squad==
After a short time in Special Branch (SB), Doug was recruited by Detective Inspector Saunders<ref> Note Saunders was Doug’s Detective Inspector on C Squad.</ref> into the SDS in late 1968, which had only begun in July of 1968. Although he joined in 1968, Doug was deployed after the Grosvenor Square October 1968 demonstration and therefore does not belong to the very first cohort of SDS officers.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> At the time, Edwards was still on two years’ SB probation.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

===Attitude and Opinions===
To date, no one from Edwards' target groups has provided information on his infiltration, and it is unclear how much effort the Inquiry made to locate contemporary witnesses,<ref> Note: It is not known if the Inquiry managed to trace anyone from those groups but if so, no evidence written or otherwise played a part in the evidentiary hearings.</ref> this means that any comments on Edward's attitude and personality entirely rely on his testimony of 13 November 2020, 50 years after his deployment. Further, no questions were posed to Doug how he presented himself to the groups that he infiltrated or what his cover personality was like.

Whilst there are several Special Branch reports published on his infiltration, the reports were according to Edwards, typed and completed by other police personnel.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name= "EHDay1"/> This issue is explored in more detail below.

In reply to written questions submitted by the Inquiry, Doug says he did not know why the SDS had been set up but commented that: 'What was going on at these demonstrations was quite nasty and frightening at times’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

On being a Special Branch officer:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::[...] you needed to identify people and try and understand what their political beliefs were. And it was [...] reported back so that there were records of these people to be called upon if need be.

Doug outlined why people's political beliefs were being recorded:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::Well, it was just part and parcel of being an SB officer, to try and get this information, to try and understand what groups that they were allocated to; because there's all sorts of rivalries in different groups and some were Trotskyite (sic) people that were bent on causing violence, and anarchist groups that were causing violence at demonstrations.

===Training===
Doug states that before joining the SDS the only policing that he carried out that could be described as undercover was when he had been assigned to monitor a fellow officer drinking after hours.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like other former SDS officers whose statements have been released as of November 2020, Doug said he ‘did not receive any training, formal or informal, for the role of an undercover police officer before I was deployed’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Nor did he receive any formal ethical guidance on whether it was permissible to enter to any sexual relationships with members of the groups he was monitoring – commenting that: […] in those days, we lived by what I perceive to be higher moral standards than today. This sort of activity simply would not be done.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug stated he also received no guidance on what to do if brought before a court whether as a defendant or as a witness or if he would obtain access to legally privileged information.

===Development of Cover Identity===
Before his deployment, Edwards states that he: ‘[…] was not given any guidance or instruction about the creation of a false identity [...] I was just told to get an identity and to get a job.’<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like many of the officers from the early days of the SDS, Douglas ‘legend’ or back story was not well developed, commenting that he ‘just played it by ear’ and relied on his cover employment as a lorry driver.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> This is an early example of SDS use of fake (or 'duff' in SDS parlance) jobs which required working away from home to give the officer excuses as for being far away from his undercover address. HN326 also said this job meant that he also could not easily be reached by telephone. Like many of the undercovers of the time, Doug changed his appearance by growing his hair and beard to fit into the activist milieu better.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> It was this tactic that gained the SDS’ nickname ‘The Hairies’. The only identity document that Edwards had in his cover name, was his rent book for his cover address in the E15 postcode area of east London.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===As an SDS Officer===
Edwards served for two and a half years as a Special Demonstration Squad officer, with two years in the field and six months in the back office. He started in November 1968, leaving the SDS in May 1971.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>
Although Doug states his initial tasking was to infiltrate anarchist groups, the earliest report released by the Inquiry in relation to his undercover work concerns a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. He was one of five undercovers who attended a large public meeting on the back of the anti-Vietnam War demonstration of October 1968. Among the other undercovers was SDS founder and commanding officer [[Conrad Dixon]].<ref name= "12Nov68VSC"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427409-mps-0730768 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC ‘reporting back’ on the October demonstration], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'',12 November 1968 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0730768).</ref> Commenting on the numbers of officers present at this meeting, Edwards said ' The presence of so many officers was probably Conrad Dixon's way of showing how active the SDS was.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===SDS Secrecy===
In his personal statement, Doug writes:<ref name="HN326PS">'HN326', [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20414285-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 Open personal statement of HN326], Metropolitan Police Service, 2017 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Discretion and secrecy was the order of the day – ‘stum und krum'<ref> Note: An aphorism that I can not trace.</ref>. Say nothing about anything, this was communicated to me right from the very start. Even other members of my unit were not aware of my undercover name and which groups I infiltrated. It was very much ‘keep quiet about the whole thing’. To be honest, I can't recall a conversation about secrecy at the end of my deployment. It was just the nature of the job that you didn't talk about it.
He added: 'At the time of my deployment, I was living with my parents. I told them I was on the Drugs squad [...]’<ref name= "HN326PS"/>

See: [[Conrad Dixon]] and [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-2/ Special Branch Files] for further information on the Anti-Vietnam war protests and the founding of the SDS.

==The authorship and process of creating Special Branch Intelligence Reports==

The Inquiry has released a number of reports submitted in the name of HN326 (see table below). In his oral statement. However, the former officer has thrown doubt on the authorship and provenance of the intelligence contained in them. In his written statement he sketched out the report writing process that suggested little can be unambiguously attributed to him personally. A detailed account of the process of the creation of the reports which contrasts with his recollection of the content of them:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::After attending a meeting or a demonstration, I wrote out by hand or typed out what I had learnt on a bit of paper in the SOS<ref>Note: 'Special Operations Squad' - one of the other names that the SDS went by.</ref> flat. This bit of paper would then be taken over to the Yard via a secure bag: either someone from the Yard would come to the SDS flat with the secure bag in order to pick up the information, or we would meet someone at a location away from the Yard in order to hand the information over. Sometimes it was [Detective Inspector] Phil Saunders who would go between the Yard and the SDS flat to collect our intelligence, but it was also often an officer of a lesser rank. Reports were then collated and typed up in full in the office, either by the officers in the office — [[Bill Furner]], [[Roy Creamer]] and [[Dave Smith]] — or by the typing pool. They typed the reports with the appropriate formatting and alignment on a better typewriter than we had access to in the SDS flat. When drafting the reports, those in the office would collate all of the information provided about a particular meeting, demonstration, or issue. They would look at the information I provided on the bits of paper alongside other information[..]

Edwards also suggested that some reports were attributed to him and other undercover officers to justify their deployments:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

::When there were quieter periods for SDS officers, I assume that intelligence reports were put in their name to justify their continued deployment. It is an assumption I have made since being shown the reports […] because there are certain reports which bear my name but I do not recall having any involvement with these groups.

Edwards says that he has: ‘no independent recollection of any of the meetings or events referred to within these reports save where I have expressly stated otherwise'.<ref name="Doug1st"/>. However, with most of the reports, he did agree he was likely to be the ‘reliable source’ of at least some of the information in the report. Though he did not type them up himself, he submitted handwritten notes which were used alongside other material. He also points out that he only signed one of the reports discussed below.<ref name="Doug1st"/>.

Often in the evidence hearing itself, when asked if recalled particular details of a report, or the attitude of fellow officers he exclaimed that he could not be expected to remember them after such a long period: ‘Cor, blimey! I can't remember that. Goodness me’.<ref name= "EHDay1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20507597-20201113-ucpi_evidence_hearings_transcript UCPI Evidence Hearings: Tranche 1 (Phase 1) | Day 10 (Full day) (Transcript)] 13 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk ).</ref> In contrast, Douglas was able to specifically deny he attended two meetings of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

==Anarchist Groups==

As stated, HN326 was tasked to infiltrate anarchist groups in the east end of London,<ref name= "Doug1st"/> with the only direction he was given was to ‘hang around’ Piccadilly Circus to be recruited into a group; this was where they thought these anarchist groups tended to congregate’. No context was given by Edwards to this instruction.<ref>Note: One possible reason for it was the presence of a high-profile squat in the area at 144 Piccadilly in September 1969, which was widely reported in the media at the time although this post-dates the beginning of Edwards’ deployment. See: Phil Cohen,[https://philcohenworks.com/the-way-we-were/ The Way we were] undated (sourced: 1 December 2020). However, there was reportedly another squatted building occupied in Endell Street, before this - although the precise date is uncertain. More generally, Piccadilly Circus also had a reputation as a centre of queer and gay culture – and drug use – which the police may have connected with an imagined anarchist lifestyle.</ref><ref name="TheSquatters">Ron Bailey, The Squatters (1973), Penguin.</ref> Edwards also mentions that among other back office staff in the SDS, supposed police expert on anarchist groups, Roy Creamer (later of the Bomb Squad- and involved in ‘The Angry Brigade’ investigations) then a Sergeant with the SDS, gave him some advice.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Having failed to make any inroads with the anarchists around Piccadilly Circus, Edwards moved his attention elsewhere:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::I then decided to go to the East End of London in order to be nearer the action, so to speak. I hung around in the local pubs because I thought it was likely that people involved in these anarchist groups would go there to have a drink. I infiltrated a few groups at this stage; by 'infiltrate' in this instance I mean attending a few meetings to get up to date with what the groups were doing, rather than penetrating the groups or becoming a card-carrying member. The groups whose meetings I attended included the West Ham Anarchists and Freedom Press. There may have been other groups but due to the passage of time, I cannot recall their names. Some of these groups were quite nasty pieces of work insofar as they would cause criminal damage and go wild at demonstrations. For example, I remember at a demonstration outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square cries of ‘Anarchista!’ and demonstrators throwing objects at the Embassy.

On this demonstration, Edwards commented:
:: […] It got a bit tasty. They started smashing windows and it was violent and – there we are. The mounted police came in then, to try and stop things.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The Inquiry released three intelligence reports based on Edwards' spying which predominantly relates to West Ham Anarchists. This group, based in the east end of London appeared to have been active between 1966 and 1969.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-7996/page/2/mode/2up?q=West+Ham+Anarchists Direct Action] Syndicalist Workers Federation, April 1966 (accessed via Sparrows Nest, 1 December 2020).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-18.pdf Freedom News] 18 January 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> In 1966, they disrupted a husting during the general election which was captured on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc film].<ref>Note: Nick Heath (aka Charles Mowbray) stated that the hecklers interrupting a Conservative Party candidate in the 1966 General election at 37.09-41.00 are members of West Ham Anarchists. See: Joseph Strick, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers] 1966 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref>

[[File:WesthamanarchistsFreedom26November1966.png|300px|left|thumb|Freedom Newspaper 26 November 1966]][[File:WestHamAnarchists.png|right|300px|thumb|Screenshot (from [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers]) of West Ham Anarchists disrupting a 1966 Election Hustings]]

Beyond this – and what Edwards reported, little is known about their activities, although they did publish a newspaper named ‘Black Mass’ in 1969.<ref> Note: No archived copy can be found but there is a review of it in ''Freedom News'': [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-09-27.pdf ''Freedom News''] 27 September 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> The fact that the group's apparent demise happened at the same time as Doug’s infiltration is not known to be connected.<ref>Note: The stated ‘demise’ is only based on a lack of any listing or mention of the groups in any archived anarchist publications from 1970 onwards.</ref>

The first report is dated 22 January 1969 and discussed some leafleting that West Ham Anarchists were going to carry out around a local by-election, and the making of another leaflet attacking the fascist National Front(NF).<ref name= "WHA1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 22 January 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008160).</ref>
It stated that the leaflet was to be printed at Freedom Press, home of the longest-running British anarchist newspaper.<ref name= "WHA1"/>

===East London Libertarians and the Family Squatting Campaign===
The intelligence report on the WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians was present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on 9 February 1969. The East London Libertarians were a group that operated in the same area as the West Ham Anarchists, with a particular focus on squatting. There was an overlap in activities between the two groups.<ref>Note:' Libertarian' is now a term currently used to self-identify those on the extreme right of the political spectrum but in the context of the 1960/70s it was adopted by anarchists.</ref> For instance, some members of West Ham Anarchists took part in the Family Squatting Campaign.<ref name="TheSquatters"/>

The Family Squatting Campaign was formed in 1968 but also had its antecedents in the first half of the 20th Century. Among its organisers was Ron Bailey.<ref name="manalive">[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m Extract from BBC Man Alive - The Squatters] BBC, 1973 (accessed 27 December 2020).</ref> The same SB intelligence report on a WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 (and filed on 22 January 1969) also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians, another anarchist group that operated in the same area was also present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on the 9 February 1969. While Ron recalls going to some WHA's meetings (as a member of East London Libertarians) he is unable to recall whether he was at this specific meeting.<ref name="RBinterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Ron Bailey, 10 December 2020.</ref><ref> Ron also said that none of the physical descriptions given at the end of the Special Branch report fit his appearance at the time.</ref><ref name="RBinterview"/>

HN326 writes in his statement that he did not attend any meetings of the East London Libertarians, stating that this was because they engaged in criminalised activity (such as ‘sit-ins’) which he was not permitted to participate in.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards emphasized in his witness testimony that they were not in allowed to take part in any criminal activity, no matter how minor.<ref name="EHDay1"/> However, elsewhere he expressed the view that he was not given any guidance on such matters. It also seems opposed to the goals of the SDS - to monitor criminal activity by political activists if they were not even allowed to attend meetings of groups who allegedly broke the law. On this point, Edwards’ testimony also appears especially contradictory given his recollections of WHA committing minor criminal offences.

[[File:800px-ClipfromManAlive1969.png|right|450px|thumb|Screenshot from the BBC documentary [[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m The Squatters]] (1969). This footage was taken on 9 February 1969 of the Squatting action in Redbridge, London]]

The person who is placed was at the WHA meeting from East London Libertarians <ref>Note, that in the reports published by the inquiry, activist's names are normally redacted, making it impossible to identify which individual is being reported on.</ref> mentioned a plan taking place on the 9 February 1969 to ‘establish some homeless families [...] in empty council houses’.<ref name= "WHA1"/> This was a successful action by the Family Squatting Campaign, in which although they arranged to meet at Manor Park Underground station in the London Borough of Newham they occupied four houses in the adjacent borough of Redbridge.<ref name="RonInterview"> Note: You can hear Ron Bailey talk about this at 10:54 into this interview: Mallen Baker, [http://mallenbaker.net/podcast/ron-bailey-successful-campaigns-against-powerful-opponents Episode #22: Ron Bailey – Successful campaigns against powerful opponents] 19 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020).</ref> Some members of West Ham Anarchists took a squat, a former post office building on Cleveland Road.<ref name="TheSquatters"/> Again, in the hearings, Edwards comments that this kind of activity is something he would not get involved with due to its criminality.<ref>Note: Squatting was not a criminal offence in England and Wales until 2012.</ref><ref>Note: A article on the squatting campaigns in 1969, including that mention in Redbridge, can be found here:[https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/02 Today in London housing history: Family Squatting Campaign occupies 4 houses in Ilford, 1969] Past Tense (blog) 9 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020.</ref>

It is unclear if the intelligence on the 9 February action was passed on to uniformed police. It certainly did not impact on the group as it was successful. However, it may be that the police were wrong-footed in that the meeting place was given as Manor Park station in the neighbouring borough of Newham.<ref name="RonInterview"/><ref> Note: The police subsequently tried to bring some of the squatters to court for theft of electricity but he was foiled by the fact that meter readings had been taken and pre-payment made to the electricity board. See: pp.48 of 'The Squatters'.</ref>

As with other Special Branch reports published by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this one also contains descriptions of those attending the meetings. This is mainly related to physical appearances, but one attendee is described as a ‘drug addict’,<ref name="WHA1"/> (likely a pejorative description for someone using marijuana - see below).

===West Ham Anarchists===
The second report concerning West Ham Anarchists is dated 26 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008161).</ref> A gap of almost four months between the first and second report, suggests that several unpublished reports, based on Edwards’ intelligence are missing; or for whatever reason have not been published by the Inquiry.

This report, which also contains personal information, describes the alleged decline of the group, in the frequency of meetings and the number of people attending - ‘no more than 12’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> Whether this represented a marked decline in membership of the group is not known. However, to put this in context the anarchist movement from this period (and to the present day) are often small - and local groups this size are commonplace.

The report also dismissively described the group members as students and school leavers who all are around ‘20 years of age’ - and ‘long haired’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> It says that they participated in other activities such as anti-Vietnam war marches and ‘minor acts of malicious damage’ against the local Conservative and Labour Party offices. The report then critiques the members supposed lack of knowledge about anarchist political theory.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

The report also mentions one particular member as being connected with other groups, including the umbrella London Federation of Anarchists<ref>Note: The successor group Federation of London Anarchist Groups was targeted by [[Jim 'Jimmy' Pickford (alias)]].</ref> and the Ilford Branch of the International Socialism Group, as well as the aforementioned Freedom Press and East London Libertarians. Another member is described as being involved in a 'breakaway group’ that committed criminal damage after a demonstration outside Rhodesia House on 12 January 1969.<ref name= "WHA2"/><ref>
[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1969/jan/20/disturbances-strand DISTURBANCES, STRAND] Hansard, 20 January 1969 vol 776 cc44-7 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref> A West Ham Anarchist's mother is noted as having moved away from anarchism towards Christianity.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

It is also mentioned that WHA met in two pubs, The Railway Tavern, and The Golden Horse both within the London postcode area of E15. Further comments include the accusation that members spend their weekends ‘taking the drug cannabis’<ref name="WHA2"/><ref>Note: The report also mentions that the WHA is subject of a Special Branch Registry File No: RF.400/66/70.</ref>

The third and final published based on Edwards intelligence on WHA's is dated 29 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427933-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 29 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008162, 1 December 2020).</ref> It concerns the personal details of two members of the WHA, recording that one of their fathers is employed as a motor mechanic and while the WHA is a clerk at ‘Stratford Goods Yard, E15’. On the reason for recording the information about the subjects’ father, Edwards did not elaborate beyond saying that it was probably intelligence from the back office of the SDS that was inserted into the report.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name="WHA3"/>

==Switch of Targets: From anarchist groups to the Independent Labour Party==
According to Edwards: ‘[…] it became apparent to me and my supervisors that these [anarchist] groups were a waste of time. Accordingly, it was decided that I would join the Independent Labour Party (ILP)’. He added that the decision to withdraw from the anarchist groups was approved by [[Conrad Dixon]], the commanding officer of the SDS at the time.<ref name= "EHDay1"/> Further context to this decision is given in the SDS 1969 Annual report which said of anarchists and anarchist groups:<ref name="AnnualReport1969">Phil Saunders, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427367-mps-0728973 Special Demonstration Squad Annual Report 1969] Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 7 November 1969 (sourced via: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0728973).</ref>

::The distasteful nature of the way of life of such people, which officers must assume, adds to the difficulties of penetration. Small groups can be and have been penetrated with some success by the S.O.S. but their tendency to act in isolation makes the value of full time coverage questionable.

Despite this 'distaste' for their lifestyles and the decentralised organising structure of anarchist groups, the choice of the Edwards' initial target appears to be closer the SDS' raison d'être - as targeting of the WHA could be justified in the realm of public order issues. The same could not be said of surveilling the Independent Labour Party, at least according to Edwards:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

:: They were quite left-wing but very pleasant, sociable people wrapped up in the world of intellectual Marxism. They were people who would like to have been politicians. The ILP did not do very much, to be honest. They would support different demonstrations depending on the issue.

However, Edwards defended the selection of what became his main target between 1969 until 1971:
::[It was] to have a 'handle to swing' into other groups. By this, I mean that I could use my membership of the ILP as a means of going to almost any other meeting.

==='A handle to swing'===
The Independent Labour Party, was a small, left-wing political party. Established in 1893 its heyday predated the Second World War. In the early 1960s, it was involved in opposition to the nuclear arms race and promoted ideas such as workers' control. It also campaigned for decolonisation.<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independent_Labour_Party Independent Labour Party], last updated July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>
At the time of Edwards infiltration, its national membership totalled 742 and the London Division (which Edwards monitored) included branches in west London, Woolwich, Bexleyheath, and Tower Hamlets.<ref name="ILP1"/>

::The SDS did not have any real interest in the ILP: it was merely a vehicle for obtaining information. Through my membership of the ILP, I targeted Tri-Continental (sic), the Dambusters Mobilising Committee (‘DMC’) and linked anti-apartheid groups which were causing a lot of problems at the time.
Edwards said: 'they [the ILP] did support demonstrations that were seen to have the potential to undermine parliamentary democracy'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> However, in the live evidence hearings, Edwards states that he probably used the ‘wrong words’ in this context, though without further elaborating what he meant.<ref name="EHDay1"/> In his statement, he also stated that the ILP did not participate in criminal activity, or public disorder.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

It can be noted that the other groups that Doug targeted: Tricontinental, Dambusters and anti-apartheid groups for the most part did not fit into either a subversion or public disorder risk categories.

In opposition to Edwards assessment of the ILP, in 1969 they were presented as one of the 'main' threats to public order in the SDS annual report of that year.<ref name="AnnualReport1969"/>

===Activities within the ILP===
Doug describes his activities when infiltrating the ILP in oral testimony as: ‘Making posters and things, I think. Yeah, there was you had to sort of go willing to stay a member, sort of thing, to be -- you had to go to the branch meetings […]’<ref name="EHDay1"/>
He claimed he generally only interacted with members of the ILP at meetings and drinks afterward. However, it is clear that he became quite integrated into the group, and he himself says he was invited to the wedding of two ILP members. While he did not go to the registry office ceremony itself, he did attend the reception.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>He also became the treasurer of the Tower Hamlets ILP branch, a position indicating a degree of trust, and which would have also given access to bank and membership details.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

===Reporting on the ILP===
The first report on the Independent Labour Party (ILP) is dated 16 June 1969. In its opening paragraphs, it states: ‘The I.L.P. are on the whole content to work within the framework of conventional politics.’<ref name="ILP1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427947-ucpi0000008203 Special Branch report containing background information regarding the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 June 1969 (source: upci.org.uk as document UCPI-0000008203 ).</ref> However, it also states: ‘there is a trend within the party towards Revolutionary' socialism and this has brought some of its members to notice in a public order context’.<ref name= "ILP1"/> This is at odds with Edwards's retrospective view that the ILP themselves were not of interest to the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
This report seems to function as an introduction to the ILP and outlines its structure and size, and political tensions within the group. These tensions are described as being between revolutionary and non-revolutionary wings. This might seem to serve as an implicit justification for monitoring the group.<ref name="ILP1"/> However, Edwards himself brings this reasoning into doubt. When asked how militant the Tower Hamlets branch that he infiltrated was, he answers: '[...] I don't think they were that [militant] there were some pleasant enough blokes there. They'd turn out for the usual demonstrations, that's all'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
The second report based on Edward's intelligence is dated 14 June 1969.<ref name="ILP2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 June 1969 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008204).</ref> It records a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the ILP, a planned demonstration against a fascist rally at Laurie Hall in Romford, Essex on 29 June 1969, and a leaflet regarding a local rent struggle.<ref name="ILP2"/> It is also noted that whereas there was an SB file on the ILP, there was not one on the Tower Hamlets branch.<ref name="ILP2"/>

The third report dated 22 August 1969 contains the details of a member of the ILP and is dated 22 August 1969. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969 (see also ICRSC section below).<ref name="ILP3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008205, 2 December 2020).</ref>

===National Front Debate===
The fourth, fifth and sixth reports, dated 26 September 1969, 3 October 1969 and 16 October 1969 respectively, mainly concern the organising committee of the ILP and plans for a controversial debate with the fascist National Front.<ref name="ILP4">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party] 26 September 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008206 ).</ref><ref name="ILP5">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch''’, 3 October 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008207).</ref><ref name="ILP6">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008208, 2 December 2020).</ref>

The last of these three reports concerned a meeting held on 14 October 1969<ref name="ILP6"/> which was only attended by 3 people. In the evidence hearing of the Inquiry, the Counsel for the Inquiry (CTI) raised the issue of Doug Edward's involvement in decision making at ILP meetings, including ones with very low attendance. Edwards stated that he definitely did not influence the 'direction of travel' of the group but did not explain how he avoided expressing support (or opposition) for proposals within such a small group. Edwards also played down the significance of his role as Tower Hamlets branch treasurer in this regard, seemingly not understanding how having an official role in a group he is infiltrating might be controversial, instead emphasising the very small amounts of money involved.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The planned debate between the ILP and the NF led to one of the few incidents that Edwards could remember during his deployment in detail, albeit confusedly.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

Debating with fascists had generally been seen as unacceptable – and a ‘no platform’ policy across the left was inspired by popular anti-fascist actions across the UK both before and after the Second World War.<ref>Evan Smith, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, pp65-75 Routledge, 2020.</ref> The proposed ILP-NF debate attracted similar criticism.

Edwards recalls:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::The only thing I remember, they tried to organise a - a meeting with - have a debate with the right-wing fascists. And that got a bit out of order. The fascists (sic) got to hear of this debate taking place and there was a mob of - I don't know what they called themselves in those days, the 20s -- I can't remember what it was called. But we were all sitting outside the pub having a pint before the meeting when there was a big swarm of people came in and started punching everybody and sorting it all out.

However, despite saying it was initially fascists who caused the violence, Edwards corrected himself by saying it was in fact members of the International Socialists (now SWP) who attacked members of the ILP as they were angry that they had agreed to debate with the NF. He added that fellow SDS officers [[Phil Saunders]] and [[Riby Wilson]] were in a car outside the pub – and subsequently told him if Doug had been attacked they would have helped out. Edwards was not sure if this would have been the case.<ref>Note: In the telling, this anecdote had the feel of an amusing story told several times – perhaps at SDS reunions and other social occasions - with Edwards' doubt his fellow officers willingness to intervene serving as the punchline. It is also unclear why Phil Saunders and Riby Wilson would have been waiting outside the pub.</ref>

Other SDS reports in HN326's name on the ILP include administrative details such as the fact that the HQ in Bethnal Green, in east London is too expensive.<ref name="ILP7">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 Dec 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008210).</ref> In 1970, a meeting of the ILP is said to be a ‘showdown’ between moderates and militants within the party was planned for October in Leeds.

A conference, ‘The Convention of the New Left’ is also attended by Doug Edwards on 11 April 1970, along with another unnamed member (s) of the ILP and another group, ‘The New Socialists’.<ref name="ILP8">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 April 1970 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008211).</ref> A later report, gives personal details on a member of the ILP of whom it is said he could be described as a ‘militant’ and they were also involved with Southern Africa Solidarity Committee, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref name="ILP9">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008213).</ref>

===End of deployment===
::My involvement in the ILP came to an end when I realised I had had enough of being an undercover officer on the SDS.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> I simply stopped attending meetings and demonstrations and disappeared from the ILP - commenting that: ‘They wouldn't have missed me'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==Other groups reported on==

===Action Committee Against NATO and Tricontinental===
Contemporarily with attending ILP meetings, Edwards also went to some other group’s discussions. This included the Action Committee Against NATO (ACAN).<ref name="NATO"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 November 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008209).</ref> Little is known about this group, and it seems likely was an ad hoc organising committee rather than a long-term campaign group.

The Special Branch report says that a group called Tricontinental paid the deposit for a meeting at Conway Hall on 10 December 1969. This decision was relayed to several other groups who may have had representatives on the committee.<ref> Note: These were Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece, and The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship.</ref> The London-based Tricontinental Committee is described in another Special Branch report as '[...] a small Cuba/Moscow oriented group' <ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447642-mps-0736221 Stop the Seventy Tour] 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0736221).</ref>

When questioned at the evidence hearing about his attendance at these meetings, Edwards could only reply in generalities to why they were monitored - or why Special Branch was interested in them - saying that they it was due to NATO's importance in the UK's security policy - and that some of the people attending such demonstrations were likely to be troublemakers.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

===Dambusters Organising Committee===
The Dambusters Organising Committee (DMC) was a ‘[…] coalition of groups that included the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Haslemere Group and the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guiné. Its focus was preventing the construction of the huge Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique. This was a collaboration between South Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal - the project was intended to supply electricity to apartheid South Africa. They were also spied upon by SDS undercover Stewart Goodman from autumn 1971<ref>Note: For example see:[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427925-ucpi0000008117 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing a planned day of action against British companies involved in a particular project] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 January 1971 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI000008117).</ref><ref>[https://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-5E6 STOP CABORA BASSA DAM] African Activist Archive (website), no date (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref>

In the evidence hearings, Edwards suggests that a group like Dambusters might have been of interest to Special Branch - due to its connection to 'all the trouble with the movement against apartheid'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards then cites anti-apartheid actions - such as the rugby match at Twickenham between England and South Africa, which was disrupted by the 'Stop the Seventy Campaign' (see main profile: [[Mike Ferguson]]). However, there is no suggestion in any of the reports on the Dambusters Mobilising Campaign group that they might be a public disorder problem themselves.
The first of these intelligence reports is dated 11 February 1970 and describes the group's plans – and reports back from previous events.<ref name= "DB1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as UCPI0000008111).</ref>.
Subsequent reports filed in Douglas Edwards' name said that as part of their campaign a member of DMC had purchased 100 shares in Barclays bank in early 1971.<ref name="DB3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 5 April 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008109).</ref><ref> Note: A report dated 7 October 1970 on the group was also published by the Inquiry as if it was associated with Doug Edwards. However, neither his name is not attached to the report, but that of [[Stewart Goodman]]. See:[ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427920-ucpi0000008112 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing future actions of the group].</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===
Douglas also reported on three meetings of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in the autumn of 1970, two years after the large October 1968 demonstration. In his written statement, Doug said, like the rest of the meetings he could remember nothing of them.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug reports that on 22 September 1970 a meeting of the VSC took place and planning for a weekend of action in October, including a march in London’s West End. This would include the blocking of roads and ‘disorder’ as well as a plan to attack President Richard Nixon’s car.<ref name= "DouglasVSC">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 25 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005813).</ref> there is a further report from a meeting on 29 September <ref>Note: This mentioned some other groups, including the Agitprop Bookshop and the Young Communist League (YCL) who were also the subject of surveillance by the SDS.</ref> which states the intention of some attending this meeting to cause ‘damage and disruption’ during the demonstration.<ref name="DougVSC2"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration ] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 6 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005814).</ref> The final report states that the VSC is withdrawing support for an action on 31 October 1970, much to the apparent chagrin of some present.<ref name="DougVSC3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 9 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005816).</ref>

===Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign===
The ICRSC was closely connected to the International Socialists (later the SWP) and counted the well-known Civil Rights campaigner and MP (1969-1974), Bernadette Devlin, as a member.<ref name="Devlinarticle">Kitty Holland, [https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293 Bernadette McAliskey: ‘I am astounded I survived. I made mad decisions’] 22 September 2016 (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref> The group was extensively monitored and infiltrated and reported on by several other SDS officers: [[Sean Lynch]], [[Andy Bailey]] and [[Mike Ferguson]]. It should also be noted that the political situation in the north of Ireland was used to justify the continuance of the SDS in the opening hearing by legal representatives of the various police bodies.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426759-20201103-ucpi_opening_statements_transcript Opening Statements, Day 2] 3 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

Edwards’ name is put to three Special Branch reports which mention the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/> As well as the two reports (discussed in detail below), Edwards sent a Metropolitan Police telegram as a member of 'CI Dixon's Squad'<ref name="DougTelegram1"/> to the Commander<ref>Note: the addressing of correspondence to the ‘Commader of Special Branch’ would have been a formality.</ref> of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969 at 10.10 pm.<ref name="DougTelegram1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736646).</ref>
The telegram reads:
::Whilst attending. to another Matter at The Dolphin P.H., Bidborough Street., W.C.1., I overheard a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign at which a decision was made by about 15 to 20 young person’s immediately to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, W.1. with the intention of causing mischief. The group were in a militant mood and may cause malicious damage.

[[Image:MPSTelgramHN326toCmdrSB.png|right|400px|thumb|MPS Telegram from HN326 ('Doug Edwards') to Cmdr of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969]]

Edwards, at the hearing in November 2020 did not fully explain his presence at the venue - though vaguely intimated that he may have been working in tandem with another officer (who may have been [[Sean Lynch]] who both infiltrated the ICRSC - and was a close friend of Edwards).<ref name="EHDay1"/> Edwards said that he was '[...] waiting for a signal from him [an undercover officer] to tell him that this thing [act of malicious damage] was going to go ahead [...]'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

Edwards said he never attended any other meetings of the ICRSC, so could not see how he would be the intelligence source for the reports attributed to him on this group. Doug speculated that the ‘reliable source’ in the case of these reports might have been another ‘hairy’ - member of the SDS. At the time [[Sean Lynch]], [[Mike Ferguson]] and [[Andy Bailey]] were infiltrating the ICRSC. Doug responded that he could not comment on why these particular reports were copied to MI5. He also inaccurately alleged that members of the group ‘were a front for the IRA’,<ref name="Doug1st"/> - something that Edwards said he probably gleaned through another member of the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second of the reports, dated 22 August 1969, contains the details of a member of the ILP. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969. the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/>

The third of these reports is of a redacted individual entering the UK.<ref name= "ICRSC1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as MPS-0732317, 2 December 2020).</ref> One report dated 7 October 1970 is exclusively concerned with an anonymised individual who is a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 7 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000026969).</ref>
A further report dated 28 January 1971 contains a leaflet attacking the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland. <ref name= "ICRSC2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 28 January 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0738228).</ref><ref>Note: At this time, CS gas had not been used elsewhere in the British Isles and its use by the Royal Ulster Constabulary in the Bogside area of Derry in 1969 was very controversial. not least as it caused choking, vomiting and irritation of the eyes and skin to residents. Frank Roche and Bowes Egan, members of a group called ‘People’s Democracy’ (also mentioned in a number of other published SB reports)</ref> Support for the two men's trial is also voiced in the leaflet, alongside mentions of two other groups: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and Clann na h’Eireann.<ref name="ICRSC2"/>

In his written statement, Doug did recall attending a demonstration outside of the ‘the Northern Irish offices in Barclay Street and bumping into another Undercover officer, [Sean Lynch]] and going to the pub with him and a genuine member of the ILP, Bill Turner.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> No date is given for this event.

===Single Mentions===
Two reports signed by Douglas concern groups not otherwise mentioned in Douglas’ intelligence. The first regarded the founding of a new group; the ‘Socialist Alliance Against Racism (which included a ‘faction’ of the ILP).<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736231).</ref> During the evidence hearings, the Counsel to the Inquiry asked why, if this was the first meeting of a campaign group, it would have been of interest to Special Branch. This seems to implicate that for the Inquiry, a group that had not started yet could not be designated either a ‘public order’ or ‘subversive threat’ to allow targeting by the SDS Edwards could only reply in the most general of terms saying that it was unfair to criticise the gathering of such information in hindsight - especially given the political context of the times.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second report covered a meeting of a group called the British Albania Society that took place in Derbyshire in May 1970. Again, Douglas could not recall anything about this group or reporting on it. The meeting was led by Harpal Brar, who was the chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) until 2018. In the hearings, Douglas disavowed that he could have had any direct knowledge of this group, despite his name being on the report.<ref name="Albania">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 27 May 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0739668).</ref>

In his statement, Doug also mentions that he visited the offices of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) although this was only ‘as a result of my involvement in the ILP’.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

==Post-SDS career==
In the last two or three years of Edward's police career, he was posted to the 'vetting office'. This section of the MPS conducted security vetting for applicants for jobs within the MPS, with Edwards stating it was a collaborative process with MI5.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==In the Preliminary stages of the Undercover Policing Inquiry==
According to Edward's risk assessment:<ref name = HN326RA>Kevin Shanahan, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN326-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Open risk assessment for HN326], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (sourced: via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: He was recruited by Special Branch management into the Special Operations Squad, whose function was to monitor protest groups who were a major concern of the Government. He had no formal induction or form of training (3.3).
:: At the time of his recruitment was informed by his senior management (Detective Chief Inspector & Detective Inspector) that the Unit he was seconded to was highly secret and was to be deployed as a result of the ongoing large-scale public disorder being a major concern of the Government at that time (late 1968) (3.4).
:: Not offered or provided with support during his deployment; it was ad hoc and uncoordinated (4.19).

According to his written statement, Edwards was also involved in [[HN16]]'s deployment in an administrative role.<ref name="HN326PS"/> In his risk assessment he points out that when he was asked to provide information about HN16, he had specifically requested officers from ‘an operation'’ [redacted, most probably Operation Herne] not to visit his home address. Despite his request, in his words 'unthinking officers unable to accept that he is retired' did visit him there, 'creating a great deal of distress to his wife'.<ref name = HN326RA/>

The MPS applied in August 2017 for a restriction order over his real name with open versions published.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry ('', 3 August 2017.</ref>
No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry '', 3 August 2017.</ref> and it was formally released in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

According to Mitting (Aug 2017): <ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: He has been careful to preserve his anonymity and is worried about disclosure of his real name. He is concerned that it may be discovered by organisations such as undercoverresearch.net and fears media intrusion. He suffers from conditions that may be exacerbated by worry. His cover name will be published.

The application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref> I am satisfied that publication of HN326's real name would interfere with his right to respect for his private life and that the interference is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN326.pdf Restriction Order] over his real was made on 8 December 2017. See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Table of Special Branch Reports attributed to Edwards' Reporting==

{| class="wikitable" style="border-spacing: 2px; border: 2px solid Blue;"
! Date
! Title of Report
! Target Group
! Notes
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/07/68
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)]
|VSC
|Reports on a Court Case in Bow Street Magistrates; 'C' Squad report, prior to Doug’s move to the SDS
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|22/01/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election]
|West Ham Anarchists/East London Libertarians/Family Squatting Campaign
|Reports of leaflets regarding by-election and Squatting Actions Signed off by CI Conrad Dixon
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/06/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|23/08/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|12/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Telegram from HN326 ('from CI Dixon's squad') to Cmdr Special Branch
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|26/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; National Front
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|16/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders; CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/11/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]
|Action Committee Against NATO; Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece: The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship
|Signed off by CI Saunders and CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/12/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI (?) R Wilson
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee; Haslemere Group
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism]
|Socialist Alliance Against Racialism; New Socialists;Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain; Indian Marxist-Leninist Association; Socialist Current
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|21/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|27/05/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society]
|British Albania Society
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/09/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Member passing through Port of Dover
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|07/10/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC]
|Islington Branch of the ICRSC
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|28/01/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland]
|Irish Solidarity Campaign, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Clann na h'Eireann
|Signed off by Ch. Supt Watts and CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; Palestine Solidarity Campaign; Southern African Solidarity Committee; VSC.
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|05/04/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|25/09/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]
|VSC, Black Power
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|06/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration]
|Agitprop, Young Communist League
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|09/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration]
|VSC; Agitprop; Anti-Imperalist Movement
|Signed off by CI HN294
|}

==Notes==

<references/>

Douglas Edwards (alias)

2025-07-14T10:07:34Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN326'|Alias=Douglas "Doug" Edwards|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1971|Targets=Anarchist groups, Independent Labour Party, Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* Edwards updated profile can be found here:'''[https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn326-doug-edwards HN329 'Doug Edwards'] 



'''Douglas "Doug" Edwards''' is the cover name of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated anarchist groups (including West Ham Anarchists). He later spied on the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Through the ILP he monitored campaigning groups Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee (DMC) from late 1968 to May 1971. His cover personality created for his deployment was commonly known as 'Doug’ and gave a date of birth as 8 August 1945.
His real name is restricted by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and he is also known by the cipher HN326 for the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]).<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

HN326 gave live evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 13 November 2020. The majority of the following derives from his written<ref name= "Doug1st">HN326, [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426722-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 First Written Statement of HN326] 16 April 2019 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0738584, 1 December 2020).</ref> and oral testimony<ref name= "EHDay1"/> as well as Special Branch Intelligence reports released by the Inquiry in November 2020.

==Police Career before SDS==
Doug Edwards joined the Metropolitan Police in 1964, after completing his initial training he was posted to a North London police station.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Unhappy in this policing role, he successfully applied to join Special Branch and began working there in 1968 as a ‘PC CID’, having passed the relevant course.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Doug states:

:: Initially, upon joining Special Branch, I was posted to C Squad which dealt with left-wing enquiries (sic) [redacted]. Day-to-day, I would carry out these enquiries (sic). Sometimes there would be a little bit of subterfuge involved. We would do what was called a 'knock-knock' and pretend to be someone else to find out about the individual who was the subject of an enquiry.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

‘C Squad’ dealt with Communists and Subversives, public order issues and what was later labelled ‘ Domestic Extremism’. It is thought that the SDS was within ‘C’ Squad in Edwards’ era – although later moved into ‘S’ (Specialist/Technical Support) Squad.<ref name="DLOOS">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426753-20201028-opening_statement-dl_clients Opening statement from the Designated Lawyer Officers] ''Designated Lawyer Officers'', 28 October 2020 (source: ucpi.org.uk). </ref>

Evidence released by the Inquiry regarding the Vietnam Solidarity Committee contains a telegram from HN326 reporting on a Marylebone magistrates court hearing on 3 July 1968.<ref name="MPS-0722098p.50">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 June 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0722098).</ref> It describes three people being sentenced to fines for a demonstration in Powis Square in Notting Hill on 25 May 1968.<ref name="VSCTG">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427448-mps-0731916 Police Telegram] Demonstration by members of VSC and Black Power Movement] ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 25 May 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk).</ref> (This event also relates to other undercover officers [[Helen Crampton]] and [[Don de Freitas]] ). As this trial pre-dates the formation of the SDS, this was not undercover work. Rather, the officer would have attended the court in plain clothes as part of standard Special Branch activity gathering intelligence on behalf of ‘C ‘ Squad.

==Special Demonstration Squad==
After a short time in Special Branch (SB), Doug was recruited by Detective Inspector Saunders<ref> Note Saunders was Doug’s Detective Inspector on C Squad.</ref> into the SDS in late 1968, which had only begun in July of 1968. Although he joined in 1968, Doug was deployed after the Grosvenor Square October 1968 demonstration and therefore does not belong to the very first cohort of SDS officers.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> At the time, Edwards was still on two years’ SB probation.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

===Attitude and Opinions===
To date, no one from Edwards' target groups has provided information on his infiltration, and it is unclear how much effort the Inquiry made to locate contemporary witnesses,<ref> Note: It is not known if the Inquiry managed to trace anyone from those groups but if so, no evidence written or otherwise played a part in the evidentiary hearings.</ref> this means that any comments on Edward's attitude and personality entirely rely on his testimony of 13 November 2020, 50 years after his deployment. Further, no questions were posed to Doug how he presented himself to the groups that he infiltrated or what his cover personality was like.

Whilst there are several Special Branch reports published on his infiltration, the reports were according to Edwards, typed and completed by other police personnel.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name= "EHDay1"/> This issue is explored in more detail below.

In reply to written questions submitted by the Inquiry, Doug says he did not know why the SDS had been set up but commented that: 'What was going on at these demonstrations was quite nasty and frightening at times’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

On being a Special Branch officer:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::[...] you needed to identify people and try and understand what their political beliefs were. And it was [...] reported back so that there were records of these people to be called upon if need be.

Doug outlined why people's political beliefs were being recorded:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::Well, it was just part and parcel of being an SB officer, to try and get this information, to try and understand what groups that they were allocated to; because there's all sorts of rivalries in different groups and some were Trotskyite (sic) people that were bent on causing violence, and anarchist groups that were causing violence at demonstrations.

===Training===
Doug states that before joining the SDS the only policing that he carried out that could be described as undercover was when he had been assigned to monitor a fellow officer drinking after hours.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like other former SDS officers whose statements have been released as of November 2020, Doug said he ‘did not receive any training, formal or informal, for the role of an undercover police officer before I was deployed’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Nor did he receive any formal ethical guidance on whether it was permissible to enter to any sexual relationships with members of the groups he was monitoring – commenting that: […] in those days, we lived by what I perceive to be higher moral standards than today. This sort of activity simply would not be done.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug stated he also received no guidance on what to do if brought before a court whether as a defendant or as a witness or if he would obtain access to legally privileged information.

===Development of Cover Identity===
Before his deployment, Edwards states that he: ‘[…] was not given any guidance or instruction about the creation of a false identity [...] I was just told to get an identity and to get a job.’<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like many of the officers from the early days of the SDS, Douglas ‘legend’ or back story was not well developed, commenting that he ‘just played it by ear’ and relied on his cover employment as a lorry driver.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> This is an early example of SDS use of fake (or 'duff' in SDS parlance) jobs which required working away from home to give the officer excuses as for being far away from his undercover address. HN326 also said this job meant that he also could not easily be reached by telephone. Like many of the undercovers of the time, Doug changed his appearance by growing his hair and beard to fit into the activist milieu better.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> It was this tactic that gained the SDS’ nickname ‘The Hairies’. The only identity document that Edwards had in his cover name, was his rent book for his cover address in the E15 postcode area of east London.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===As an SDS Officer===
Edwards served for two and a half years as a Special Demonstration Squad officer, with two years in the field and six months in the back office. He started in November 1968, leaving the SDS in May 1971.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>
Although Doug states his initial tasking was to infiltrate anarchist groups, the earliest report released by the Inquiry in relation to his undercover work concerns a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. He was one of five undercovers who attended a large public meeting on the back of the anti-Vietnam War demonstration of October 1968. Among the other undercovers was SDS founder and commanding officer [[Conrad Dixon]].<ref name= "12Nov68VSC"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427409-mps-0730768 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC ‘reporting back’ on the October demonstration], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'',12 November 1968 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0730768).</ref> Commenting on the numbers of officers present at this meeting, Edwards said ' The presence of so many officers was probably Conrad Dixon's way of showing how active the SDS was.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===SDS Secrecy===
In his personal statement, Doug writes:<ref name="HN326PS">'HN326', [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20414285-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 Open personal statement of HN326], Metropolitan Police Service, 2017 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Discretion and secrecy was the order of the day – ‘stum und krum'<ref> Note: An aphorism that I can not trace.</ref>. Say nothing about anything, this was communicated to me right from the very start. Even other members of my unit were not aware of my undercover name and which groups I infiltrated. It was very much ‘keep quiet about the whole thing’. To be honest, I can't recall a conversation about secrecy at the end of my deployment. It was just the nature of the job that you didn't talk about it.
He added: 'At the time of my deployment, I was living with my parents. I told them I was on the Drugs squad [...]’<ref name= "HN326PS"/>

See: [[Conrad Dixon]] and [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-2/ Special Branch Files] for further information on the Anti-Vietnam war protests and the founding of the SDS.

==The authorship and process of creating Special Branch Intelligence Reports==

The Inquiry has released a number of reports submitted in the name of HN326 (see table below). In his oral statement. However, the former officer has thrown doubt on the authorship and provenance of the intelligence contained in them. In his written statement he sketched out the report writing process that suggested little can be unambiguously attributed to him personally. A detailed account of the process of the creation of the reports which contrasts with his recollection of the content of them:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::After attending a meeting or a demonstration, I wrote out by hand or typed out what I had learnt on a bit of paper in the SOS<ref>Note: 'Special Operations Squad' - one of the other names that the SDS went by.</ref> flat. This bit of paper would then be taken over to the Yard via a secure bag: either someone from the Yard would come to the SDS flat with the secure bag in order to pick up the information, or we would meet someone at a location away from the Yard in order to hand the information over. Sometimes it was [Detective Inspector] Phil Saunders who would go between the Yard and the SDS flat to collect our intelligence, but it was also often an officer of a lesser rank. Reports were then collated and typed up in full in the office, either by the officers in the office — [[Bill Furner]], [[Roy Creamer]] and [[Dave Smith]] — or by the typing pool. They typed the reports with the appropriate formatting and alignment on a better typewriter than we had access to in the SDS flat. When drafting the reports, those in the office would collate all of the information provided about a particular meeting, demonstration, or issue. They would look at the information I provided on the bits of paper alongside other information[..]

Edwards also suggested that some reports were attributed to him and other undercover officers to justify their deployments:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

::When there were quieter periods for SDS officers, I assume that intelligence reports were put in their name to justify their continued deployment. It is an assumption I have made since being shown the reports […] because there are certain reports which bear my name but I do not recall having any involvement with these groups.

Edwards says that he has: ‘no independent recollection of any of the meetings or events referred to within these reports save where I have expressly stated otherwise'.<ref name="Doug1st"/>. However, with most of the reports, he did agree he was likely to be the ‘reliable source’ of at least some of the information in the report. Though he did not type them up himself, he submitted handwritten notes which were used alongside other material. He also points out that he only signed one of the reports discussed below.<ref name="Doug1st"/>.

Often in the evidence hearing itself, when asked if recalled particular details of a report, or the attitude of fellow officers he exclaimed that he could not be expected to remember them after such a long period: ‘Cor, blimey! I can't remember that. Goodness me’.<ref name= "EHDay1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20507597-20201113-ucpi_evidence_hearings_transcript UCPI Evidence Hearings: Tranche 1 (Phase 1) | Day 10 (Full day) (Transcript)] 13 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk ).</ref> In contrast, Douglas was able to specifically deny he attended two meetings of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

==Anarchist Groups==

As stated, HN326 was tasked to infiltrate anarchist groups in the east end of London,<ref name= "Doug1st"/> with the only direction he was given was to ‘hang around’ Piccadilly Circus to be recruited into a group; this was where they thought these anarchist groups tended to congregate’. No context was given by Edwards to this instruction.<ref>Note: One possible reason for it was the presence of a high-profile squat in the area at 144 Piccadilly in September 1969, which was widely reported in the media at the time although this post-dates the beginning of Edwards’ deployment. See: Phil Cohen,[https://philcohenworks.com/the-way-we-were/ The Way we were] undated (sourced: 1 December 2020). However, there was reportedly another squatted building occupied in Endell Street, before this - although the precise date is uncertain. More generally, Piccadilly Circus also had a reputation as a centre of queer and gay culture – and drug use – which the police may have connected with an imagined anarchist lifestyle.</ref><ref name="TheSquatters">Ron Bailey, The Squatters (1973), Penguin.</ref> Edwards also mentions that among other back office staff in the SDS, supposed police expert on anarchist groups, Roy Creamer (later of the Bomb Squad- and involved in ‘The Angry Brigade’ investigations) then a Sergeant with the SDS, gave him some advice.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Having failed to make any inroads with the anarchists around Piccadilly Circus, Edwards moved his attention elsewhere:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::I then decided to go to the East End of London in order to be nearer the action, so to speak. I hung around in the local pubs because I thought it was likely that people involved in these anarchist groups would go there to have a drink. I infiltrated a few groups at this stage; by 'infiltrate' in this instance I mean attending a few meetings to get up to date with what the groups were doing, rather than penetrating the groups or becoming a card-carrying member. The groups whose meetings I attended included the West Ham Anarchists and Freedom Press. There may have been other groups but due to the passage of time, I cannot recall their names. Some of these groups were quite nasty pieces of work insofar as they would cause criminal damage and go wild at demonstrations. For example, I remember at a demonstration outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square cries of ‘Anarchista!’ and demonstrators throwing objects at the Embassy.

On this demonstration, Edwards commented:
:: […] It got a bit tasty. They started smashing windows and it was violent and – there we are. The mounted police came in then, to try and stop things.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The Inquiry released three intelligence reports based on Edwards' spying which predominantly relates to West Ham Anarchists. This group, based in the east end of London appeared to have been active between 1966 and 1969.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-7996/page/2/mode/2up?q=West+Ham+Anarchists Direct Action] Syndicalist Workers Federation, April 1966 (accessed via Sparrows Nest, 1 December 2020).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-18.pdf Freedom News] 18 January 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> In 1966, they disrupted a husting during the general election which was captured on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc film].<ref>Note: Nick Heath (aka Charles Mowbray) stated that the hecklers interrupting a Conservative Party candidate in the 1966 General election at 37.09-41.00 are members of West Ham Anarchists. See: Joseph Strick, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers] 1966 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref>

[[File:WesthamanarchistsFreedom26November1966.png|300px|left|thumb|Freedom Newspaper 26 November 1966]][[File:WestHamAnarchists.png|right|300px|thumb|Screenshot (from [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers]) of West Ham Anarchists disrupting a 1966 Election Hustings]]

Beyond this – and what Edwards reported, little is known about their activities, although they did publish a newspaper named ‘Black Mass’ in 1969.<ref> Note: No archived copy can be found but there is a review of it in ''Freedom News'': [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-09-27.pdf ''Freedom News''] 27 September 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> The fact that the group's apparent demise happened at the same time as Doug’s infiltration is not known to be connected.<ref>Note: The stated ‘demise’ is only based on a lack of any listing or mention of the groups in any archived anarchist publications from 1970 onwards.</ref>

The first report is dated 22 January 1969 and discussed some leafleting that West Ham Anarchists were going to carry out around a local by-election, and the making of another leaflet attacking the fascist National Front(NF).<ref name= "WHA1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 22 January 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008160).</ref>
It stated that the leaflet was to be printed at Freedom Press, home of the longest-running British anarchist newspaper.<ref name= "WHA1"/>

===East London Libertarians and the Family Squatting Campaign===
The intelligence report on the WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians was present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on 9 February 1969. The East London Libertarians were a group that operated in the same area as the West Ham Anarchists, with a particular focus on squatting. There was an overlap in activities between the two groups.<ref>Note:' Libertarian' is now a term currently used to self-identify those on the extreme right of the political spectrum but in the context of the 1960/70s it was adopted by anarchists.</ref> For instance, some members of West Ham Anarchists took part in the Family Squatting Campaign.<ref name="TheSquatters"/>

The Family Squatting Campaign was formed in 1968 but also had its antecedents in the first half of the 20th Century. Among its organisers was Ron Bailey.<ref name="manalive">[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m Extract from BBC Man Alive - The Squatters] BBC, 1973 (accessed 27 December 2020).</ref> The same SB intelligence report on a WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 (and filed on 22 January 1969) also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians, another anarchist group that operated in the same area was also present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on the 9 February 1969. While Ron recalls going to some WHA's meetings (as a member of East London Libertarians) he is unable to recall whether he was at this specific meeting.<ref name="RBinterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Ron Bailey, 10 December 2020.</ref><ref> Ron also said that none of the physical descriptions given at the end of the Special Branch report fit his appearance at the time.</ref><ref name="RBinterview"/>

HN326 writes in his statement that he did not attend any meetings of the East London Libertarians, stating that this was because they engaged in criminalised activity (such as ‘sit-ins’) which he was not permitted to participate in.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards emphasized in his witness testimony that they were not in allowed to take part in any criminal activity, no matter how minor.<ref name="EHDay1"/> However, elsewhere he expressed the view that he was not given any guidance on such matters. It also seems opposed to the goals of the SDS - to monitor criminal activity by political activists if they were not even allowed to attend meetings of groups who allegedly broke the law. On this point, Edwards’ testimony also appears especially contradictory given his recollections of WHA committing minor criminal offences.

[[File:800px-ClipfromManAlive1969.png|right|450px|thumb|Screenshot from the BBC documentary [[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m The Squatters]] (1969). This footage was taken on 9 February 1969 of the Squatting action in Redbridge, London]]

The person who is placed was at the WHA meeting from East London Libertarians <ref>Note, that in the reports published by the inquiry, activist's names are normally redacted, making it impossible to identify which individual is being reported on.</ref> mentioned a plan taking place on the 9 February 1969 to ‘establish some homeless families [...] in empty council houses’.<ref name= "WHA1"/> This was a successful action by the Family Squatting Campaign, in which although they arranged to meet at Manor Park Underground station in the London Borough of Newham they occupied four houses in the adjacent borough of Redbridge.<ref name="RonInterview"> Note: You can hear Ron Bailey talk about this at 10:54 into this interview: Mallen Baker, [http://mallenbaker.net/podcast/ron-bailey-successful-campaigns-against-powerful-opponents Episode #22: Ron Bailey – Successful campaigns against powerful opponents] 19 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020).</ref> Some members of West Ham Anarchists took a squat, a former post office building on Cleveland Road.<ref name="TheSquatters"/> Again, in the hearings, Edwards comments that this kind of activity is something he would not get involved with due to its criminality.<ref>Note: Squatting was not a criminal offence in England and Wales until 2012.</ref><ref>Note: A article on the squatting campaigns in 1969, including that mention in Redbridge, can be found here:[https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/02 Today in London housing history: Family Squatting Campaign occupies 4 houses in Ilford, 1969] Past Tense (blog) 9 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020.</ref>

It is unclear if the intelligence on the 9 February action was passed on to uniformed police. It certainly did not impact on the group as it was successful. However, it may be that the police were wrong-footed in that the meeting place was given as Manor Park station in the neighbouring borough of Newham.<ref name="RonInterview"/><ref> Note: The police subsequently tried to bring some of the squatters to court for theft of electricity but he was foiled by the fact that meter readings had been taken and pre-payment made to the electricity board. See: pp.48 of 'The Squatters'.</ref>

As with other Special Branch reports published by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this one also contains descriptions of those attending the meetings. This is mainly related to physical appearances, but one attendee is described as a ‘drug addict’,<ref name="WHA1"/> (likely a pejorative description for someone using marijuana - see below).

===West Ham Anarchists===
The second report concerning West Ham Anarchists is dated 26 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008161).</ref> A gap of almost four months between the first and second report, suggests that several unpublished reports, based on Edwards’ intelligence are missing; or for whatever reason have not been published by the Inquiry.

This report, which also contains personal information, describes the alleged decline of the group, in the frequency of meetings and the number of people attending - ‘no more than 12’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> Whether this represented a marked decline in membership of the group is not known. However, to put this in context the anarchist movement from this period (and to the present day) are often small - and local groups this size are commonplace.

The report also dismissively described the group members as students and school leavers who all are around ‘20 years of age’ - and ‘long haired’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> It says that they participated in other activities such as anti-Vietnam war marches and ‘minor acts of malicious damage’ against the local Conservative and Labour Party offices. The report then critiques the members supposed lack of knowledge about anarchist political theory.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

The report also mentions one particular member as being connected with other groups, including the umbrella London Federation of Anarchists<ref>Note: The successor group Federation of London Anarchist Groups was targeted by [[Jim 'Jimmy' Pickford (alias)]].</ref> and the Ilford Branch of the International Socialism Group, as well as the aforementioned Freedom Press and East London Libertarians. Another member is described as being involved in a 'breakaway group’ that committed criminal damage after a demonstration outside Rhodesia House on 12 January 1969.<ref name= "WHA2"/><ref>
[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1969/jan/20/disturbances-strand DISTURBANCES, STRAND] Hansard, 20 January 1969 vol 776 cc44-7 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref> A West Ham Anarchist's mother is noted as having moved away from anarchism towards Christianity.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

It is also mentioned that WHA met in two pubs, The Railway Tavern, and The Golden Horse both within the London postcode area of E15. Further comments include the accusation that members spend their weekends ‘taking the drug cannabis’<ref name="WHA2"/><ref>Note: The report also mentions that the WHA is subject of a Special Branch Registry File No: RF.400/66/70.</ref>

The third and final published based on Edwards intelligence on WHA's is dated 29 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427933-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 29 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008162, 1 December 2020).</ref> It concerns the personal details of two members of the WHA, recording that one of their fathers is employed as a motor mechanic and while the WHA is a clerk at ‘Stratford Goods Yard, E15’. On the reason for recording the information about the subjects’ father, Edwards did not elaborate beyond saying that it was probably intelligence from the back office of the SDS that was inserted into the report.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name="WHA3"/>

==Switch of Targets: From anarchist groups to the Independent Labour Party==
According to Edwards: ‘[…] it became apparent to me and my supervisors that these [anarchist] groups were a waste of time. Accordingly, it was decided that I would join the Independent Labour Party (ILP)’. He added that the decision to withdraw from the anarchist groups was approved by [[Conrad Dixon]], the commanding officer of the SDS at the time.<ref name= "EHDay1"/> Further context to this decision is given in the SDS 1969 Annual report which said of anarchists and anarchist groups:<ref name="AnnualReport1969">Phil Saunders, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427367-mps-0728973 Special Demonstration Squad Annual Report 1969] Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 7 November 1969 (sourced via: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0728973).</ref>

::The distasteful nature of the way of life of such people, which officers must assume, adds to the difficulties of penetration. Small groups can be and have been penetrated with some success by the S.O.S. but their tendency to act in isolation makes the value of full time coverage questionable.

Despite this 'distaste' for their lifestyles and the decentralised organising structure of anarchist groups, the choice of the Edwards' initial target appears to be closer the SDS' raison d'être - as targeting of the WHA could be justified in the realm of public order issues. The same could not be said of surveilling the Independent Labour Party, at least according to Edwards:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

:: They were quite left-wing but very pleasant, sociable people wrapped up in the world of intellectual Marxism. They were people who would like to have been politicians. The ILP did not do very much, to be honest. They would support different demonstrations depending on the issue.

However, Edwards defended the selection of what became his main target between 1969 until 1971:
::[It was] to have a 'handle to swing' into other groups. By this, I mean that I could use my membership of the ILP as a means of going to almost any other meeting.

==='A handle to swing'===
The Independent Labour Party, was a small, left-wing political party. Established in 1893 its heyday predated the Second World War. In the early 1960s, it was involved in opposition to the nuclear arms race and promoted ideas such as workers' control. It also campaigned for decolonisation.<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independent_Labour_Party Independent Labour Party], last updated July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>
At the time of Edwards infiltration, its national membership totalled 742 and the London Division (which Edwards monitored) included branches in west London, Woolwich, Bexleyheath, and Tower Hamlets.<ref name="ILP1"/>

::The SDS did not have any real interest in the ILP: it was merely a vehicle for obtaining information. Through my membership of the ILP, I targeted Tri-Continental (sic), the Dambusters Mobilising Committee (‘DMC’) and linked anti-apartheid groups which were causing a lot of problems at the time.
Edwards said: 'they [the ILP] did support demonstrations that were seen to have the potential to undermine parliamentary democracy'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> However, in the live evidence hearings, Edwards states that he probably used the ‘wrong words’ in this context, though without further elaborating what he meant.<ref name="EHDay1"/> In his statement, he also stated that the ILP did not participate in criminal activity, or public disorder.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

It can be noted that the other groups that Doug targeted: Tricontinental, Dambusters and anti-apartheid groups for the most part did not fit into either a subversion or public disorder risk categories.

In opposition to Edwards assessment of the ILP, in 1969 they were presented as one of the 'main' threats to public order in the SDS annual report of that year.<ref name="AnnualReport1969"/>

===Activities within the ILP===
Doug describes his activities when infiltrating the ILP in oral testimony as: ‘Making posters and things, I think. Yeah, there was you had to sort of go willing to stay a member, sort of thing, to be -- you had to go to the branch meetings […]’<ref name="EHDay1"/>
He claimed he generally only interacted with members of the ILP at meetings and drinks afterward. However, it is clear that he became quite integrated into the group, and he himself says he was invited to the wedding of two ILP members. While he did not go to the registry office ceremony itself, he did attend the reception.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>He also became the treasurer of the Tower Hamlets ILP branch, a position indicating a degree of trust, and which would have also given access to bank and membership details.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

===Reporting on the ILP===
The first report on the Independent Labour Party (ILP) is dated 16 June 1969. In its opening paragraphs, it states: ‘The I.L.P. are on the whole content to work within the framework of conventional politics.’<ref name="ILP1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427947-ucpi0000008203 Special Branch report containing background information regarding the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 June 1969 (source: upci.org.uk as document UCPI-0000008203 ).</ref> However, it also states: ‘there is a trend within the party towards Revolutionary' socialism and this has brought some of its members to notice in a public order context’.<ref name= "ILP1"/> This is at odds with Edwards's retrospective view that the ILP themselves were not of interest to the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
This report seems to function as an introduction to the ILP and outlines its structure and size, and political tensions within the group. These tensions are described as being between revolutionary and non-revolutionary wings. This might seem to serve as an implicit justification for monitoring the group.<ref name="ILP1"/> However, Edwards himself brings this reasoning into doubt. When asked how militant the Tower Hamlets branch that he infiltrated was, he answers: '[...] I don't think they were that [militant] there were some pleasant enough blokes there. They'd turn out for the usual demonstrations, that's all'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
The second report based on Edward's intelligence is dated 14 June 1969.<ref name="ILP2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 June 1969 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008204).</ref> It records a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the ILP, a planned demonstration against a fascist rally at Laurie Hall in Romford, Essex on 29 June 1969, and a leaflet regarding a local rent struggle.<ref name="ILP2"/> It is also noted that whereas there was an SB file on the ILP, there was not one on the Tower Hamlets branch.<ref name="ILP2"/>

The third report dated 22 August 1969 contains the details of a member of the ILP and is dated 22 August 1969. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969 (see also ICRSC section below).<ref name="ILP3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008205, 2 December 2020).</ref>

===National Front Debate===
The fourth, fifth and sixth reports, dated 26 September 1969, 3 October 1969 and 16 October 1969 respectively, mainly concern the organising committee of the ILP and plans for a controversial debate with the fascist National Front.<ref name="ILP4">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party] 26 September 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008206 ).</ref><ref name="ILP5">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch''’, 3 October 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008207).</ref><ref name="ILP6">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008208, 2 December 2020).</ref>

The last of these three reports concerned a meeting held on 14 October 1969<ref name="ILP6"/> which was only attended by 3 people. In the evidence hearing of the Inquiry, the Counsel for the Inquiry (CTI) raised the issue of Doug Edward's involvement in decision making at ILP meetings, including ones with very low attendance. Edwards stated that he definitely did not influence the 'direction of travel' of the group but did not explain how he avoided expressing support (or opposition) for proposals within such a small group. Edwards also played down the significance of his role as Tower Hamlets branch treasurer in this regard, seemingly not understanding how having an official role in a group he is infiltrating might be controversial, instead emphasising the very small amounts of money involved.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The planned debate between the ILP and the NF led to one of the few incidents that Edwards could remember during his deployment in detail, albeit confusedly.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

Debating with fascists had generally been seen as unacceptable – and a ‘no platform’ policy across the left was inspired by popular anti-fascist actions across the UK both before and after the Second World War.<ref>Evan Smith, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, pp65-75 Routledge, 2020.</ref> The proposed ILP-NF debate attracted similar criticism.

Edwards recalls:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::The only thing I remember, they tried to organise a - a meeting with - have a debate with the right-wing fascists. And that got a bit out of order. The fascists (sic) got to hear of this debate taking place and there was a mob of - I don't know what they called themselves in those days, the 20s -- I can't remember what it was called. But we were all sitting outside the pub having a pint before the meeting when there was a big swarm of people came in and started punching everybody and sorting it all out.

However, despite saying it was initially fascists who caused the violence, Edwards corrected himself by saying it was in fact members of the International Socialists (now SWP) who attacked members of the ILP as they were angry that they had agreed to debate with the NF. He added that fellow SDS officers [[Phil Saunders]] and [[Riby Wilson]] were in a car outside the pub – and subsequently told him if Doug had been attacked they would have helped out. Edwards was not sure if this would have been the case.<ref>Note: In the telling, this anecdote had the feel of an amusing story told several times – perhaps at SDS reunions and other social occasions - with Edwards' doubt his fellow officers willingness to intervene serving as the punchline. It is also unclear why Phil Saunders and Riby Wilson would have been waiting outside the pub.</ref>

Other SDS reports in HN326's name on the ILP include administrative details such as the fact that the HQ in Bethnal Green, in east London is too expensive.<ref name="ILP7">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 Dec 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008210).</ref> In 1970, a meeting of the ILP is said to be a ‘showdown’ between moderates and militants within the party was planned for October in Leeds.

A conference, ‘The Convention of the New Left’ is also attended by Doug Edwards on 11 April 1970, along with another unnamed member (s) of the ILP and another group, ‘The New Socialists’.<ref name="ILP8">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 April 1970 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008211).</ref> A later report, gives personal details on a member of the ILP of whom it is said he could be described as a ‘militant’ and they were also involved with Southern Africa Solidarity Committee, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref name="ILP9">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008213).</ref>

===End of deployment===
::My involvement in the ILP came to an end when I realised I had had enough of being an undercover officer on the SDS.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> I simply stopped attending meetings and demonstrations and disappeared from the ILP - commenting that: ‘They wouldn't have missed me'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==Other groups reported on==

===Action Committee Against NATO and Tricontinental===
Contemporarily with attending ILP meetings, Edwards also went to some other group’s discussions. This included the Action Committee Against NATO (ACAN).<ref name="NATO"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 November 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008209).</ref> Little is known about this group, and it seems likely was an ad hoc organising committee rather than a long-term campaign group.

The Special Branch report says that a group called Tricontinental paid the deposit for a meeting at Conway Hall on 10 December 1969. This decision was relayed to several other groups who may have had representatives on the committee.<ref> Note: These were Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece, and The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship.</ref> The London-based Tricontinental Committee is described in another Special Branch report as '[...] a small Cuba/Moscow oriented group' <ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447642-mps-0736221 Stop the Seventy Tour] 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0736221).</ref>

When questioned at the evidence hearing about his attendance at these meetings, Edwards could only reply in generalities to why they were monitored - or why Special Branch was interested in them - saying that they it was due to NATO's importance in the UK's security policy - and that some of the people attending such demonstrations were likely to be troublemakers.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

===Dambusters Organising Committee===
The Dambusters Organising Committee (DMC) was a ‘[…] coalition of groups that included the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Haslemere Group and the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guiné. Its focus was preventing the construction of the huge Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique. This was a collaboration between South Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal - the project was intended to supply electricity to apartheid South Africa. They were also spied upon by SDS undercover Stewart Goodman from autumn 1971<ref>Note: For example see:[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427925-ucpi0000008117 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing a planned day of action against British companies involved in a particular project] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 January 1971 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI000008117).</ref><ref>[https://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-5E6 STOP CABORA BASSA DAM] African Activist Archive (website), no date (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref>

In the evidence hearings, Edwards suggests that a group like Dambusters might have been of interest to Special Branch - due to its connection to 'all the trouble with the movement against apartheid'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards then cites anti-apartheid actions - such as the rugby match at Twickenham between England and South Africa, which was disrupted by the 'Stop the Seventy Campaign' (see main profile: [[Mike Ferguson]]). However, there is no suggestion in any of the reports on the Dambusters Mobilising Campaign group that they might be a public disorder problem themselves.
The first of these intelligence reports is dated 11 February 1970 and describes the group's plans – and reports back from previous events.<ref name= "DB1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as UCPI0000008111).</ref>.
Subsequent reports filed in Douglas Edwards' name said that as part of their campaign a member of DMC had purchased 100 shares in Barclays bank in early 1971.<ref name="DB3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 5 April 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008109).</ref><ref> Note: A report dated 7 October 1970 on the group was also published by the Inquiry as if it was associated with Doug Edwards. However, neither his name is not attached to the report, but that of [[Stewart Goodman]]. See:[ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427920-ucpi0000008112 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing future actions of the group].</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===
Douglas also reported on three meetings of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in the autumn of 1970, two years after the large October 1968 demonstration. In his written statement, Doug said, like the rest of the meetings he could remember nothing of them.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug reports that on 22 September 1970 a meeting of the VSC took place and planning for a weekend of action in October, including a march in London’s West End. This would include the blocking of roads and ‘disorder’ as well as a plan to attack President Richard Nixon’s car.<ref name= "DouglasVSC">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 25 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005813).</ref> there is a further report from a meeting on 29 September <ref>Note: This mentioned some other groups, including the Agitprop Bookshop and the Young Communist League (YCL) who were also the subject of surveillance by the SDS.</ref> which states the intention of some attending this meeting to cause ‘damage and disruption’ during the demonstration.<ref name="DougVSC2"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration ] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 6 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005814).</ref> The final report states that the VSC is withdrawing support for an action on 31 October 1970, much to the apparent chagrin of some present.<ref name="DougVSC3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 9 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005816).</ref>

===Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign===
The ICRSC was closely connected to the International Socialists (later the SWP) and counted the well-known Civil Rights campaigner and MP (1969-1974), Bernadette Devlin, as a member.<ref name="Devlinarticle">Kitty Holland, [https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293 Bernadette McAliskey: ‘I am astounded I survived. I made mad decisions’] 22 September 2016 (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref> The group was extensively monitored and infiltrated and reported on by several other SDS officers: [[Sean Lynch]], [[Andy Bailey]] and [[Mike Ferguson]]. It should also be noted that the political situation in the north of Ireland was used to justify the continuance of the SDS in the opening hearing by legal representatives of the various police bodies.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426759-20201103-ucpi_opening_statements_transcript Opening Statements, Day 2] 3 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

Edwards’ name is put to three Special Branch reports which mention the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/> As well as the two reports (discussed in detail below), Edwards sent a Metropolitan Police telegram as a member of 'CI Dixon's Squad'<ref name="DougTelegram1"/> to the Commander<ref>Note: the addressing of correspondence to the ‘Commader of Special Branch’ would have been a formality.</ref> of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969 at 10.10 pm.<ref name="DougTelegram1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736646).</ref>
The telegram reads:
::Whilst attending. to another Matter at The Dolphin P.H., Bidborough Street., W.C.1., I overheard a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign at which a decision was made by about 15 to 20 young person’s immediately to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, W.1. with the intention of causing mischief. The group were in a militant mood and may cause malicious damage.

[[Image:MPSTelgramHN326toCmdrSB.png|right|400px|thumb|MPS Telegram from HN326 ('Doug Edwards') to Cmdr of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969]]

Edwards, at the hearing in November 2020 did not fully explain his presence at the venue - though vaguely intimated that he may have been working in tandem with another officer (who may have been [[Sean Lynch]] who both infiltrated the ICRSC - and was a close friend of Edwards).<ref name="EHDay1"/> Edwards said that he was '[...] waiting for a signal from him [an undercover officer] to tell him that this thing [act of malicious damage] was going to go ahead [...]'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

Edwards said he never attended any other meetings of the ICRSC, so could not see how he would be the intelligence source for the reports attributed to him on this group. Doug speculated that the ‘reliable source’ in the case of these reports might have been another ‘hairy’ - member of the SDS. At the time [[Sean Lynch]], [[Mike Ferguson]] and [[Andy Bailey]] were infiltrating the ICRSC. Doug responded that he could not comment on why these particular reports were copied to MI5. He also inaccurately alleged that members of the group ‘were a front for the IRA’,<ref name="Doug1st"/> - something that Edwards said he probably gleaned through another member of the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second of the reports, dated 22 August 1969, contains the details of a member of the ILP. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969. the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/>

The third of these reports is of a redacted individual entering the UK.<ref name= "ICRSC1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as MPS-0732317, 2 December 2020).</ref> One report dated 7 October 1970 is exclusively concerned with an anonymised individual who is a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 7 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000026969).</ref>
A further report dated 28 January 1971 contains a leaflet attacking the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland. <ref name= "ICRSC2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 28 January 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0738228).</ref><ref>Note: At this time, CS gas had not been used elsewhere in the British Isles and its use by the Royal Ulster Constabulary in the Bogside area of Derry in 1969 was very controversial. not least as it caused choking, vomiting and irritation of the eyes and skin to residents. Frank Roche and Bowes Egan, members of a group called ‘People’s Democracy’ (also mentioned in a number of other published SB reports)</ref> Support for the two men's trial is also voiced in the leaflet, alongside mentions of two other groups: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and Clann na h’Eireann.<ref name="ICRSC2"/>

In his written statement, Doug did recall attending a demonstration outside of the ‘the Northern Irish offices in Barclay Street and bumping into another Undercover officer, [Sean Lynch]] and going to the pub with him and a genuine member of the ILP, Bill Turner.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> No date is given for this event.

===Single Mentions===
Two reports signed by Douglas concern groups not otherwise mentioned in Douglas’ intelligence. The first regarded the founding of a new group; the ‘Socialist Alliance Against Racism (which included a ‘faction’ of the ILP).<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736231).</ref> During the evidence hearings, the Counsel to the Inquiry asked why, if this was the first meeting of a campaign group, it would have been of interest to Special Branch. This seems to implicate that for the Inquiry, a group that had not started yet could not be designated either a ‘public order’ or ‘subversive threat’ to allow targeting by the SDS Edwards could only reply in the most general of terms saying that it was unfair to criticise the gathering of such information in hindsight - especially given the political context of the times.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second report covered a meeting of a group called the British Albania Society that took place in Derbyshire in May 1970. Again, Douglas could not recall anything about this group or reporting on it. The meeting was led by Harpal Brar, who was the chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) until 2018. In the hearings, Douglas disavowed that he could have had any direct knowledge of this group, despite his name being on the report.<ref name="Albania">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 27 May 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0739668).</ref>

In his statement, Doug also mentions that he visited the offices of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) although this was only ‘as a result of my involvement in the ILP’.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

==Post-SDS career==
In the last two or three years of Edward's police career, he was posted to the 'vetting office'. This section of the MPS conducted security vetting for applicants for jobs within the MPS, with Edwards stating it was a collaborative process with MI5.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==In the Preliminary stages of the Undercover Policing Inquiry==
According to Edward's risk assessment:<ref name = HN326RA>Kevin Shanahan, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN326-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Open risk assessment for HN326], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (sourced: via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: He was recruited by Special Branch management into the Special Operations Squad, whose function was to monitor protest groups who were a major concern of the Government. He had no formal induction or form of training (3.3).
:: At the time of his recruitment was informed by his senior management (Detective Chief Inspector & Detective Inspector) that the Unit he was seconded to was highly secret and was to be deployed as a result of the ongoing large-scale public disorder being a major concern of the Government at that time (late 1968) (3.4).
:: Not offered or provided with support during his deployment; it was ad hoc and uncoordinated (4.19).

According to his written statement, Edwards was also involved in [[HN16]]'s deployment in an administrative role.<ref name="HN326PS"/> In his risk assessment he points out that when he was asked to provide information about HN16, he had specifically requested officers from ‘an operation'’ [redacted, most probably Operation Herne] not to visit his home address. Despite his request, in his words 'unthinking officers unable to accept that he is retired' did visit him there, 'creating a great deal of distress to his wife'.<ref name = HN326RA/>

The MPS applied in August 2017 for a restriction order over his real name with open versions published.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry ('', 3 August 2017.</ref>
No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry '', 3 August 2017.</ref> and it was formally released in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

According to Mitting (Aug 2017): <ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: He has been careful to preserve his anonymity and is worried about disclosure of his real name. He is concerned that it may be discovered by organisations such as undercoverresearch.net and fears media intrusion. He suffers from conditions that may be exacerbated by worry. His cover name will be published.

The application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref> I am satisfied that publication of HN326's real name would interfere with his right to respect for his private life and that the interference is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN326.pdf Restriction Order] over his real was made on 8 December 2017. See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Table of Special Branch Reports attributed to Edwards' Reporting==

{| class="wikitable" style="border-spacing: 2px; border: 2px solid Blue;"
! Date
! Title of Report
! Target Group
! Notes
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/07/68
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)]
|VSC
|Reports on a Court Case in Bow Street Magistrates; 'C' Squad report, prior to Doug’s move to the SDS
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|22/01/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election]
|West Ham Anarchists/East London Libertarians/Family Squatting Campaign
|Reports of leaflets regarding by-election and Squatting Actions Signed off by CI Conrad Dixon
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/06/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|23/08/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|12/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Telegram from HN326 ('from CI Dixon's squad') to Cmdr Special Branch
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|26/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; National Front
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|16/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders; CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/11/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]
|Action Committee Against NATO; Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece: The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship
|Signed off by CI Saunders and CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/12/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI (?) R Wilson
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee; Haslemere Group
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism]
|Socialist Alliance Against Racialism; New Socialists;Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain; Indian Marxist-Leninist Association; Socialist Current
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|21/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|27/05/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society]
|British Albania Society
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/09/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Member passing through Port of Dover
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|07/10/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC]
|Islington Branch of the ICRSC
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|28/01/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland]
|Irish Solidarity Campaign, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Clann na h'Eireann
|Signed off by Ch. Supt Watts and CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; Palestine Solidarity Campaign; Southern African Solidarity Committee; VSC.
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|05/04/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|25/09/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]
|VSC, Black Power
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|06/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration]
|Agitprop, Young Communist League
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|09/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration]
|VSC; Agitprop; Anti-Imperalist Movement
|Signed off by CI HN294
|}

==Notes==

<references/>

Douglas Edwards (alias)

2025-07-14T10:06:40Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name='HN326'|Alias=Douglas "Doug" Edwards|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Male_silhouette.png |Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1968-1971|Targets=Anarchist groups, Independent Labour Party, Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* Edwards updated profile can be found here:'''[https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn326-doug-edwards] 



'''Douglas "Doug" Edwards''' is the cover name of a former [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercover officer who infiltrated anarchist groups (including West Ham Anarchists). He later spied on the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Through the ILP he monitored campaigning groups Tricontinental and Dambusters Mobilising Committee (DMC) from late 1968 to May 1971. His cover personality created for his deployment was commonly known as 'Doug’ and gave a date of birth as 8 August 1945.
His real name is restricted by the Undercover Policing Inquiry and he is also known by the cipher HN326 for the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] and [[Operation Herne]] (for the N cipher system see [[N officers]]).<ref name="wilkinson.ucpi.cti.update.13Sept2018">Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/20180912-update-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to-13.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory Note to accompany the Chairman's Minded-To' Note 12 in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 13 September 2018.</ref>

HN326 gave live evidence to the Undercover Policing Inquiry on 13 November 2020. The majority of the following derives from his written<ref name= "Doug1st">HN326, [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426722-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 First Written Statement of HN326] 16 April 2019 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0738584, 1 December 2020).</ref> and oral testimony<ref name= "EHDay1"/> as well as Special Branch Intelligence reports released by the Inquiry in November 2020.

==Police Career before SDS==
Doug Edwards joined the Metropolitan Police in 1964, after completing his initial training he was posted to a North London police station.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Unhappy in this policing role, he successfully applied to join Special Branch and began working there in 1968 as a ‘PC CID’, having passed the relevant course.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Doug states:

:: Initially, upon joining Special Branch, I was posted to C Squad which dealt with left-wing enquiries (sic) [redacted]. Day-to-day, I would carry out these enquiries (sic). Sometimes there would be a little bit of subterfuge involved. We would do what was called a 'knock-knock' and pretend to be someone else to find out about the individual who was the subject of an enquiry.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

‘C Squad’ dealt with Communists and Subversives, public order issues and what was later labelled ‘ Domestic Extremism’. It is thought that the SDS was within ‘C’ Squad in Edwards’ era – although later moved into ‘S’ (Specialist/Technical Support) Squad.<ref name="DLOOS">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426753-20201028-opening_statement-dl_clients Opening statement from the Designated Lawyer Officers] ''Designated Lawyer Officers'', 28 October 2020 (source: ucpi.org.uk). </ref>

Evidence released by the Inquiry regarding the Vietnam Solidarity Committee contains a telegram from HN326 reporting on a Marylebone magistrates court hearing on 3 July 1968.<ref name="MPS-0722098p.50">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 June 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0722098).</ref> It describes three people being sentenced to fines for a demonstration in Powis Square in Notting Hill on 25 May 1968.<ref name="VSCTG">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427448-mps-0731916 Police Telegram] Demonstration by members of VSC and Black Power Movement] ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 25 May 1968 (source: ucpi.org.uk).</ref> (This event also relates to other undercover officers [[Helen Crampton]] and [[Don de Freitas]] ). As this trial pre-dates the formation of the SDS, this was not undercover work. Rather, the officer would have attended the court in plain clothes as part of standard Special Branch activity gathering intelligence on behalf of ‘C ‘ Squad.

==Special Demonstration Squad==
After a short time in Special Branch (SB), Doug was recruited by Detective Inspector Saunders<ref> Note Saunders was Doug’s Detective Inspector on C Squad.</ref> into the SDS in late 1968, which had only begun in July of 1968. Although he joined in 1968, Doug was deployed after the Grosvenor Square October 1968 demonstration and therefore does not belong to the very first cohort of SDS officers.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> At the time, Edwards was still on two years’ SB probation.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

===Attitude and Opinions===
To date, no one from Edwards' target groups has provided information on his infiltration, and it is unclear how much effort the Inquiry made to locate contemporary witnesses,<ref> Note: It is not known if the Inquiry managed to trace anyone from those groups but if so, no evidence written or otherwise played a part in the evidentiary hearings.</ref> this means that any comments on Edward's attitude and personality entirely rely on his testimony of 13 November 2020, 50 years after his deployment. Further, no questions were posed to Doug how he presented himself to the groups that he infiltrated or what his cover personality was like.

Whilst there are several Special Branch reports published on his infiltration, the reports were according to Edwards, typed and completed by other police personnel.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name= "EHDay1"/> This issue is explored in more detail below.

In reply to written questions submitted by the Inquiry, Doug says he did not know why the SDS had been set up but commented that: 'What was going on at these demonstrations was quite nasty and frightening at times’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

On being a Special Branch officer:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::[...] you needed to identify people and try and understand what their political beliefs were. And it was [...] reported back so that there were records of these people to be called upon if need be.

Doug outlined why people's political beliefs were being recorded:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::Well, it was just part and parcel of being an SB officer, to try and get this information, to try and understand what groups that they were allocated to; because there's all sorts of rivalries in different groups and some were Trotskyite (sic) people that were bent on causing violence, and anarchist groups that were causing violence at demonstrations.

===Training===
Doug states that before joining the SDS the only policing that he carried out that could be described as undercover was when he had been assigned to monitor a fellow officer drinking after hours.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like other former SDS officers whose statements have been released as of November 2020, Doug said he ‘did not receive any training, formal or informal, for the role of an undercover police officer before I was deployed’.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Nor did he receive any formal ethical guidance on whether it was permissible to enter to any sexual relationships with members of the groups he was monitoring – commenting that: […] in those days, we lived by what I perceive to be higher moral standards than today. This sort of activity simply would not be done.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug stated he also received no guidance on what to do if brought before a court whether as a defendant or as a witness or if he would obtain access to legally privileged information.

===Development of Cover Identity===
Before his deployment, Edwards states that he: ‘[…] was not given any guidance or instruction about the creation of a false identity [...] I was just told to get an identity and to get a job.’<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Like many of the officers from the early days of the SDS, Douglas ‘legend’ or back story was not well developed, commenting that he ‘just played it by ear’ and relied on his cover employment as a lorry driver.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> This is an early example of SDS use of fake (or 'duff' in SDS parlance) jobs which required working away from home to give the officer excuses as for being far away from his undercover address. HN326 also said this job meant that he also could not easily be reached by telephone. Like many of the undercovers of the time, Doug changed his appearance by growing his hair and beard to fit into the activist milieu better.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> It was this tactic that gained the SDS’ nickname ‘The Hairies’. The only identity document that Edwards had in his cover name, was his rent book for his cover address in the E15 postcode area of east London.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===As an SDS Officer===
Edwards served for two and a half years as a Special Demonstration Squad officer, with two years in the field and six months in the back office. He started in November 1968, leaving the SDS in May 1971.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>
Although Doug states his initial tasking was to infiltrate anarchist groups, the earliest report released by the Inquiry in relation to his undercover work concerns a meeting of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. He was one of five undercovers who attended a large public meeting on the back of the anti-Vietnam War demonstration of October 1968. Among the other undercovers was SDS founder and commanding officer [[Conrad Dixon]].<ref name= "12Nov68VSC"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427409-mps-0730768 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC ‘reporting back’ on the October demonstration], ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'',12 November 1968 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0730768).</ref> Commenting on the numbers of officers present at this meeting, Edwards said ' The presence of so many officers was probably Conrad Dixon's way of showing how active the SDS was.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

===SDS Secrecy===
In his personal statement, Doug writes:<ref name="HN326PS">'HN326', [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20414285-20190416-first-witness-statement-of-hn326 Open personal statement of HN326], Metropolitan Police Service, 2017 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>
:: Discretion and secrecy was the order of the day – ‘stum und krum'<ref> Note: An aphorism that I can not trace.</ref>. Say nothing about anything, this was communicated to me right from the very start. Even other members of my unit were not aware of my undercover name and which groups I infiltrated. It was very much ‘keep quiet about the whole thing’. To be honest, I can't recall a conversation about secrecy at the end of my deployment. It was just the nature of the job that you didn't talk about it.
He added: 'At the time of my deployment, I was living with my parents. I told them I was on the Drugs squad [...]’<ref name= "HN326PS"/>

See: [[Conrad Dixon]] and [http://specialbranchfiles.uk/vietnam-war-2/ Special Branch Files] for further information on the Anti-Vietnam war protests and the founding of the SDS.

==The authorship and process of creating Special Branch Intelligence Reports==

The Inquiry has released a number of reports submitted in the name of HN326 (see table below). In his oral statement. However, the former officer has thrown doubt on the authorship and provenance of the intelligence contained in them. In his written statement he sketched out the report writing process that suggested little can be unambiguously attributed to him personally. A detailed account of the process of the creation of the reports which contrasts with his recollection of the content of them:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::After attending a meeting or a demonstration, I wrote out by hand or typed out what I had learnt on a bit of paper in the SOS<ref>Note: 'Special Operations Squad' - one of the other names that the SDS went by.</ref> flat. This bit of paper would then be taken over to the Yard via a secure bag: either someone from the Yard would come to the SDS flat with the secure bag in order to pick up the information, or we would meet someone at a location away from the Yard in order to hand the information over. Sometimes it was [Detective Inspector] Phil Saunders who would go between the Yard and the SDS flat to collect our intelligence, but it was also often an officer of a lesser rank. Reports were then collated and typed up in full in the office, either by the officers in the office — [[Bill Furner]], [[Roy Creamer]] and [[Dave Smith]] — or by the typing pool. They typed the reports with the appropriate formatting and alignment on a better typewriter than we had access to in the SDS flat. When drafting the reports, those in the office would collate all of the information provided about a particular meeting, demonstration, or issue. They would look at the information I provided on the bits of paper alongside other information[..]

Edwards also suggested that some reports were attributed to him and other undercover officers to justify their deployments:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

::When there were quieter periods for SDS officers, I assume that intelligence reports were put in their name to justify their continued deployment. It is an assumption I have made since being shown the reports […] because there are certain reports which bear my name but I do not recall having any involvement with these groups.

Edwards says that he has: ‘no independent recollection of any of the meetings or events referred to within these reports save where I have expressly stated otherwise'.<ref name="Doug1st"/>. However, with most of the reports, he did agree he was likely to be the ‘reliable source’ of at least some of the information in the report. Though he did not type them up himself, he submitted handwritten notes which were used alongside other material. He also points out that he only signed one of the reports discussed below.<ref name="Doug1st"/>.

Often in the evidence hearing itself, when asked if recalled particular details of a report, or the attitude of fellow officers he exclaimed that he could not be expected to remember them after such a long period: ‘Cor, blimey! I can't remember that. Goodness me’.<ref name= "EHDay1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20507597-20201113-ucpi_evidence_hearings_transcript UCPI Evidence Hearings: Tranche 1 (Phase 1) | Day 10 (Full day) (Transcript)] 13 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk ).</ref> In contrast, Douglas was able to specifically deny he attended two meetings of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

==Anarchist Groups==

As stated, HN326 was tasked to infiltrate anarchist groups in the east end of London,<ref name= "Doug1st"/> with the only direction he was given was to ‘hang around’ Piccadilly Circus to be recruited into a group; this was where they thought these anarchist groups tended to congregate’. No context was given by Edwards to this instruction.<ref>Note: One possible reason for it was the presence of a high-profile squat in the area at 144 Piccadilly in September 1969, which was widely reported in the media at the time although this post-dates the beginning of Edwards’ deployment. See: Phil Cohen,[https://philcohenworks.com/the-way-we-were/ The Way we were] undated (sourced: 1 December 2020). However, there was reportedly another squatted building occupied in Endell Street, before this - although the precise date is uncertain. More generally, Piccadilly Circus also had a reputation as a centre of queer and gay culture – and drug use – which the police may have connected with an imagined anarchist lifestyle.</ref><ref name="TheSquatters">Ron Bailey, The Squatters (1973), Penguin.</ref> Edwards also mentions that among other back office staff in the SDS, supposed police expert on anarchist groups, Roy Creamer (later of the Bomb Squad- and involved in ‘The Angry Brigade’ investigations) then a Sergeant with the SDS, gave him some advice.<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

Having failed to make any inroads with the anarchists around Piccadilly Circus, Edwards moved his attention elsewhere:<ref name= "Doug1st"/>

::I then decided to go to the East End of London in order to be nearer the action, so to speak. I hung around in the local pubs because I thought it was likely that people involved in these anarchist groups would go there to have a drink. I infiltrated a few groups at this stage; by 'infiltrate' in this instance I mean attending a few meetings to get up to date with what the groups were doing, rather than penetrating the groups or becoming a card-carrying member. The groups whose meetings I attended included the West Ham Anarchists and Freedom Press. There may have been other groups but due to the passage of time, I cannot recall their names. Some of these groups were quite nasty pieces of work insofar as they would cause criminal damage and go wild at demonstrations. For example, I remember at a demonstration outside the South African Embassy in Trafalgar Square cries of ‘Anarchista!’ and demonstrators throwing objects at the Embassy.

On this demonstration, Edwards commented:
:: […] It got a bit tasty. They started smashing windows and it was violent and – there we are. The mounted police came in then, to try and stop things.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The Inquiry released three intelligence reports based on Edwards' spying which predominantly relates to West Ham Anarchists. This group, based in the east end of London appeared to have been active between 1966 and 1969.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-7996/page/2/mode/2up?q=West+Ham+Anarchists Direct Action] Syndicalist Workers Federation, April 1966 (accessed via Sparrows Nest, 1 December 2020).</ref><ref>[https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-01-18.pdf Freedom News] 18 January 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> In 1966, they disrupted a husting during the general election which was captured on [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc film].<ref>Note: Nick Heath (aka Charles Mowbray) stated that the hecklers interrupting a Conservative Party candidate in the 1966 General election at 37.09-41.00 are members of West Ham Anarchists. See: Joseph Strick, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers] 1966 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref>

[[File:WesthamanarchistsFreedom26November1966.png|300px|left|thumb|Freedom Newspaper 26 November 1966]][[File:WestHamAnarchists.png|right|300px|thumb|Screenshot (from [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wRjDusinQdc The Hecklers]) of West Ham Anarchists disrupting a 1966 Election Hustings]]

Beyond this – and what Edwards reported, little is known about their activities, although they did publish a newspaper named ‘Black Mass’ in 1969.<ref> Note: No archived copy can be found but there is a review of it in ''Freedom News'': [https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Freedom-1969-09-27.pdf ''Freedom News''] 27 September 1969 (accessed via Freedom Archives 1 December 2020).</ref> The fact that the group's apparent demise happened at the same time as Doug’s infiltration is not known to be connected.<ref>Note: The stated ‘demise’ is only based on a lack of any listing or mention of the groups in any archived anarchist publications from 1970 onwards.</ref>

The first report is dated 22 January 1969 and discussed some leafleting that West Ham Anarchists were going to carry out around a local by-election, and the making of another leaflet attacking the fascist National Front(NF).<ref name= "WHA1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 22 January 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008160).</ref>
It stated that the leaflet was to be printed at Freedom Press, home of the longest-running British anarchist newspaper.<ref name= "WHA1"/>

===East London Libertarians and the Family Squatting Campaign===
The intelligence report on the WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians was present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on 9 February 1969. The East London Libertarians were a group that operated in the same area as the West Ham Anarchists, with a particular focus on squatting. There was an overlap in activities between the two groups.<ref>Note:' Libertarian' is now a term currently used to self-identify those on the extreme right of the political spectrum but in the context of the 1960/70s it was adopted by anarchists.</ref> For instance, some members of West Ham Anarchists took part in the Family Squatting Campaign.<ref name="TheSquatters"/>

The Family Squatting Campaign was formed in 1968 but also had its antecedents in the first half of the 20th Century. Among its organisers was Ron Bailey.<ref name="manalive">[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m Extract from BBC Man Alive - The Squatters] BBC, 1973 (accessed 27 December 2020).</ref> The same SB intelligence report on a WHA meeting of 20 January 1969 (and filed on 22 January 1969) also mentioned that a member of East London Libertarians, another anarchist group that operated in the same area was also present and discussed plans for a proposed squatting action on the 9 February 1969. While Ron recalls going to some WHA's meetings (as a member of East London Libertarians) he is unable to recall whether he was at this specific meeting.<ref name="RBinterview">Undercover Research Group, Interview with Ron Bailey, 10 December 2020.</ref><ref> Ron also said that none of the physical descriptions given at the end of the Special Branch report fit his appearance at the time.</ref><ref name="RBinterview"/>

HN326 writes in his statement that he did not attend any meetings of the East London Libertarians, stating that this was because they engaged in criminalised activity (such as ‘sit-ins’) which he was not permitted to participate in.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards emphasized in his witness testimony that they were not in allowed to take part in any criminal activity, no matter how minor.<ref name="EHDay1"/> However, elsewhere he expressed the view that he was not given any guidance on such matters. It also seems opposed to the goals of the SDS - to monitor criminal activity by political activists if they were not even allowed to attend meetings of groups who allegedly broke the law. On this point, Edwards’ testimony also appears especially contradictory given his recollections of WHA committing minor criminal offences.

[[File:800px-ClipfromManAlive1969.png|right|450px|thumb|Screenshot from the BBC documentary [[https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01wlm1m The Squatters]] (1969). This footage was taken on 9 February 1969 of the Squatting action in Redbridge, London]]

The person who is placed was at the WHA meeting from East London Libertarians <ref>Note, that in the reports published by the inquiry, activist's names are normally redacted, making it impossible to identify which individual is being reported on.</ref> mentioned a plan taking place on the 9 February 1969 to ‘establish some homeless families [...] in empty council houses’.<ref name= "WHA1"/> This was a successful action by the Family Squatting Campaign, in which although they arranged to meet at Manor Park Underground station in the London Borough of Newham they occupied four houses in the adjacent borough of Redbridge.<ref name="RonInterview"> Note: You can hear Ron Bailey talk about this at 10:54 into this interview: Mallen Baker, [http://mallenbaker.net/podcast/ron-bailey-successful-campaigns-against-powerful-opponents Episode #22: Ron Bailey – Successful campaigns against powerful opponents] 19 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020).</ref> Some members of West Ham Anarchists took a squat, a former post office building on Cleveland Road.<ref name="TheSquatters"/> Again, in the hearings, Edwards comments that this kind of activity is something he would not get involved with due to its criminality.<ref>Note: Squatting was not a criminal offence in England and Wales until 2012.</ref><ref>Note: A article on the squatting campaigns in 1969, including that mention in Redbridge, can be found here:[https://pasttenseblog.wordpress.com/2018/02 Today in London housing history: Family Squatting Campaign occupies 4 houses in Ilford, 1969] Past Tense (blog) 9 February 2019 (accessed 7 December 2020.</ref>

It is unclear if the intelligence on the 9 February action was passed on to uniformed police. It certainly did not impact on the group as it was successful. However, it may be that the police were wrong-footed in that the meeting place was given as Manor Park station in the neighbouring borough of Newham.<ref name="RonInterview"/><ref> Note: The police subsequently tried to bring some of the squatters to court for theft of electricity but he was foiled by the fact that meter readings had been taken and pre-payment made to the electricity board. See: pp.48 of 'The Squatters'.</ref>

As with other Special Branch reports published by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, this one also contains descriptions of those attending the meetings. This is mainly related to physical appearances, but one attendee is described as a ‘drug addict’,<ref name="WHA1"/> (likely a pejorative description for someone using marijuana - see below).

===West Ham Anarchists===
The second report concerning West Ham Anarchists is dated 26 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008161).</ref> A gap of almost four months between the first and second report, suggests that several unpublished reports, based on Edwards’ intelligence are missing; or for whatever reason have not been published by the Inquiry.

This report, which also contains personal information, describes the alleged decline of the group, in the frequency of meetings and the number of people attending - ‘no more than 12’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> Whether this represented a marked decline in membership of the group is not known. However, to put this in context the anarchist movement from this period (and to the present day) are often small - and local groups this size are commonplace.

The report also dismissively described the group members as students and school leavers who all are around ‘20 years of age’ - and ‘long haired’.<ref name= "WHA2"/> It says that they participated in other activities such as anti-Vietnam war marches and ‘minor acts of malicious damage’ against the local Conservative and Labour Party offices. The report then critiques the members supposed lack of knowledge about anarchist political theory.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

The report also mentions one particular member as being connected with other groups, including the umbrella London Federation of Anarchists<ref>Note: The successor group Federation of London Anarchist Groups was targeted by [[Jim 'Jimmy' Pickford (alias)]].</ref> and the Ilford Branch of the International Socialism Group, as well as the aforementioned Freedom Press and East London Libertarians. Another member is described as being involved in a 'breakaway group’ that committed criminal damage after a demonstration outside Rhodesia House on 12 January 1969.<ref name= "WHA2"/><ref>
[https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1969/jan/20/disturbances-strand DISTURBANCES, STRAND] Hansard, 20 January 1969 vol 776 cc44-7 (accessed 1 December 2020).</ref> A West Ham Anarchist's mother is noted as having moved away from anarchism towards Christianity.<ref name= "WHA2"/>

It is also mentioned that WHA met in two pubs, The Railway Tavern, and The Golden Horse both within the London postcode area of E15. Further comments include the accusation that members spend their weekends ‘taking the drug cannabis’<ref name="WHA2"/><ref>Note: The report also mentions that the WHA is subject of a Special Branch Registry File No: RF.400/66/70.</ref>

The third and final published based on Edwards intelligence on WHA's is dated 29 April 1969.<ref name= "WHA3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427933-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 29 April 1969 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008162, 1 December 2020).</ref> It concerns the personal details of two members of the WHA, recording that one of their fathers is employed as a motor mechanic and while the WHA is a clerk at ‘Stratford Goods Yard, E15’. On the reason for recording the information about the subjects’ father, Edwards did not elaborate beyond saying that it was probably intelligence from the back office of the SDS that was inserted into the report.<ref name= "Doug1st"/><ref name="WHA3"/>

==Switch of Targets: From anarchist groups to the Independent Labour Party==
According to Edwards: ‘[…] it became apparent to me and my supervisors that these [anarchist] groups were a waste of time. Accordingly, it was decided that I would join the Independent Labour Party (ILP)’. He added that the decision to withdraw from the anarchist groups was approved by [[Conrad Dixon]], the commanding officer of the SDS at the time.<ref name= "EHDay1"/> Further context to this decision is given in the SDS 1969 Annual report which said of anarchists and anarchist groups:<ref name="AnnualReport1969">Phil Saunders, [https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427367-mps-0728973 Special Demonstration Squad Annual Report 1969] Metropolitan Police Special Branch, 7 November 1969 (sourced via: ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0728973).</ref>

::The distasteful nature of the way of life of such people, which officers must assume, adds to the difficulties of penetration. Small groups can be and have been penetrated with some success by the S.O.S. but their tendency to act in isolation makes the value of full time coverage questionable.

Despite this 'distaste' for their lifestyles and the decentralised organising structure of anarchist groups, the choice of the Edwards' initial target appears to be closer the SDS' raison d'être - as targeting of the WHA could be justified in the realm of public order issues. The same could not be said of surveilling the Independent Labour Party, at least according to Edwards:<ref name="Doug1st"/>

:: They were quite left-wing but very pleasant, sociable people wrapped up in the world of intellectual Marxism. They were people who would like to have been politicians. The ILP did not do very much, to be honest. They would support different demonstrations depending on the issue.

However, Edwards defended the selection of what became his main target between 1969 until 1971:
::[It was] to have a 'handle to swing' into other groups. By this, I mean that I could use my membership of the ILP as a means of going to almost any other meeting.

==='A handle to swing'===
The Independent Labour Party, was a small, left-wing political party. Established in 1893 its heyday predated the Second World War. In the early 1960s, it was involved in opposition to the nuclear arms race and promoted ideas such as workers' control. It also campaigned for decolonisation.<ref>Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independent_Labour_Party Independent Labour Party], last updated July 2018 (accessed August 2018).</ref>
At the time of Edwards infiltration, its national membership totalled 742 and the London Division (which Edwards monitored) included branches in west London, Woolwich, Bexleyheath, and Tower Hamlets.<ref name="ILP1"/>

::The SDS did not have any real interest in the ILP: it was merely a vehicle for obtaining information. Through my membership of the ILP, I targeted Tri-Continental (sic), the Dambusters Mobilising Committee (‘DMC’) and linked anti-apartheid groups which were causing a lot of problems at the time.
Edwards said: 'they [the ILP] did support demonstrations that were seen to have the potential to undermine parliamentary democracy'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> However, in the live evidence hearings, Edwards states that he probably used the ‘wrong words’ in this context, though without further elaborating what he meant.<ref name="EHDay1"/> In his statement, he also stated that the ILP did not participate in criminal activity, or public disorder.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

It can be noted that the other groups that Doug targeted: Tricontinental, Dambusters and anti-apartheid groups for the most part did not fit into either a subversion or public disorder risk categories.

In opposition to Edwards assessment of the ILP, in 1969 they were presented as one of the 'main' threats to public order in the SDS annual report of that year.<ref name="AnnualReport1969"/>

===Activities within the ILP===
Doug describes his activities when infiltrating the ILP in oral testimony as: ‘Making posters and things, I think. Yeah, there was you had to sort of go willing to stay a member, sort of thing, to be -- you had to go to the branch meetings […]’<ref name="EHDay1"/>
He claimed he generally only interacted with members of the ILP at meetings and drinks afterward. However, it is clear that he became quite integrated into the group, and he himself says he was invited to the wedding of two ILP members. While he did not go to the registry office ceremony itself, he did attend the reception.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>He also became the treasurer of the Tower Hamlets ILP branch, a position indicating a degree of trust, and which would have also given access to bank and membership details.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

===Reporting on the ILP===
The first report on the Independent Labour Party (ILP) is dated 16 June 1969. In its opening paragraphs, it states: ‘The I.L.P. are on the whole content to work within the framework of conventional politics.’<ref name="ILP1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427947-ucpi0000008203 Special Branch report containing background information regarding the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 June 1969 (source: upci.org.uk as document UCPI-0000008203 ).</ref> However, it also states: ‘there is a trend within the party towards Revolutionary' socialism and this has brought some of its members to notice in a public order context’.<ref name= "ILP1"/> This is at odds with Edwards's retrospective view that the ILP themselves were not of interest to the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
This report seems to function as an introduction to the ILP and outlines its structure and size, and political tensions within the group. These tensions are described as being between revolutionary and non-revolutionary wings. This might seem to serve as an implicit justification for monitoring the group.<ref name="ILP1"/> However, Edwards himself brings this reasoning into doubt. When asked how militant the Tower Hamlets branch that he infiltrated was, he answers: '[...] I don't think they were that [militant] there were some pleasant enough blokes there. They'd turn out for the usual demonstrations, that's all'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>
The second report based on Edward's intelligence is dated 14 June 1969.<ref name="ILP2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 June 1969 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008204).</ref> It records a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the ILP, a planned demonstration against a fascist rally at Laurie Hall in Romford, Essex on 29 June 1969, and a leaflet regarding a local rent struggle.<ref name="ILP2"/> It is also noted that whereas there was an SB file on the ILP, there was not one on the Tower Hamlets branch.<ref name="ILP2"/>

The third report dated 22 August 1969 contains the details of a member of the ILP and is dated 22 August 1969. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969 (see also ICRSC section below).<ref name="ILP3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 23 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008205, 2 December 2020).</ref>

===National Front Debate===
The fourth, fifth and sixth reports, dated 26 September 1969, 3 October 1969 and 16 October 1969 respectively, mainly concern the organising committee of the ILP and plans for a controversial debate with the fascist National Front.<ref name="ILP4">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party] 26 September 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008206 ).</ref><ref name="ILP5">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch''’, 3 October 1969 (sourced via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008207).</ref><ref name="ILP6">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 3 October 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008208, 2 December 2020).</ref>

The last of these three reports concerned a meeting held on 14 October 1969<ref name="ILP6"/> which was only attended by 3 people. In the evidence hearing of the Inquiry, the Counsel for the Inquiry (CTI) raised the issue of Doug Edward's involvement in decision making at ILP meetings, including ones with very low attendance. Edwards stated that he definitely did not influence the 'direction of travel' of the group but did not explain how he avoided expressing support (or opposition) for proposals within such a small group. Edwards also played down the significance of his role as Tower Hamlets branch treasurer in this regard, seemingly not understanding how having an official role in a group he is infiltrating might be controversial, instead emphasising the very small amounts of money involved.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The planned debate between the ILP and the NF led to one of the few incidents that Edwards could remember during his deployment in detail, albeit confusedly.<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

Debating with fascists had generally been seen as unacceptable – and a ‘no platform’ policy across the left was inspired by popular anti-fascist actions across the UK both before and after the Second World War.<ref>Evan Smith, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, pp65-75 Routledge, 2020.</ref> The proposed ILP-NF debate attracted similar criticism.

Edwards recalls:<ref name= "EHDay1"/>

::The only thing I remember, they tried to organise a - a meeting with - have a debate with the right-wing fascists. And that got a bit out of order. The fascists (sic) got to hear of this debate taking place and there was a mob of - I don't know what they called themselves in those days, the 20s -- I can't remember what it was called. But we were all sitting outside the pub having a pint before the meeting when there was a big swarm of people came in and started punching everybody and sorting it all out.

However, despite saying it was initially fascists who caused the violence, Edwards corrected himself by saying it was in fact members of the International Socialists (now SWP) who attacked members of the ILP as they were angry that they had agreed to debate with the NF. He added that fellow SDS officers [[Phil Saunders]] and [[Riby Wilson]] were in a car outside the pub – and subsequently told him if Doug had been attacked they would have helped out. Edwards was not sure if this would have been the case.<ref>Note: In the telling, this anecdote had the feel of an amusing story told several times – perhaps at SDS reunions and other social occasions - with Edwards' doubt his fellow officers willingness to intervene serving as the punchline. It is also unclear why Phil Saunders and Riby Wilson would have been waiting outside the pub.</ref>

Other SDS reports in HN326's name on the ILP include administrative details such as the fact that the HQ in Bethnal Green, in east London is too expensive.<ref name="ILP7">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 Dec 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008210).</ref> In 1970, a meeting of the ILP is said to be a ‘showdown’ between moderates and militants within the party was planned for October in Leeds.

A conference, ‘The Convention of the New Left’ is also attended by Doug Edwards on 11 April 1970, along with another unnamed member (s) of the ILP and another group, ‘The New Socialists’.<ref name="ILP8">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 21 April 1970 (source: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008211).</ref> A later report, gives personal details on a member of the ILP of whom it is said he could be described as a ‘militant’ and they were also involved with Southern Africa Solidarity Committee, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, British Council for Peace in Vietnam and the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.<ref name="ILP9">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008213).</ref>

===End of deployment===
::My involvement in the ILP came to an end when I realised I had had enough of being an undercover officer on the SDS.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> I simply stopped attending meetings and demonstrations and disappeared from the ILP - commenting that: ‘They wouldn't have missed me'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==Other groups reported on==

===Action Committee Against NATO and Tricontinental===
Contemporarily with attending ILP meetings, Edwards also went to some other group’s discussions. This included the Action Committee Against NATO (ACAN).<ref name="NATO"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 November 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000008209).</ref> Little is known about this group, and it seems likely was an ad hoc organising committee rather than a long-term campaign group.

The Special Branch report says that a group called Tricontinental paid the deposit for a meeting at Conway Hall on 10 December 1969. This decision was relayed to several other groups who may have had representatives on the committee.<ref> Note: These were Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece, and The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship.</ref> The London-based Tricontinental Committee is described in another Special Branch report as '[...] a small Cuba/Moscow oriented group' <ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447642-mps-0736221 Stop the Seventy Tour] 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0736221).</ref>

When questioned at the evidence hearing about his attendance at these meetings, Edwards could only reply in generalities to why they were monitored - or why Special Branch was interested in them - saying that they it was due to NATO's importance in the UK's security policy - and that some of the people attending such demonstrations were likely to be troublemakers.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

===Dambusters Organising Committee===
The Dambusters Organising Committee (DMC) was a ‘[…] coalition of groups that included the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Haslemere Group and the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guiné. Its focus was preventing the construction of the huge Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique. This was a collaboration between South Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal - the project was intended to supply electricity to apartheid South Africa. They were also spied upon by SDS undercover Stewart Goodman from autumn 1971<ref>Note: For example see:[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427925-ucpi0000008117 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing a planned day of action against British companies involved in a particular project] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 26 January 1971 (source: ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI000008117).</ref><ref>[https://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-5E6 STOP CABORA BASSA DAM] African Activist Archive (website), no date (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref>

In the evidence hearings, Edwards suggests that a group like Dambusters might have been of interest to Special Branch - due to its connection to 'all the trouble with the movement against apartheid'.<ref name="Doug1st"/> Edwards then cites anti-apartheid actions - such as the rugby match at Twickenham between England and South Africa, which was disrupted by the 'Stop the Seventy Campaign' (see main profile: [[Mike Ferguson]]). However, there is no suggestion in any of the reports on the Dambusters Mobilising Campaign group that they might be a public disorder problem themselves.
The first of these intelligence reports is dated 11 February 1970 and describes the group's plans – and reports back from previous events.<ref name= "DB1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 11 February 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as UCPI0000008111).</ref>.
Subsequent reports filed in Douglas Edwards' name said that as part of their campaign a member of DMC had purchased 100 shares in Barclays bank in early 1971.<ref name="DB3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 5 April 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as UCPI0000008109).</ref><ref> Note: A report dated 7 October 1970 on the group was also published by the Inquiry as if it was associated with Doug Edwards. However, neither his name is not attached to the report, but that of [[Stewart Goodman]]. See:[ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20427920-ucpi0000008112 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing future actions of the group].</ref>

===Vietnam Solidarity Campaign===
Douglas also reported on three meetings of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in the autumn of 1970, two years after the large October 1968 demonstration. In his written statement, Doug said, like the rest of the meetings he could remember nothing of them.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> Doug reports that on 22 September 1970 a meeting of the VSC took place and planning for a weekend of action in October, including a march in London’s West End. This would include the blocking of roads and ‘disorder’ as well as a plan to attack President Richard Nixon’s car.<ref name= "DouglasVSC">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 25 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005813).</ref> there is a further report from a meeting on 29 September <ref>Note: This mentioned some other groups, including the Agitprop Bookshop and the Young Communist League (YCL) who were also the subject of surveillance by the SDS.</ref> which states the intention of some attending this meeting to cause ‘damage and disruption’ during the demonstration.<ref name="DougVSC2"> [https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration ] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 6 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005814).</ref> The final report states that the VSC is withdrawing support for an action on 31 October 1970, much to the apparent chagrin of some present.<ref name="DougVSC3">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 9 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000005816).</ref>

===Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign===
The ICRSC was closely connected to the International Socialists (later the SWP) and counted the well-known Civil Rights campaigner and MP (1969-1974), Bernadette Devlin, as a member.<ref name="Devlinarticle">Kitty Holland, [https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293 Bernadette McAliskey: ‘I am astounded I survived. I made mad decisions’] 22 September 2016 (accessed 2 December 2020).</ref> The group was extensively monitored and infiltrated and reported on by several other SDS officers: [[Sean Lynch]], [[Andy Bailey]] and [[Mike Ferguson]]. It should also be noted that the political situation in the north of Ireland was used to justify the continuance of the SDS in the opening hearing by legal representatives of the various police bodies.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426759-20201103-ucpi_opening_statements_transcript Opening Statements, Day 2] 3 November 2020 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk).</ref>

Edwards’ name is put to three Special Branch reports which mention the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/> As well as the two reports (discussed in detail below), Edwards sent a Metropolitan Police telegram as a member of 'CI Dixon's Squad'<ref name="DougTelegram1"/> to the Commander<ref>Note: the addressing of correspondence to the ‘Commader of Special Branch’ would have been a formality.</ref> of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969 at 10.10 pm.<ref name="DougTelegram1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 12 August 1969 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736646).</ref>
The telegram reads:
::Whilst attending. to another Matter at The Dolphin P.H., Bidborough Street., W.C.1., I overheard a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign at which a decision was made by about 15 to 20 young person’s immediately to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, W.1. with the intention of causing mischief. The group were in a militant mood and may cause malicious damage.

[[Image:MPSTelgramHN326toCmdrSB.png|right|400px|thumb|MPS Telegram from HN326 ('Doug Edwards') to Cmdr of Special Branch dated 12 August 1969]]

Edwards, at the hearing in November 2020 did not fully explain his presence at the venue - though vaguely intimated that he may have been working in tandem with another officer (who may have been [[Sean Lynch]] who both infiltrated the ICRSC - and was a close friend of Edwards).<ref name="EHDay1"/> Edwards said that he was '[...] waiting for a signal from him [an undercover officer] to tell him that this thing [act of malicious damage] was going to go ahead [...]'.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

Edwards said he never attended any other meetings of the ICRSC, so could not see how he would be the intelligence source for the reports attributed to him on this group. Doug speculated that the ‘reliable source’ in the case of these reports might have been another ‘hairy’ - member of the SDS. At the time [[Sean Lynch]], [[Mike Ferguson]] and [[Andy Bailey]] were infiltrating the ICRSC. Doug responded that he could not comment on why these particular reports were copied to MI5. He also inaccurately alleged that members of the group ‘were a front for the IRA’,<ref name="Doug1st"/> - something that Edwards said he probably gleaned through another member of the SDS.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second of the reports, dated 22 August 1969, contains the details of a member of the ILP. This member, whose name is redacted, is said to have taken part in two demonstrations organised by the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) outside the Ulster Office in Berkeley Street, in Central London, on 20 July and 17 August 1969. the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Committee (ICRSC).<ref name="ILP3"/>

The third of these reports is of a redacted individual entering the UK.<ref name= "ICRSC1">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 14 September 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.co.uk as MPS-0732317, 2 December 2020).</ref> One report dated 7 October 1970 is exclusively concerned with an anonymised individual who is a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC.<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 7 October 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document UCPI0000026969).</ref>
A further report dated 28 January 1971 contains a leaflet attacking the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland. <ref name= "ICRSC2">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 28 January 1971 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0738228).</ref><ref>Note: At this time, CS gas had not been used elsewhere in the British Isles and its use by the Royal Ulster Constabulary in the Bogside area of Derry in 1969 was very controversial. not least as it caused choking, vomiting and irritation of the eyes and skin to residents. Frank Roche and Bowes Egan, members of a group called ‘People’s Democracy’ (also mentioned in a number of other published SB reports)</ref> Support for the two men's trial is also voiced in the leaflet, alongside mentions of two other groups: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and Clann na h’Eireann.<ref name="ICRSC2"/>

In his written statement, Doug did recall attending a demonstration outside of the ‘the Northern Irish offices in Barclay Street and bumping into another Undercover officer, [Sean Lynch]] and going to the pub with him and a genuine member of the ILP, Bill Turner.<ref name= "Doug1st"/> No date is given for this event.

===Single Mentions===
Two reports signed by Douglas concern groups not otherwise mentioned in Douglas’ intelligence. The first regarded the founding of a new group; the ‘Socialist Alliance Against Racism (which included a ‘faction’ of the ILP).<ref>[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 10 April 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as document MPS-0736231).</ref> During the evidence hearings, the Counsel to the Inquiry asked why, if this was the first meeting of a campaign group, it would have been of interest to Special Branch. This seems to implicate that for the Inquiry, a group that had not started yet could not be designated either a ‘public order’ or ‘subversive threat’ to allow targeting by the SDS Edwards could only reply in the most general of terms saying that it was unfair to criticise the gathering of such information in hindsight - especially given the political context of the times.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

The second report covered a meeting of a group called the British Albania Society that took place in Derbyshire in May 1970. Again, Douglas could not recall anything about this group or reporting on it. The meeting was led by Harpal Brar, who was the chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) until 2018. In the hearings, Douglas disavowed that he could have had any direct knowledge of this group, despite his name being on the report.<ref name="Albania">[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society] ''Metropolitan Police Special Branch'', 27 May 1970 (sourced: via ucpi.org.uk as MPS-0739668).</ref>

In his statement, Doug also mentions that he visited the offices of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) although this was only ‘as a result of my involvement in the ILP’.<ref name="Doug1st"/>

==Post-SDS career==
In the last two or three years of Edward's police career, he was posted to the 'vetting office'. This section of the MPS conducted security vetting for applicants for jobs within the MPS, with Edwards stating it was a collaborative process with MI5.<ref name="EHDay1"/>

==In the Preliminary stages of the Undercover Policing Inquiry==
According to Edward's risk assessment:<ref name = HN326RA>Kevin Shanahan, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN326-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf Open risk assessment for HN326], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 31 May 2017 (sourced: via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
:: He was recruited by Special Branch management into the Special Operations Squad, whose function was to monitor protest groups who were a major concern of the Government. He had no formal induction or form of training (3.3).
:: At the time of his recruitment was informed by his senior management (Detective Chief Inspector & Detective Inspector) that the Unit he was seconded to was highly secret and was to be deployed as a result of the ongoing large-scale public disorder being a major concern of the Government at that time (late 1968) (3.4).
:: Not offered or provided with support during his deployment; it was ad hoc and uncoordinated (4.19).

According to his written statement, Edwards was also involved in [[HN16]]'s deployment in an administrative role.<ref name="HN326PS"/> In his risk assessment he points out that when he was asked to provide information about HN16, he had specifically requested officers from ‘an operation'’ [redacted, most probably Operation Herne] not to visit his home address. Despite his request, in his words 'unthinking officers unable to accept that he is retired' did visit him there, 'creating a great deal of distress to his wife'.<ref name = HN326RA/>

The MPS applied in August 2017 for a restriction order over his real name with open versions published.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry ('', 3 August 2017.</ref>
No application over his cover name was made<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry '', 3 August 2017.</ref> and it was formally released in August 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 3 August 2017.</ref>

According to Mitting (Aug 2017): <ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
:: He has been careful to preserve his anonymity and is worried about disclosure of his real name. He is concerned that it may be discovered by organisations such as undercoverresearch.net and fears media intrusion. He suffers from conditions that may be exacerbated by worry. His cover name will be published.

The application was heard at hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and Mitting ruled in its favour on 5 December 2017, saying:<ref name="ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017.</ref> I am satisfied that publication of HN326's real name would interfere with his right to respect for his private life and that the interference is not necessary to permit the terms of reference of the Inquiry to be fulfilled.

The [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN326.pdf Restriction Order] over his real was made on 8 December 2017. See also the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP submissions of 5 October 2017].

==Table of Special Branch Reports attributed to Edwards' Reporting==

{| class="wikitable" style="border-spacing: 2px; border: 2px solid Blue;"
! Date
! Title of Report
! Target Group
! Notes
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/07/68
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20426807-mps-0722098 Special Branch file on Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (June 1968 – August 1968)]
|VSC
|Reports on a Court Case in Bow Street Magistrates; 'C' Squad report, prior to Doug’s move to the SDS
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|22/01/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427931-ucpi0000008160 Special Branch report regarding leaflets to be distributed by West Ham Anarchists in relation to a forthcoming by-election]
|West Ham Anarchists/East London Libertarians/Family Squatting Campaign
|Reports of leaflets regarding by-election and Squatting Actions Signed off by CI Conrad Dixon
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008161 Special Branch report concerning poor attendance at the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|29/04/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427932-ucpi0000008162 Special Branch report containing personal details of a member of the West Ham Anarchist Group]
|West Ham Anarchists
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/06/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427948-ucpi0000008204 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party discussing various subjects including fascism]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|23/08/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427949-ucpi0000008205 Special Branch report containing information regarding a member of the Independent Labour Party seeking to form a branch of the organisation in his local area]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|12/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468287-mps-0736646 Metropolitan Police Telegram concerning a meeting of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Telegram from HN326 ('from CI Dixon's squad') to Cmdr Special Branch
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|26/09/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427950-ucpi0000008206 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|03/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427951-ucpi0000008207 Special Branch report concerning an upcoming public debate between the National Front and the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; National Front
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|16/10/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427952-ucpi0000008208 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Organising Committee of the London Division of the Independent Labour Party discussing plans for education classes and a forthcoming debate]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders; CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/11/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427953-ucpi0000008209 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Action Committee Against NATO discussing a forthcoming forum]
|Action Committee Against NATO; Tower Hamlets ILP, Portuguese Student Alliance, The Haslemere Group, The League for Democracy in Greece: The Committee Against Greek Dictatorship
|Signed off by CI Saunders and CI TN0039
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/12/69
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427954-ucpi0000008210 Special Branch report concerning the sale of offices by the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI (?) R Wilson
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427919-ucpi0000008111 Special Branch report submitting minutes of a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee; Haslemere Group
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|10/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20447617-mps-0736231 Special Branch report regarding the formation of the Socialist Alliance Against Racialism]
|Socialist Alliance Against Racialism; New Socialists;Marxist-Leninist Organisation of Britain; Indian Marxist-Leninist Association; Socialist Current
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|21/04/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20468168-ucpi0000008211 Special Branch report concerning a meeting of the Tower Hamlets branch of the Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|27/05/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427751-mps-0739668 Special Branch report regarding an upcoming meeting of the British Albania Society]
|British Albania Society
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|14/09/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427464-mps-0732317 Special Branch report concerning supporters of the Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign]
|Islington Branch of the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign
|Member passing through Port of Dover
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|07/10/70
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20428401-ucpi0000026969 Special Branch report on a supporter of the Islington Branch of the ICRSC]
|Islington Branch of the ICRSC
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|28/01/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20443978-mps-0738228 Special Branch report regarding an Irish Solidarity Campaign leaflet opposing the use of CS gas in Northern Ireland]
|Irish Solidarity Campaign, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Clann na h'Eireann
|Signed off by Ch. Supt Watts and CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|11/02/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427957-ucpi0000008213 Special Branch report submitting a photograph of an activist involved in the VSC and Independent Labour Party]
|Independent Labour Party; Palestine Solidarity Campaign; Southern African Solidarity Committee; VSC.
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|05/04/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427918-ucpi0000008109 Special Branch report on a meeting of the Dambusters Mobilising Committee discussing subjects including the annual general meetings of several firms with financial interests in South Africa]
|Dambusters Mobilising Committee
|Signed off by CI Saunders
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|25/09/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427818-ucpi0000005813 Special Branch report on a committee meeting of the VSC]
|VSC, Black Power
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|06/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427819-ucpi0000005814 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC held to discuss an upcoming demonstration]
|Agitprop, Young Communist League
|Signed off by CI HN294
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
|09/10/71
|[https://beta.documentcloud.org/documents/20427820-ucpi0000005816 Special Branch report on a meeting of the VSC where it was announced that the group would no longer take an organising role at an upcoming demonstration]
|VSC; Agitprop; Anti-Imperalist Movement
|Signed off by CI HN294
|}

==Notes==

<references/>

Christine Green (alias)

2025-07-14T10:04:22Z

Chris Brian:

{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Christine Green|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Female_silhouette.png|Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1994-1999|Targets=Animal Liberation Front, London Animal Action, hunt saboteurs}}

'''Please Note, as of 2025, the Undercover Research Group is now publishing new material on our new website:''' *[https://www.spycopsresearch.info spycops.info]* 



'''Christine Green''' is the cover name of an undercover police officer who served with the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]]. She infiltrated animal rights in south and west London from early 1995 to late 1999 / early 2000,<ref name="arspyc.whowere">[https://network23.org/arspycatcher/who-were-the-spies/ Who Were The Spies?], ''ARSpyCatcher (blog)'', 2017 (accessed 12 January 2018).</ref> where she had succeeded the previous undercover officer, ''[[Andy Coles|Andy "Van" Davey]]''. Christine was active in hunt sabbing, London Animal Action and national grassroots campaigns. She was arrested on least one occasion though charges were dropped. Her cover name was constructed rather than stolen from that of a dead child, being the first example of this being done by SDS undercovers.<ref name="herne.1">See: Mick Creedon, Operation Herne Report 1: Covert Identities, ''Metropolitan Police Service'', July 2013, where she is cited as N26 - see para. 5.4.</ref> She left the police after her deployment and started a long term relationship with an animal rights campaigner who had been active in one of the groups she had targeted, a relationship which appears to have continued to the present day (February 2018).

In October 2013, suspicions that Christine Green was an undercover were publicly circulated,<ref name="bookfair2013"/> only to be confirmed in late 2017, and publicly released by ''The Guardian'' and the Undercover Research Group in February 2018:

Two days later, the Undercover Policing Inquiry confirmed Christine had been a SDS undercover police officer, noting she was the person they had been referred to by the cipher '[[N_officers_1|HN26]]', while the Metropolitan Police made an unusual and rare public apology to Hampshire Police over a 1998 raid by the Animal Liberation Front on a mink farm. In the apology it admitted Christine Green had been a police officer and despite the large investigation, Metropolitan Police Special Branch had withheld the crucial information. This in turn, caused Christine Green to come forward to ''The Guardian'' to make her own statement, highly critical of the Metropolitan Police's apology in the way it named her, among other things.

''Note from Undercover Research Group: this article is a work in progress. If any reader recalls 'Christine Green' [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net ''please get in touch'']. These events took place two decades ago, so all information is welcome even if to just corroborate what we know.''

* ''See also [[Christine Green: policing and the UCPI]]''.

==Cover identity==

Christine Green is a false name, constructed by an officer otherwise given the cipher N26 / HN26 for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] (see the [[N officers]] page for full explanation of this cipher system).<ref>The identification of Christine Green as HN26 was first postulated by Paul Gravett at [https://network23.org/arspycatcher/2017/12/17/mitting-to-reveal-cover-names-of-one-or-possibly-two-animal-rights-spycops/ Mitting to reveal cover names of one or possibly two animal rights spycops], ''ARSpyCatcher (blog)'', 17 December 2017 (accessed 23 Jan 2018), and subsequently confirmed on 20 February by the Undercover Policing Inquiry.</ref>

As N26, she is mentioned in the first Operation Herne report, where it cites the 1994 / 1995 Special Demonstration Squad annual review as saying that N26 was the first office to obtain a completely fictitious identity - as opposed to creating a cover legend based on an identity taken from a dead child, such practice being phased out, starting November 1994.<ref name="herne.1"/> Prior to being deployed she had been a Metropolitan Police Special Branch officer.<ref name="hn26.ra.Aug17">Graham Walker, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN26-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN26 - Open risk assessment], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 24 July 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>

==Personal details==

Christine was of slim build, just under average height (approx. 5' 4"), wore glasses and had long, dark hair. When she was undercover she was in her late twenties or early thirties, apparently born in the early 1960s, so a little older than many in the animal rights scene in London.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: interview with Paul Gravett, 19 January 2018.</ref>

She often wore patchwork dungarees, tie-dye t-shirts combat boots, and was described by one person as coming across as quite contrived, and not quite the norm for animal rights at that time.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> Someone else recalled she dressed a bit smarter than the average activist, with a well-kept appearance.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> If she had an accent, it was very slight, if at all.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

Her background story was that she had been married to a cop who had been a heavy drinker, and that she had been an alcoholic herself in the past, with the nickname 'Pisstine'. She gave this as the reason as to why she was mainly teetotal, though she did drink occasionally, and also why she had cut off people from her past. She was separated from her husband and they had no children; it was recalled she mentioned they had been apparently football fans together, either of Chelsea or Fulham. She did not mention her family other than to say she had a sister who she regularly went to visit. She also claimed that her parents had died when she was young and that she had been raised by an uncle in Cornwall. When mentioning her uncle had died (see below), she was not very emotional about it.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Others noted that nobody knew her family or life outside of activism.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/><ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/>

It was noted that she carried a shoulder bag (also described as a case<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>) with her at all times, that clearly carried something heavy; this became a bit of a joke as she would never leave it alone for a moment, even taking it with her when she went to the toilet,<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> and for some it drew a bit of suspicion towards her.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014">'ARSpycatcher', [https://www.burojansen.nl/observant/how-special-branch-spied-on-animal-rights-movement/ How Special Branch Spied on Animal Rights Movement], ''Buro Jansen & Jansen'', 22 February 2014 (accessed 12 January 2018).</ref>

Her interests included cryptic crosswords, painting, and Jackson Brown. She had no animals while she was living in London,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> though she did give the impression of caring for them.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> For some reason she avoided Sutton in south London.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> There is little recollection of her talking about politics in any form, including of other issues around at the time such as anti-capitalism or the Criminal Justice Bill.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

===Residences===

She lived in a number of places in south London, initially in Crystal Palace before moving to Norbury / South Streatham.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with Robin Lane, 14 February 2017.</ref>
From there she then moved to an upstairs maisonette on Farm Avenue (Sunnyhill Road side), just off Streatham High Street. This house was described as 'minimalist' and more like a 'show home'. For instance, it had only one candle.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> One campaigner who stayed over at Farm Avenue several times, described it as a one bedroom, upstairs flat that was immaculate with nothing out of place; the only bit of personalisation was an arrangement of postcards she had been sent. He recalled it was joked at the time that she had nothing.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> In all cases it is recalled that she lived on her own.

===Personality===
She was described as being helpful and willing to make herself available. As such, she was always in the thick of things.<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16"/> As with many other undercovers, she would use her vehicle to drive people a lot, including taking them to meetings or home after events.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> It was also noted that she did not exacerbate things when people were in conflict, but generally remained friends with both sides.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>

Frank, who knew her in south London and worked with her closely on a sanctuary, described Christine as someone who he would have classed as a great mate who never let him down and kept her promises; she came across as a dedicated activist. He felt she was sincere when it came to animals and recalled that she was not only vegan but the food she had at her flat not only avoided all animal products, but also other products considered unethical at the time, such as Nestlé.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'Frank', 25 January 2018.</ref>

As a person Christine appears to have been quite was sociable and would go the pub with people after meetings and protests.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15"/> She got close to leading activists in LAA and was part of various cliques within the scene,<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Tanya', 31 Jan 2016.</ref> and attended at least two sets of weddings of London-based campaigners.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> Paul Gravett described her as:<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
:: She could be a little short-tempered and aloof, but once you got to know her, she was friendly. She didn't totally blend into the background but was willing to give opinions, sometimes forcibly. She was definitely willing to speak up and had stuff to say.

However, several people noted that she came across as a bit strange and not always easy to get on with, partly because she could be secretive or moody, albeit she was generally nice at the same time.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/><ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/><ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> One activist who met her in Streatham said Christine came across as a 'lurker'.<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from 'Tony', 14 January 2018.</ref> The pattern appears that she kept aloof from people in general, unless she wanted to get particularly close to certain individuals or small groups. It was noted more than once that she focused on people intensely, latching onto a person, but also that she was ready to drop them abruptly to move on to others.

One prominent activist, 'Shirley', who had previously been targeted by the SDS undercover [[Andy Coles]], recalled how whenever she encountered Christine, the undercover focused on her:<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'Shirley', an animal rights activist, 15 January 2018.</ref>
:: She was super-friendly, really smiley and made a lot of eye-contact. She made a point of being really keen and interested in me, despite the fact I wasn't encouraging it. She would question me about what sort of demonstrations and other protests I'd been on or was planning to go to. Her beeline for me every time we met became so obvious, that jokes were made about it.

Christine is known to have pointed a finger of suspicion once at a well-known activist, saying she didn't trust them,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> but this does not appear to have been something she did regularly.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

As with many other undercovers, she was quite camera shy in general,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> and on protests she would cover her face with a placard if she thought she would appear in a shot.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

==Occupation and vehicle==

Christine told a number of people that she was a courier delivering parcels, which was the reason she had a van<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> and mobile phone. Her employer was apparently based on the south side of the Thames, near the National Film Theatre.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> However, when offered courier work by friends, she was reluctant to take their business.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/>

She had two vehicles during her deployment, the first a small white panel, (two-seater<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>) estate-car sized van, followed by a red one of similar size that was unmarked.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17">Undercover Research Group: phone call with a London hunt sab, 18 May 2017.</ref><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> One person recalled that it used to have lots of boxes in the back that smelled of curry.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> She would use it regularly for going to demonstrations and meetings.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/>

She had no landline, but did have a mobile phone - then only just coming in as a thing people had - being one of the first people in the animal rights scene to have one.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> She was generally quick to answer it and would also use it while driving.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Her numbers are known to have been 0802 251 354, followed by 0966 144 331.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

Like many other police undercovers, she was a very good driver. She would drive hunt sabs' vehicles when on those protests, but when at other demonstrations she preferred to take her own van, saying that she 'didn't want to rely on other people or to get stuck'.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> However, when LAA hired or borrowed a minibus to take people to a protest, she was one of the drivers they called on.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref>London Animal Action did not get its own minibus until late 1997. It is not recalled if she drove it, however. Source: interview with Paul Gravett, ''vide infra''.</ref>

She claimed her boss was ringing her on her phone constantly. Later, after he supposedly had died of a brain tumour, she passed on carpet tiles to fellow activists, saying they had come from his office.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

==Targets & activities==

For the first part of her deployment she had a London focus,<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15">Undercover Research Group: interview with Brendan McNally, 16 October 2015.</ref> subsequently moving to interests further afield, particularly swapping her attention from fur campaigns to hunt sabbing (short for sabotaging) in 1997.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

===London Animal Action===

[[Image:LAA_General_Meeting_Agenda_(13Oct1998).jpg|thumb|200px|Agenda for the General Meeting of London Animal Action, 13 October 1998. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

Christine appears to have turned up in late 1994<ref name="met.apology"/><ref name="ucpi.covernames"/>, at an anti-fur picket against Noble Furs, at 3 Burlington Place, just off Regent Street in central London. She said she was passing by when she saw the protest, and it having sparked her interest in the issue joined in.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> This campaign was active October 1994 and January 1995 (see below) so allows the start of her deployment to be placed between October-December 1994,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> most likely being in November (see note above on use of cover identity).

At this point the undercover [[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]] was still deployed into animal rights groups in north London. Early on, Christine focused on people he knew, going out for meals with prominent activists in the group.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

From then on she became active in the city-wide group, London Animal Action (LAA), an umbrella organisation for many of the animal rights-related campaigns in the city, and which helped provide transport for protests further afield. Christine attended many of the different types of protests organised through LAA,<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15">Undercover Research Group: interview with Brendan McNally, 16 October 2015.</ref> particularly those relating to fur.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> However, on demonstrations she tended to stay on the periphery of things, and it is believed she was not arrested on LAA related protests.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

Several campaigners described her as being involved in everything to do with London Animal Action,<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> steadily becoming prominent in it<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> - right up until her exit in late 1999.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Damien Clark', 23 November 2015.</ref> This included attending pretty much all public meetings, then being held at the 1A Community Centre on Rosebury Avenue, EC1, and also the more private planning ones, making herself useful by taking on administrative tasks<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

She became trusted enough to be provided a key to its office space at 5 Caledonian Road,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> home to Housmans bookshop and PeaceNews - following in the footsteps of undercover Matt Rayner in this.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> As part of helping with administration, she was one of those who handled LAA's post, which needed to be picked up from its private BM mail box.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Minutes of the London Animal Actions' planning meeting of 5 May 1997 note that Christine Green agreed to be a signatory for LAA's bank account, replacing Matt Rayner who had been treasurer of the group until he went abroad. As such she played an increasing role in the group's finances, likely being the ''de facto'' treasurer by the end of her time with them.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="pg.e.Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: emails from Paul Gravett, January 2018.</ref>

Christine was also one of those who helped edit the LAA newsletter, ''London Animal Rights News'' - a similar tactic to Andy Coles, who had edited its predecessor news-sheet for the London Animal Rights Coalition. Through this she had access to LAA's mailing lists.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> In late 1995 she suggested doing the mail-out for the London Animal Rights Newsletter from her house, picking them up in her van.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/><ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

The minutes from the planning meeting of the 5th May 1997 also show the extent to which she had become a key and trusted campaigner in the group and the numerous aspects of its work she involved herself in.<ref name="laa.plng.mtg.5May97">Minutes of Planning Meeting Tuesday 5th May 1997, ''London Animal Action''.</ref> In addition to agreeing to be a bank signatory, she took on to reach out to the following groups:
* The McLibel campaign, supporting Helen Steel and Dave Morris being sued by McDonald's (a campaign also spied upon by Matt Rayner) - Christine and another prominent LAA campaigner volunteered to look into doing a joint march between LAA and McLibel. In the end, this never happened.
* The London Anti-Vivisection Action, a campaign within London Animal Action. Following a discussion at the meeting about so called 'home visits' to targets involved in vivisection and the heavy policing of recent events during World Day for Animals In Laboratories, 'Christine volunteered to contact Birnberg solicitors to try to ascertain more about the legal situation'.
* South London Animal Action. This campaigning group was being wound down, and its membership list and mail would be passed over to LAA. According to the minutes: 'Christine is meeting [the couple running SLAA] later this week to sort out how this will be done.'

Christine was present at a London Animal Action planning meeting in September 1999 meeting when it was agreed to write to a local north London campaign saying LAA no longer wanted to be associated with it due to incidents of racism among the protestors there. Christine was among those who said a stand should be taken against the racism. The next planning meeting, in October 1999 was attended by more people than usual because of the issue, Christine again present and being vocal against the racism.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

===Anti-fur campaigns===

London had been the focus of various anti-fur campaigns over the years. In the early 1990s, this had been led by the London Anti-Fur Campaign, one of the groups that had merged to form London Animal Action in late 1994. In response to fur making a return in fashion, LAA launched the Fur Free London Campaign in autumn 1994 as their flagship campaign, aiming to make London free of fur shops. The first of its targets was Noble Furs, where pickets took place from October 1994 to January 1995,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> at one of which Christine first made contact (see above).

[[Image:Philip_Hockley_Furs_campaign_update.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet on the Philip Hockley Furs campaign run by London Animal Rights. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

A series of short, successful campaigns by Fur Free London then followed, resulting in the closure of Jindo Furs of Knightsbridge and Montana Furs ceasing to sell real fur. Other targets included Selfridges. In June 1995, the group started its long campaign against Philip Hockley at 20 Conduit Street, Mayfair, the most prestigious of the fur shops still open.<ref name="arkangel.20">[http://www.animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark20pt3.pdf Fur Wars... the Campaign Against Philip Hockley], ''Arkangel'', Issue 20, 1998.</ref>

Christine is known to have attended many of these anti-fur related protests, particularly at the Philip Hockley shop<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> including one all-night vigil there.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> These protests happened every Saturday and occasionally also on weekdays; they were met with a regular police and private security presence, the police in particular seeking to move protest well away from the shop front. In July 1997, an injunction under the Protection from Harassment Act was taken out against the protestors, and multiple arrests for 'breach of the peace' took place during subsequent protests.<ref name="arkangel.20"/>

Around this time, Christine moved away from doing anti-fur campaigning and switched to hunt sabbing, which was also mainly a weekend activity. By late 1997, she appears to have stopped doing fur protests altogether.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

====March 1996 Fur Day of Action====

[[Image:London_Animal_Rights_News_April_199621012018.jpg|thumb|200px|Front page of the April 1996 edition of London Animal Rights News covering the March 1996 'Fur Day of Action' by London Animal Action. Courtesy of Paul Gravett.]]

Christine was a key part of a small group which tracked Michael Hockley from his shop to his home address.<ref>Undercover Research Group: accounts from people present and involved in the March 1996 protest.</ref> This knowledge was made use of on 16 March 1996, when London Animal Action held a 'Day of Action Against the Fur Trade'. A hundred people from across the UK turned up for the protest, which focused on fur shops in London. A contemporary report in ''London Animal Rights News'' noted that Special Branch / Animal Rights National Index had apparently informed police on the day to expect around 60 protestors. There were various shops targeted, during which one arrest took place.<ref name="larn.12"/>

After the shops closed for the day, a large part of the protestors then made their way to Hockley's house in north west London. Interestingly the LARN report noted that police were waiting for protestors when they arrived at St. John's tube station, and:<ref name="larn.12">Fur trader resigns due to pressure from animal liberationists, ''London Animal Rights News'', April 1996, Issue 12.</ref>
:: Within five minutes several riot vans had arrived with blue lights flashing and sirens sounding. One copper stood in Hockley's front garden brandishing a small round riot shield. After ten minutes there were about a dozen riot vans, dog handlers, police range rovers and undercover officers to deal with the 75 or so protestors.
:: This mighty force of the TSG (Tactical Support Group) obviously wasn't enough to handle us, because they were shortly followed by a low-flying police helicopter hovering above his house.

A line of police then pushed the protestors back from the house, and the group moved back to St. John's Station, reassembling to move on. There they were attacked by police, forcing them onto the tube trains. Six people were arrested during this protest and taken to Marylebone station, but all were later released without charge.<ref name="larn.12"/>

Another undercover officer, [[Matt Rayner]] was present at the protest at Hockley's house.<ref>Paul Gravett: email to Undercover Research Group, 5 February 2016.</ref> It is believed that Christine too was present at the house and also at a second 'Fur Day of Action' held in November 1996.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

===Hunt Sabbing===

[[Image:1990s HSA leaflet(front).jpg|thumb|200px|Front of a 1990s leaflet produced by the Hunt Saboteurs Association. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

Being based in Streatham meant that Christine was geographically close to the Brixton hunt saboteur group, which had been targeted for infiltration by her predecessor [[Andy Coles]]. She tried to make a connection, including helping out with food at a benefit gig for the group.<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16"/> However, she was not trusted enough to be welcomed into the group; as far as currently known, she never went out sabbing with the Brixton group.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>

She then turned her attention to another prominent hunt sab group, the West London Hunt Sabs, which had previously been targeted by '[[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]]', and regularly have gone out with them, including when they joined up with other sab groups in the region such as Reading and Southampton.<ref name="m.p.4Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'M', a hunt saboteur, 14 February 2017.</ref> Christine went out with them regularly, both as a driver, but also actively taking part in the protests itself. She would be one of the protestors going into the field to actively prevent hunts from killing foxes using a variety of methods.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> Targets at the time would have hunts such as the Surrey Union.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/>

She was said to be confrontational when out hunt sabbing.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> During one protest against the Isle of Wight fox hunt in early March 1998 near Arreton, Christine was arrested along with eight other sabs for aggravated trespass (section 69, Criminal Justice Act). Charges against her were dropped, but pursued against the rest; their initial court appearance in March 1998 giving their details (other than hers) was reported in local press.<ref>Undercover Research Group: conversation with 'V', January 2018.</ref>

===South London Animal Action===

Christine was also involved in South London Animal Action (also known as South London Animal Aid), a Clapham based group.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> (When it wound down and merged into London Animal Action in 1997, Christine volunteered to pick up its material including mailing lists - see above.)

At the time, SLAA was active on a number of local campaigns such as against Battersea Zoo and fishing at Clapham Lake. The group also took part in national protests including those around live exports (including at Coventry, Brightlingsea and Shoreham) and Glaxo Wellcome in Stevenage; and attending protests against McDonald's and shark fin soup in London's Chinatown (as part of the Shark Protection League campaign).<ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark13pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 13, 1995.</ref><ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark14pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 14, 1995.</ref><ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark15pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 15, 1995.</ref> Furthermore, SLAA ran a vegan catering company, Green Marmoset, which provided food at events to raise money.<ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark16pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 16, undated.</ref>

===Other activities===

Other known activities of Christine Green:
* Regularly drove people to the quarterly meetings of the Animal Rights Coalition, taking place in Coventry and elsewhere.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
* Often helped out at a well-known animal sanctuary in Kent.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'YJ', 23 Feb 2016.</ref><ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
* August 1999, took part in a protest at London Zoo held by London Animal Action.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> As protests were generally difficult due to local bye-laws and quickly moved on by the police, the protestors met up secretly elsewhere first. This time the protest, involving one person dressed up as a monkey in a cage, successfully went ahead and the police seemed content to let them carry on for as long as they wished.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
* Attended a meeting in Brighton in support of animal rights hunger striker Barry Horne.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/> This was likely during the period of Horne's third hunger strike which lasted from 6 October to 13 December 1998.<ref name="mann.dusk"/>
* Participated in demonstrations outside circuses over the use of performing animals, possibly including Circus King when it visited east/north London.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
* Took part in London Animal Action march as part of the "J18 / Carnival Against Capitalism" protest of 18 June 1999.<ref>ARSpyCatcher, [https://twitter.com/ARspycatcher/status/1141116972328988672 20 years ago today the J18 Carnival Against Capitalism drew 8000 people and brought parts of London to a standstill. #spycops Jim Boyling was one of the organisers and #ARspies Christine Green marched with London Animal Action], ''Twitter.com'', 18 June 2019.</ref>

===Animal liberations===

Christine took part in animal rescues on several occasions. Once, following a demonstration at Hillgrove, a group of protestors stopped off at a notorious farm known for the cruelty towards animals. Christine had taken her van, and allowed it to be used to transport a number of hens taken from the farm. On another occasion, a horse being kept on a landfill site was rescued and transported in her van.<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with James, January 2018.</ref>

She was also part of an Animal Liberation Front raid on the Crow Hill mink farm at Ringwood, Hampshire on 8 August 1998, in which up to 6,000 mink were released into the wild; the action was claimed in the name of the Animal Liberation Front.<ref name="met.apology">[https://web.archive.org/web/20180222031432/http://news.met.police.uk/news/apology-to-hampshire-constabulary-re-actions-of-undercover-unit-295396 Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit], ''Metropolitan Police'', 20 February 2018 (accessed via archive org 20 February 2019).</ref> Though many were recaptured, a second raid a week later resulted in 1,000 being released once more.<ref>Guardian staff and agencies, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/1998/aug/17/animalwelfare.world 1,000 Mink freed in second raid], ''The Guardian'', 17 August 1998 (accessed Feb 2018)</ref> However, it is not known if the same group was involved. The raids recieved considerable mainstream media coverage at the time, and was subject to a large investigation by Hampshire Police, but nobody was arrested at the time.

Christine Green's involvement in the first raid of 8 August, was withheld by the Metropolitan Police from Hampshire Police at the time. In February 2018, following the public confirmation of Christine's role as an undercover, the Metropolitan Police publicly apologised to Hampshire police over this, and named her as a participant (see below).<ref name="met.apology"/>

==National protests==

Throughout her deployment Christine was active outside London, whether through hunt sabbing or taking part in the national campaigns then taking place - which regularly saw large-scale protests, often met with intensive policing operations. Much of her involvement was through London Animal Action, or South London Animal Action.

===Live exports===

From 1994 to 1996, much of animal rights activism on a national level was dominated by protests against the live export of animals, particularly of calves being sent to Europe for veal. Following major ferry lines dropping the trade including at Dover, farmers switched a number smaller sites to transport the animals from. These included Coventry Airport, and the ports of Brightingsea in Essex and Shoreham in Sussex. These subsequently became the focus of major campaigns, with regular pickets attracting significant numbers of people. After the European Union banned the export of British cattle in March 1996, campaigning on the issue died down.<ref name="walls.2002">[http://www.socresonline.org.uk/7/1/walls.html 'The Campaign Against 'Live Exports' in the UK: Animal Protectionism, the Stigmatisation of Place and the Language of Moral Outrage'], ''Sociological Research Online'', Vol. 7, No. 1, 31 May 2002 (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref>

On at least one occasion, Christine drove London campaigners to the protest at Coventry Airport.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> These protests had begun in December 1994<ref>John Mullin & James Erlichman, Airline to go on with live exports, ''The Guardian'', 23 December 1994 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref> and continued until the 4 May 1995. On 1 February 1995 protestor Jill Phipps was killed by a lorry at one of the demonstrations.<ref name="jp.org.uk">[https://web.archive.org/web/20070228122146/http://www.jillphipps.org.uk:80/history.htm JillPhipps.org.uk (memorial site)], 2007 (accessed via Archive.org).</ref>

Christine is known to have also attended the protests at Shoreham<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> and Brightlingsea,<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> both of which saw very large protests throughout 1995. Those at Shoreham took place from October 1994 until live exports from there were abandoned in June 1995; while the Brightlingsea lasted from January to August 1995 when again they were victorious.<ref name="walls.2002"/><ref> See also [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Brightlingsea Battle of Brightlingsea], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref> It was noted Brightingsea would have required her to go out of her way considerably, as it was not an easy place to get to from south-west London compared to other targets. She is thought to have been around for when campaigners there were actively snatched out of crowds by police.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/>

===Vivisection breeders===

[[Image:Hillgrove_LAA_leaflet_WorldDay1998.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet produced by London Animal Action to advertise the 1998 World Day for Animals In Laboratories demonstration at Hillgrove Farm. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]

In 1996, the animal rights movement turned a significant part of its focus to anti-vivisection protests, targeting businesses breeding animals for experimentation in laboratories. A number of such campaigns were set up, particularly against Consort in Herefordshire - which bred beagles. On 19 April 1997, Christine drove protestors from London to a demonstration at Consort Beagles, held as part of the annual World Day for Laboratory Animals.<ref name="arspyc.whowere"/> Christine did not stay with the vehicle but joined the other protestors in the fields around the place.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> Despite a large police presence, the 500 protestors managed to breach fences and one pregnant beagle was briefly rescued.<ref name="mann.dusk">Keith Mann, From Dusk 'til Dawn: An insider's view of the growth of the Animal Liberation Movement. Puppy Pincher Press, 2007.</ref> 23 protestors were arrested following the clashes<ref>Roving Brief: 23 held in puppy demo, ''The Observer'', 20 April 1997 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref> - including two who had come in the vehicle driven by Christine.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>

After Consort closed in September 1997, campaigners turned their attention to Hillgrove Cats, the last remaining breeder of cats for vivisection in the UK, situated just outside Whitney in Oxfordshire. Boosted by a number of significant successes against breeders of animals for vivisection, Hillgrove Cats saw regular, large-scale protests, and a commensurately large police presence. The campaign lasted until August 1999, when the farm announced it was closing its breeding business.<ref>Hillgrove was within the Thames Valley Police area. It is notable that the Assistant Chief Constable for TVP at the time was [[Sara Thornton]], while heading up Oxford, also regularly targeted for Hillgrove related protests were [[Cressida Dick]] and [[Phil Gormley]]. Also commanding divisions at the time are [[John Donlon]] and [[Anton Setchell]].</ref>

[[Image:Hillgrove World Day 1998 leaflet.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet from Save The Hillgrove Cats campaign, advertising a demonstration on 17 March 1999 to mark World Day for Animals In Laboratories. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com/]]

The campaign which regularly held small-scale night time vigils was also notable for large monthly protests which saw considerable disturbances at the farm and in nearby Oxford city. These protest would attract sufficient interest that coaches were hired to transport people to them, some of which were driven by Christine's partner.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> Christine is known to have been present at both.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>

In particular, she was at the large protest of 18 April 1998, to commemorate World Day for Animals In Laboratories,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> Considerable damage was done to the farm despite a large police operation which saw officers brought in from West Mercia and Gloucestershire police forces.<ref>Dave McGee, Assault and Cattery: thousands battle with police at breeding farm, ''Sunday Mirror'', 19 April 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Five of those who were at the clashes of 18 April were arrested at a subsequent protest on 31 May 1998.<ref>Ten held at cat-farm demo, ''The Independent'', 1 June 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> At that point, the police operation at the farm, led by Assist. Chief Constable Tim Davidson, had cost £½ million.<ref>Jamie Wilson, Clashes feared in cat farm protest, ''The Guardian'', 18 April 1998 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref>

Christine may also have attended protest at Shamrock Farm,<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> based at Small Dole, near Brighton and which imported primates for vivisection. It was the target of a successful campaign by Save the Shamrock Monkeys from 1998 to 2000.<ref name="mann.dusk"/><ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2000/mar/11/6 Monkey farm closes after demos], ''The Guardian'', 11 March 2000 (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref>

==Exit & relationship==

A number of people have stated that around 1998, Christine began a relationship with a prominent sab and animal rights activist, Tom<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> though this has been questioned by others. In 1994, he had been sent to prison for several months for assaulting a hunt employee in Surrey, something he said was self-defense. He was active with Reading and West London hunt sabs, (the latter group targeted by Christine - see above). Christine is also recalled being seen with him at the 1998 World Day protest at Hillgrove, for which he had been a coach driver and at an LAA planning meetings in October 1999 (see above under the racism issue).<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

By this stage, Christine had been deployed into animal rights as an undercover for five years, and (in hindsight) the deployment was coming to an end. As with previous undercovers, she started mentioning that she was tired with activism<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> and vanished from the animal rights scene in late 1999 with very little in the way of goodbye.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> The story she gave to some was her wealthy uncle in Cornwall had died and left her some money, which she was using for a six-month trip to Australia.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Both the Metropolitan Police and Undercover Policing Inquiry noted her formal deployment ended in 1999.<ref name="ucpi.covernames"/><ref name="met.apology"/>

After her supposed time away, Christine returned and contacted a few activist friends. Apparently in France, Tom traveled to see her there.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/> Though it is not clear when the actual relationship started, not long after 2000 they moved to Cornwall as a couple.<ref name="Guardian.Feb2018"/> There she took a job with a rape crisis centre, while Tom continued doing animal rights campaigning.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="m.p.4Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'M', a hunt saboteur, 14 February 2017.</ref> Several people had chance encounters with the couple while they were living there. This included one in a Cornwall veggie cafe by someone who knew Tom from earlier animal rights campaigning, though not Christine. The campaigner recalled how Tom effectively blanked her greeting.<ref>Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'L', 21 January 2018.</ref>

In 2011, around the time the undercover policing scandal was breaking, the couple left Cornwall for rural Scotland, though their subsequent whereabouts are unknown.

==Suspicions and exposure==

There was some suspicion of Christine at the time of her deployment, with a few people thinking she was 'a bit funny'. Others animal rights activists in Streatham were also wary of her and it was noted that Christine tried to avoid them in turn.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Likewise, she struggled to get accepted by the Brixton Hunt sabs. She appears to be aware of some of the suspicion around her, having asked an activist if it was thought that she was an undercover cop.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Others remember that she didn't quite fit in, but were not able to put a finger on why they felt that at the time.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>

In 2013, Paul Gravett recognised that Christine fitted the pattern of several other SDS undercovers he had known - [[Bob Lambert]], ''[[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]]'' and [[Andy Coles]]. He began circulating his suspicions in October that year,<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/><ref name="bookfair2013">Reference to Christine Green and others was made by Paul Gravett in his talk at the October 2013 London Anarchist Bookfair, and in an email circulated by him a week beforehand, inviting people to attend. See [https://web.archive.org/web/20131204080638fw_/http://www.anarchistbookfair.org.uk/whatson.html 2013 Anarchist Bookfair Meetings], ''AnarchistBookfair.co.uk'', 2013 (accessed via Archive.org). Email of Paul Gravett enclosing original email of October 2013.</ref> and her cover name was subsequently published online in February 2014.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/><ref name="arspyc.whowere"/>

Following the exposure of ''Andy "Van" Davey'' as an undercover in May 2017, attention turned to Christine. Concrete evidence was uncovered by both ''The Guardian'' and the Undercover Research Group, which confirmed she had been a serving police officer.<ref>Undercover Research Group: research conducted by various people, 2017.</ref> This was publicly revealed by ''The Guardian'' in February 2018.<ref name="Guardian.Feb2018">Rob Evans & Severin Carrell, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/18/police-spy-christine-greening-long-term-relationship-activist-tom-frampton-after-quitting-covert-role Met police spy has long-term relationship with activist after quitting covert role], ''The Guardian'', 18 February 2018 (accessed February 2018).</ref>

This was subsequently confirmed by the Undercover Policing Inquiry who added her to the list of confirmed cover names on its website on 20 February 2018.<ref name="ucpi.covernames">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', updated 20 February 2018. See also their tweet of same day: [https://twitter.com/ucpinquiry/status/965919766924988416 Cover name confirmed: "Christine Green" - groups: Animal Liberation Front; London Animal Action, West London Hunt Saboteurs. 1994-1999], ''Twitter.com'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018)</ref>. The following day, the Metropolitan Police, as part of their apology to Hampshire Police over the Ringwood mink farm raid, also confirmed Christine Green had been one of their SDS officers.<ref name="met.apology"/>

==Metropolitan Police apology==

On Tuesday, 20 February 2018, two days after ''The Guardian'' story broke, Metropolitan Police issued a public statement:<ref name="met.apology"/>

:: Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit
:: The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) has formally apologised to Hampshire Constabulary for an incident regarding the actions of the former undercover unit - the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS).
:: During the investigation into the SDS carried out by Operation Herne the MPS found information about the deployment of an undercover officer known as 'Christine Green'. Christine Green infiltrated the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and London Animal Action between 1994 and 1999.
:: It appears from the available evidence that Christine Green was authorised by her then line management, potentially up to the rank of Detective Chief Superintendent, to participate in a criminal act that took place on the night of 8 August 1998. This was when ALF activists released a large number of mink from a fur farm - Crow Hill Farm - in Ringwood, Hampshire.
:: A decision was made by the SDS not to share Christine Green's involvement or the knowledge the MPS had about the role of the ALF with Hampshire Constabulary, who carried out a criminal investigation at the time. In 2014, the MPS disclosed the former officer's role to Hampshire Constabulary. Neither the MPS nor Hampshire Constabulary could share this more widely at that time in view of the risk of identification of the former officer.
:: At this stage there is no evidence that the officer was involved in the second release of mink two weeks later. She resigned from the MPS in August 2000.
:: The MPS has informed the Public Inquiry into Undercover Policing of this matter. Following the Chairman Sir John Mitting's ruling regarding the release of the former officer's cover name, the MPS agreed that it was in the public interest that the role of the MPS in this incident be made public.
:: Assistant Commissioner Helen Ball, in charge of Professionalism in the MPS, said: ''"The MPS has apologised to Hampshire Constabulary for the impact these decisions had on their ability to bring those responsible to justice.''
:: ''"The precise circumstances of the decision to authorise an undercover officer to participate in this criminal act will be fully explored as part of the Public Inquiry process. I would like to be clear that the decision making surrounding this incident would simply not happen in today's Metropolitan Police Service.''
:: ''"It appears that the SDS allowed this incident to go ahead, as they saw it, in the interests of preventing more serious crime in the longer term. The scale of the release was unforeseen by the SDS at the time, but once the impact became clear they still did not inform Hampshire Constabulary of the officer's involvement.''
:: ''"It is not possible to say what direct impact the role of Christine Green's involvement had or if different policing decisions could have averted the damage.''
:: ''"I do understand that this decision making from 20 years ago will cause significant concern to the public, especially those people directly affected by the events in 1998. The MPS will be honest about our past and accept criticism where it is due.''
:: ''"Today, undercover policing is extensively supervised, including by the Investigatory Powers Commissioner and Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire and Rescue Services. We work within this framework to use undercover policing tactics appropriately for the benefit of the public. We have a continuing responsibility to reassure the public about the ethics and integrity of modern policing."'
:: A referral was made to the then Independent Police Complaints Commission in April 2014 with regards to the role and conduct of Christine Green. The IPCC decided a local investigation should be carried out - this was conducted by Operation Herne under the supervision of then Derbyshire Chief Constable Mick Creedon. An investigation was carried out within the frameworks available at that time and a file was submitted to the CPS in December 2015. In February 2016 the CPS advised there was insufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction.
:: The work of Operation Herne remains ongoing.
:: The Public Inquiry published the former officer's cover name on Tuesday, 20 February. A restriction order has been granted over her real name.

The same day the Undercover Policing Inquiry also named 'Christine Green' on their webpgage as the officer known under the cipher 'HN26'.<ref name="ucpi.covernames"/>

The above press release was unusual in that it broke with the Metropolitan Police's policy of not naming former undercovers who had not already self-identified, as part of their policy of '[[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]]' (NCND). Up until then, Christine's role in the Ringwood mink liberation was not public knowledge.

The press release also noted that the Ringwood release had been subject to a complaint and police investigation in 2014, but that the Crown Prosecution Service had said in 2016 that there was little prospect of conviction.

The Metropolitan press release was picked up by many media outlets with national newspapers and BBC radio carrying the story, including covering the issues that had been raised by the mink liberation back in 1998.<ref>Harley Tamplin, [http://metro.co.uk/2018/02/20/police-covered-undercover-officers-role-releasing-6000-mink-farm-7327833/ Police covered up undercover officer’s role in releasing 6,000 mink from farm], ''The Metro'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref><ref>Conrad Landin, [https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/police-admit-undercover-cop-broke-the-law-in-fur-farm-raid Police admit undercover cop broke the law in fur farm raid], ''Morning Star'', 21 February 2018 (accessed 21 February 2018).</ref><ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-hampshire-43133682 Ringwood mink fur farm raid sanctioned by police], ''BBC Online'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref>

Hampshire police also put out their own response:<ref>[https://www.hampshire.police.uk/news/general/statement-hampshire-constabulary-following-apology-metropolitan-police/ Statement from Hampshire Constabulary following apology from Metropolitan Police], Hampshire Constabulary, 20 February 2018 (accessed 21 February 2018).</ref>

:: Statement from Hampshire Constabulary following apology from the Metropolitan Police
:: Hampshire Constabulary has today received an apology from the Metropolitan Police following the release of the cover name of former Special Demonstration Squad officer ‘Christine Green’ as part of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, as well as an acknowledgement that we were unaware of any of these practices taking place in our force area.
:: I wanted to share with you the statement issued by our force lead in this area, Chief Superintendent Darren O’Callaghan regarding an incident that happened in the New Forest area in 1998.
:: ''“In August 1998, Hampshire Constabulary investigated an incident of criminal damage at Crow Hill Farm near Ringwood. During this incident, 6,000 mink were released into the New Forest and the Animal Liberation Front claimed responsibility. Following an investigation by Hampshire Constabulary, and based on the information available at the time, no individuals were identified as being responsible and no charges were brought.''
:: ''“In 2014, Hampshire Constabulary was made aware of the involvement of an undercover Metropolitan Police Special Demonstration Squad officer using now discredited tactics during the incident at Crow Hill Farm. On the basis of this information, we conducted a full review of our original investigation. However, due to the length of time that had passed, the lack of tangible evidence and no suspects being identified, in consultation with the Crown Prosecution Service, it was agreed that there was no realistic chance of prosecution. Prior to this disclosure, Hampshire Constabulary was unaware of the presence of the officer during this crime, or the tactics being employed by the Metropolitan Police.''
:: ''“Once this new information became known and in the interests of openness and transparency, Hampshire Constabulary sought permission to inform the affected parties in this case, however we were notified that the crime and the tactics used were subject to the Undercover Policing Inquiry and therefore bound by the confidentiality of this legal process.''
:: ''“We continue to fully co-operate with the Inquiry.”''

The Friday that week (23 February), Christine had released a statement to ''The Guardian''.<ref>Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/23/ex-police-spy-christine-green-berates-met-for-revealing-role-in-mink-release Ex-police spy berates Met for revealing her role in mink release], The Guardian, 23 February 2018 (accessed 23 February 2018).</ref> In this, she was highly critical of Metropolitan Police's senior officers, saying the should hang their heads in shame and that in revealing her participation in the Ringwood mink liberation their behaviour was 'scandalous', and that in releasing her name but not those officers who had authorised her to take part in the raid 'seems like doubled standards to me'.

:: That the current senior management team at the Metropolitan police has chosen to expose my role, knowing the vilification and furore that would follow in the ‘trial by media’ whilst being fully aware of my ill-health issues, is scandalous. It is the Metropolitan police, not I, who should be holding its head in shame.

The article also revealed that she had quit the Metropolitan Police in 2000, shortly after her deployment came to an end, and that she has had a 'great deal of therapy and counselling over the years' due to her time undercover, as her 'duplicity, whilst doing my job to the best of my ability, has had a long-term damaging effect on my physical and mental health'.

She also offered an apology:
:: In her statement, she offered her heartfelt apology to “those activists who I was closest to and who befriended me, opening their lives and homes to me”. She said she had “made some of the best friends anyone could ever want, people who without hesitation put their liberty and sometimes their life on the line for me. I am certain they know who they are.”

==Further reading and resources==

* Rob Evans and Severin Carrell, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/18/police-spy-christine-greening-long-term-relationship-activist-tom-frampton-after-quitting-covert-role Met police spy has long-term relationship with activist after quitting covert role],''The Guardian'', 18 February 2018.
* Undercover Research Group, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2018/02/18/christine-green-yet-another-spycop-animal-rights/ Christine Green: yet another #spycop in animal rights], 18 February 2018.
* Metropolitan Police, [http://news.met.police.uk/news/apology-to-hampshire-constabulary-re-actions-of-undercover-unit-295396 Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit], 20 February 2018.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/20/police-admit-officers-role-in-mass-release-of-mink-by-protesters Met admits police spy’s role in mass release of mink by protesters], The Guardian, 20 February 2018.
* [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-hampshire-43133682 Ringwood mink fur farm raid sanctioned by police], ''BBC Online'', 20 February 2018.
* Conrad Landin, [https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/police-admit-undercover-cop-broke-the-law-in-fur-farm-raid Police admit undercover cop broke the law in fur farm raid], ''Morning Star'', 21 February 2018.
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/23/ex-police-spy-christine-green-berates-met-for-revealing-role-in-mink-release Ex-police spy berates Met for revealing her role in mink release], The Guardian, 23 February 2018.

==Notes==
<references />