Difference between revisions of "N officers 1"

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{{Undercover_Police_Officer_sidebar|Name=Unknown|Alias=Christine Green|Series=undercover police officers|Image=Female_silhouette.png|Unit=Special Demonstration Squad|DatesDeployed=1994-1999|Targets=Animal Liberation Front, London Animal Action, hunt saboteurs}}
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{{UCPI_sidebar|Name=N Officers list|Description=A list of N & HN cyphers used to designate individual officers in the Inquiry and by Operation Herne (Part 1)}}
  
'''Christine Green''' is the cover name of an undercover police officer who served with the Metropolitan Police's [[Special Demonstration Squad]]. She infiltrated animal rights in south and west London from early 1995 to late 1999 / early 2000,<ref name="arspyc.whowere">[https://network23.org/arspycatcher/who-were-the-spies/ Who Were The Spies?], ''ARSpyCatcher (blog)'', 2017 (accessed 12 January 2018).</ref> where she had succeeded the previous undercover officer, ''[[Andy Coles|Andy "Van" Davey]]''. Christine was active in hunt sabbing, London Animal Action and national grassroots campaigns. She was arrested on least one occasion though charges were dropped. Her cover name was constructed rather than stolen from that of a dead child, being the first example of this being done by SDS undercovers.<ref name="herne.1">See: Mick Creedon, Operation Herne Report 1: Covert Identities, ''Metropolitan Police Service'', July 2013, where she is cited as N26 - see para. 5.4.</ref> She left the police after her deployment and started a long term relationship with an animal rights campaigner who had been active in one of the groups she had targeted, a relationship which appears to have continued to the present day (February 2018).
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Police officers cited in the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] (UCPI) are generally designated by a cypher / nominal starting with N or HN followed by a number. The practice of assigning these cyphers was begun in by the Metropolitan Police inquiry [[Operation Herne]] which investigated the activities of the [[Special Demonstration Squad]] undercovers. It was subsequently adopted by [[Mark Ellison]] for his [[Ellison Review|Review]] and the UCPI, both of which draw heavily on the material assembled by Operation Herne. The practice was also taken up by [[Operation Elter]], investigating the [[National Public Order Intelligence Unit]]. The system appears to have changed in 2017, when the 3 August 2017 rulings and direction of the new Inquiry Chair, [[John Mitting]], began using the 'HN' label, though the associated numbers appear to be unchanged.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-press-notice-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad], Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref>  
  
In October 2013, suspicions that Christine Green was an undercover were publicly circulated,<ref name="bookfair2013"/> only to be confirmed in late 2017, and publicly released by ''The Guardian''and the Undercover Research Group in February 2018:
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Due to the number of offices and associated details, the list has been split into several pages. This is page 1, covering N officers with cypher number up to 99.
 +
* For a general introduction into the cypher system, see [[N_officers| N Officers (main page)]].
 +
* For N officers with numbers 100-299, see [[N_officers_2|N officers part 2]].
 +
* For N officers with numbers >300, see [[N_officers_3|N officers part 3]].
  
Two days later, the Undercover Policing Inquiry confirmed Christine had been a SDS undercover police officer, noting she was the person they had been referred to by the cipher '[[N_officers_1|HN26]]', while the Metropolitan Police made an unusual and rare public apology to Hampshire Police over a 1998 raid by the Animal Liberation Front on a mink farm. In the apology it admitted Christine Green had been a police officer and despite the large investigation, Metropolitan Police Special Branch had withheld the crucial information. This in turn, caused Christine Green to come forward to ''The Guardian'' to make her own statement, highly critical of the Metropolitan Police's apology in the way it named her, among other things.
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* ''Updated 27 January 2018''
  
''Note from Undercover Research Group: this article is a work in progress. If any reader recalls 'Christine Green' [mailto:contact@undercoverresearch.net ''please get in touch'']. These events took place two decades ago, so all information is welcome even if to just corroborate what we know.''
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==N Officers (1 - 99)==
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{| class="wikitable" style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
! Cypher
 +
! Name
 +
! Status
 +
! Notes
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN1
 +
| Likely to be ''[[Matt Rayner (alias)]]''
 +
| Minded-To: real name cannot be published.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-SDS-anonymity-Minded-to-2.pdf In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note 2], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017)</ref>
 +
| Deployed against animal rights groups 1992-1997; cover name already in public domain and there 'are allegations about his conduct which require to be publicly ventilated to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. Publication of his real name is not necessary to permit this to be achieved. It would carry significant risks to his physical safety and well-being and the well-being of his family.' This would interfere with Article 8 Right and if the risk did materialise the result would be 'substantial'. Even if the risk didn't materialise, the 'interference would still be significant'. Mitting also said full reasons could not be set out openly and a closed note expanding on them would also be provided.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN2
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Full name and cover name to be published as no application for restriction order made.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/><ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171114-updated-explanatory-note.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded-To' Note (2) in respect for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017).</ref>
 +
It had previously been noted that the UCPI needed further details before making a decision and had been awaiting NH2 to appoint a legal representative.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/><ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-Minded-to.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref><br>
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| SDS UCO. Application from MPS over restriction on publishing real name only; officer not in position to confirm whether wider restriction is to be sought over the cover name, and open version of material relating to HN2 has yet to be agreed.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17"/><br>Mentioned in Herne 1 as a former SDS undercover and later a cover officer, now retired:<ref name="herne.1">Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-1---Covert-Identities.pdf Operation Herne Report 1: Covert Identities], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', July 2013.</ref>
 +
* 3.4: "According to N2 efforts would be made to research the existence of close family members. Names that were too unusual or too common would be discounted, as too would cases where the deceased had died in unusual or memorable circumstances. In preference, children were chosen that would have died between four (4) and eight (8) years of age and would be of broadly the same age as the UCO."
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* 4.4: "... he found himself in a situation where he had penetrated an organisation and was then asked by the group to help trace a mole among them."
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| HN3
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| ''unknown''
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|
 +
| Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/><ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-December-tranche-impact-led-and-HN353-minded-to-sanitised.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005. Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and Special Demonstration Squad - 'Minded To' Note 4], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 25 January 2018 (accessed 25 January 2018).</ref>
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| N5
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| [[John Dines]] (a.k.a. ''John Barker'')
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| Confirmed.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/161220-press-notice-JD.pdf No anonymity sought for N5], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 20 December 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>
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| SDS UCO
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| HN7
 +
| ''unknown''
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| Subject to final restriction order on real and cover name, made on 4 Sept 2017.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/>.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
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| SDS UCO. Deployed in the late 1980s and early 1990s to three groups. Unconnected with his undercover deployment he sustained a significant head injury while a police officer. This injury and an unrelated condition have caused significant mental and personal problems, subject to a report by Prof. George Fox - who concludes there is a 'significant' ('highly likely to occur') risk of suicide if HN7's real or cover name were published.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HN7Ruling.3Aug17">John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-ruling-N7-anonymity.pdf In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of HN7 Ruling (Ruling in respect of HN7)], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>
  
* ''See also [[Christine Green: policing and the UCPI]]''.
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A separate ruling without hearing granted HN7 anonymity, based on medical evidence.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/> "[Mitting] has therefore made a final determination based on medical evidence which cannot be properly disputed."<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17">David Barr &amp; Kate Wilkinson, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/20170803-counsels-explanatory-note-SDS-Minded-to.pdf Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref> Mitting in his ruling on anonymity states the risk to suicide is one he is not prepared to take, and even if that risk were not to materialise, notes "the mental distress which would be occasioned to him would amount to a significant interference in with his right to respect for his private life" under Article 8 human rights and "The need to arrive at that truth in relation to his deployment is unlikely to provide that justification. There is likely to be a good deal of other open evidence of similar and contemporaneous deployments from which conclusions can be drawn".<ref name="ucpi.mitting.HN7Ruling.3Aug17"/> See also [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN7-Open-application-for-restriction-order.pdf Open application for restriction order for HN7] and the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171004-NPNSCPs-submissions-re-SDS-Minded-to.pdf NPSCP's objection in response to the granting of the order]
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| N9
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| ''unknown''
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| 15 Jan 2018, granted further time to provide the Inquiry with information being sought in relation to their restriction order application.<ref name="ucpi.pr2.15Jan2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180115-Nov-minded-to-press-note.pdf Press notice - ‘Minded-to’ anonymity: Special Demonstration Squad Officers (HN13, HN296, HN304, HN339, HN340, HN354, HN356/124, HN61, HN819, HN109, HN9, HN66)], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 15 January 2018 (accessed 15 January 2018).</ref><ref name="mindedto3.mitting.15Jan18">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/200180115-Minded-To-Note-3-November-tranche-applications.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: 'Minded to' note 3], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 15 January 2018 (accessed 15 January 2018).</ref>
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| An SDS officer mentioned by [[N81]] in his interview: "N9 later told me that it was quite usual for SDS management to arrange meetings between operatives and outside persons at the management’s homes. This was because such persons would not be able to attend SDS safe houses." (Ellison, p. 232).<ref name="ellison">Mark Ellison, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review - Volume 1: Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case], ''Gov.UK'', March 2014.</ref>
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| N10
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| [[Bob Lambert]]
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| Confirmed.<ref name="N10-N14.notice.16Dec16">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/161020-press-notice-JB-and-BL-minded-to.pdf The Chairman’s ‘Minded to’ note on applications for restriction orders in respect of two former undercover police officers], ''Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk)'', 20 October 2016 (accessed 5 August 2017).</ref>
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| SDS UCO & manager. Role in meeting between [[Richard Walton]] and [[N81]] discussed in Herne II<ref name="herne.2">Mick Creedon, [http://www.derbyshire.police.uk/Documents/About-Us/Herne/Operation-Herne---Report-2---Allegations-of-Peter-Francis.pdf Operation Herne: Report 2 - Allegations of Peter Francis], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', March 2014.</ref> and the Ellison Review.<ref name="ellison.1">Mark Ellison, [https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/287031/stephen_lawrence_review_volume_1.pdf Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case], ''Stephen Lawrence Independent Review'', Vol. 1, Gov.UK, March 2014</ref><br>
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In March 2016 a restriction order application and supporting documents were filed on his behalf seeking some restriction on personal details being released by the Inquiry: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N10-Open-Application.pdf Open Application], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N10-Personal-Statement-gisted.pdf Personal Statement (open version)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N10-Draft-Order.pdf Draft Order]. In October 2016, Pitchford issued a '[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/161020-minded-to-note-N10.pdf Minded-To]' indicating he was willing to grant most of the order sought. Objections were to be received by 3 November 2016, but no final order is readily found on the Inquiry website.
  
==Cover identity==
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Core participant; represented by Slater & Gordon.
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| HN12
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| ''unknown''
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| Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): grant restriction over real name; no application to restrict their cover name submitted which will be published once pre-publication checks have been made.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180124-December-minded-to-press-note.pdf Press Notice: Decisions relating to anonymity applications: Special Demonstration Squad], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 25 January 2018 (accessed 25 January 2018).</ref><ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
Christine Green is a false name, constructed by an officer otherwise given the cipher N26 / HN26 for the purposes of [[Operation Herne]] and the [[Undercover Policing Inquiry]] (see the [[N officers]] page for full explanation of this cipher system).<ref>The identification of Christine Green as HN26 was first postulated by Paul Gravett at [https://network23.org/arspycatcher/2017/12/17/mitting-to-reveal-cover-names-of-one-or-possibly-two-animal-rights-spycops/ Mitting to reveal cover names of one or possibly two animal rights spycops], ''ARSpyCatcher (blog)'', 17 December 2017 (accessed 23 Jan 2018), and subsequently confirmed on 20 February by the Undercover Policing Inquiry.</ref>
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| SDS UCO 1982-85, when deployed into two left wing groups successively. During this time he was arrested, prosecuted and fined for a minor offence under his cover name. Had a 'fleeting sexual encounter with a female activist'. According to Mitting, his deployment was unremarkable and gave rise to no known allegation of misconduct.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
As N26, she is mentioned in the first Operation Herne report, where it cites the 1994 / 1995 Special Demonstration Squad annual review as saying that N26 was the first office to obtain a completely fictitious identity - as opposed to creating a cover legend based on an identity taken from a dead child, such practice being phased out, starting November 1994.<ref name="herne.1"/> Prior to being deployed she had been a Metropolitan Police Special Branch officer.<ref name="hn26.ra.Aug17">Graham Walker, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN26-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN26 - Open risk assessment], ''Metropolitan Police Service'', 24 July 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
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Currently in 60s and married. According to a January 2018 Minded To from Mitting, HN12 and his wife have serious health conditions; concerned that an intermittent condition he suffers from may be triggered or exacerbated if his real name is published, and is also concerned that such publication may have an impact on his wife. Mitting states that publication of real name is not necessary, and 'publication of his cover name, which will occur, will suffice to prompt evidence from those with whom he interacted, if they have any to give'. While publication of his real name would interfere with his Article 8(2) rights to private and family life.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| HN13
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| ''unknown''
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| 15 Jan 2018: 'Minded-to' grant restriction order over real name; no application in relation to cover name which will be published in due course.<ref name="ucpi.pr2.15Jan2018"/>
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| SDS UCO. Deceased. Infiltrated the Communist Party of England (Marxist-Leninist) from 1974 to 1978. Twice prosecuted for public order offences in his cover name and convicted once. No known allegation of misconduct.<ref name="mindedto3.mitting.15Jan18"/>
  
==Personal details==
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Survived by widow, now in early 70s. She claims her husband was assured of lifelong confidentiality and would not have become an undercover officer otherwise. She wishes that her husband's memory, she and her family should be left in peace, and that a restriction order granted in both real and cover name. Mitting however notes there is a 'sterile corridor' preventing HN13's real name being discovered from his cover name and even if it was breached the risk to the widow etc. is negligible. Thus is no good reason preventing publishing of the cover name which may may permit those he targeted to come forward. As some risk of interference in private life of widow if real name published, that shall be restricted.<ref name="mindedto3.mitting.15Jan18"/>
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|- style="vertical-align:top;"
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| N14
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| [[Jim Boyling]]
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| Confirmed.<ref name="N10-N14.notice.16Dec16"/>
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| SDS UCO. In March 2016 a restriction order application and supporting documents were filed on his behalf seeking some restriction on personal details being released by the Inquiry: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N14-Open-Application.pdf Open Application], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N14-Draft-Order.pdf Draft Order]. In October 2017, Pitchford issued a '[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/161020-minded-to-note-N14.pdf Minded-To] note indicating he would grant the order. Objections were to be received by 3 November 2016, but no final order is readily found on the Inquiry website. Mentioned in passing in Herne 1 (para. 2.1).<ref name="herne.1"/>
  
Christine was of slim build, just under average height (approx. 5' 4"), wore glasses and had long, dark hair. When she was undercover she was in her late twenties or early thirties, apparently born in the early 1960s, so a little older than many in the animal rights scene in London.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: interview with Paul Gravett, 19 January 2018.</ref>
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Core participant; represented by Slater & Gordon.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN15
 +
| ''unknown''
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| Mitting minded to refuse restriction orders over real & cover names. Closed hearing to be held to consider this.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/> Previously, it was noted that the UCPI needed more details before making a decision.<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/><ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/> On 20 December 2017, Mitting noted, that following closed hearings: 'The application for a restriction order in respect of HN15's real and cover names is refused. Reasons will be published in due course.'<ref name="mitting.directions.20Dec2017">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-Direction-for-HN15-HN58-HN104.pdf Directions following closed hearings for HN15, HN58 and HN104], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 20 December 2017 (accessed 3 February 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>  
 +
| SDS UCO. Mentioned by Lambert as an SDS UCO who 'would have involvement in Stephen Lawrence campaign issues' (Ellison page 214).<ref name="ellison.1"/><br>
 +
No application from MPS, but in March 2016 NH15's lawyer submitted an application to restrict real and cover names. The lawyers have since notified the Inquiry that a supplement to the application may be made on receipt of a final risk assessment from the MPS. The Inquiry has also received additional evidence, but is awaiting the further application before publishing anything.<ref name="counsel.note.3Aug17"/> March 2016 application documents: [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-Personal-Statement-gisted.pdf personal statement (gisted)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-Open-Application.pdf open application], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-Draft-Order.pdf draft order] and [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/N15-N16-N26-N58-N81-N123-Gisted-Risk-Asessments-1.pdf risk assessment (gisted)].
  
She often wore patchwork dungarees, tie-dye t-shirts combat boots, and was described by one person as coming across as quite contrived, and not quite the norm for animal rights at that time.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> Someone else recalled she dressed a bit smarter than the average activist, with a well-kept appearance.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> If she had an accent, it was very slight, if at all.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
+
In November 2017, Mitting noted:<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
:: I am minded to refuse to make a restriction order in respect of either real or cover name. A closed hearing is required to permit HN15 to make submissions in support of either or both applications. If I were to state the reasons for the decisions which I am minded to make openly and/or if HN15 were to make submissions openly it would so undermine the applications as to deprive them of purpose.
  
Her background story was that she had been married to a cop who had been a heavy drinker, and that she had been an alcoholic herself in the past, with the nickname 'Pisstine'. She gave this as the reason as to why she was mainly teetotal, though she did drink occasionally, and also why she had cut off people from her past. She was separated from her husband and they had no children; it was recalled she mentioned they had been apparently football fans together, either of Chelsea or Fulham. She did not mention her family other than to say she had a sister who she regularly went to visit. She also claimed that her parents had died when she was young and that she had been raised by an uncle in Cornwall. When mentioning her uncle had died (see below), she was not very emotional about it.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Others noted that nobody knew her family or life outside of activism.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/><ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/>
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The closed hearing in relation for this was held by the 20 December 2017; an Inquiry press release stated that Mitting had decided to refuse the application to restrict the release of both cover and real names of the officer and a ruling to this effect would be released in the New Year.<ref name="ucpi.pr.20Dec2017">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-HN-15-HN58-HN104-press-note-final-a.pdf Press Notice: Decisions relating to anonymity applications: Special Demonstration Squad - HN15, HN58 and HN104 "Carlo Neri"], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.</ref>
  
It was noted that she carried a shoulder bag (also described as a case<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>) with her at all times, that clearly carried something heavy; this became a bit of a joke as she would never leave it alone for a moment, even taking it with her when she went to the toilet,<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> and for some it drew a bit of suspicion towards her.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014">'ARSpycatcher', [https://www.burojansen.nl/observant/how-special-branch-spied-on-animal-rights-movement/ How Special Branch Spied on Animal Rights Movement], ''Buro Jansen &amp; Jansen'', 22 February 2014 (accessed 12 January 2018).</ref>  
+
Represented by Slater & Gordon.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| [[HN16]]
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| ''unknown''
 +
| Ruling: cover name to be released; real name to be restricted.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171205-anonymity-ruling-SD-Dec-2017.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017 (accessed 9 December 2017).</ref>
 +
| SDS UCO
  
Her interests included cryptic crosswords, painting, and Jackson Brown. She had no animals while she was living in London,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> though she did give the impression of caring for them.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> For some reason she avoided Sutton in south London.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> There is little recollection of her talking about politics in any form, including of other issues around at the time such as anti-capitalism or the Criminal Justice Bill.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
N16 is a core participant and represented by Slater & Gordon.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N17
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-to: neither real or cover name can be published.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO, targeting right wing groups.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/> Mentioned by Lambert as a contemporary of Peter Francis (early/mid 1990s) who infiltrated far right groups (Ellison, p. 214).<ref name="ellison.1"/>
  
===Residences===
+
Mitting stated in his Minded-To:<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
:: HN17 is no longer a serving police officer. HN17 was deployed against a number of groups in the last 15 years of the existence of the SDS. If the true identity were to be discovered by members of them HN17 would be at real risk of serious violence by them or their associates. Nothing in the nature of the deployment or of what is known of HN17’s conduct of it could justify running that risk.
 +
:: For reasons which can only be, and are, explained in the closed note accompanying these reasons, <strong>publication of the cover name would be likely eventually to lead to the discovery of the real name</strong> ''[emphasis added]''. That is not a risk which I am prepared to run. Even if Article 3 of the European Convention is not, on the facts, engaged, Article 8 is; and the interference with HN17’s right to respect for private and family life which would be occasioned by both the risk and occurrence of violence would not be justified under Article 8(2).
 +
:: Careful thought will, in the future, need to be given to the manner in which the evidence of HN17 will be received by the Inquiry.
  
She lived in a number of places in south London, initially in Crystal Palace before moving to Norbury / South Streatham.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with Robin Lane, 14 February 2017.</ref>
+
An application for restriction order over real and cover names had been made; supporting evidence supplied to Inquiry,<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/> but has not been published.
From there she then moved to an upstairs maisonette on Farm Avenue (Sunnyhill Road side), just off Streatham High Street. This house was described as 'minimalist' and more like a 'show home'. For instance, it had only one candle.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> One campaigner who stayed over at Farm Avenue several times, described it as a one bedroom, upstairs flat that was immaculate with nothing out of place; the only bit of personalisation was an arrangement of postcards she had been sent. He recalled it was joked at the time that she had nothing.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> In all cases it is recalled that she lived on her own.
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN19
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): grant restriction over real name; no application to restrict their cover name submitted which will be published once pre-publication checks have been made.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/>
 +
| SDS UCO, from 1981 to 1985 he was deployed into two left wing groups which no longer exist 'as such'. Was arrested and cautioned for unlawful bill posting during deployment. No known allegation of misconduct during his deployment, which appears otherwise unremarkable according to Mitting. Was newly married when deployed. In 60s and married.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
===Personality===
+
Mitting states in his Jan 2018 'Minded To', that publication of real name is not necessary, and publication of his cover name will suffice to prompt any whom he interacted with to come forward to give evidence about his deployment. Has no concerns for his physical safety, but 'is concerned to avoid the intrusion into his and his wife's private and family life which might result from publication of his real name. Thus, in Mitting's view publication of his real name would interfere with his Article 8(2) rights to private and family life.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
She was described as being helpful and willing to make herself available. As such, she was always in the thick of things.<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16"/> As with many other undercovers, she would use her vehicle to drive people a lot, including taking them to meetings or home after events.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> It was also noted that she did not exacerbate things when people were in conflict, but generally remained friends with both sides.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
+
<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
Frank, who knew her in south London and worked with her closely on a sanctuary, described Christine as someone who he would have classed as a great mate who never let him down and kept her promises; she came across as a dedicated activist. He felt she was sincere when it came to animals and recalled that she was not only vegan but the food she had at her flat not only avoided all animal products, but also other products considered unethical at the time, such as Nestlé.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'Frank', 25 January 2018.</ref>
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN20
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180111-directions-SDS-anonymity.pdf Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Directions], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 11 January 2018 (accessed 11 January 2018).</ref>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN21
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN23
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-To: Neither real or cover names can be released (Nov 2017).<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/> The Restriction order application is listed to be heard in open hearing on 5 February 2018.<ref name="ucpi.pr.15Jan2018">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180115-press-notice-Feb-hearing.pdf 15 January 2018 Press notice: Hearing on restriction orders in respect of HN23, HN40, HN241, HN322 and HN348], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 15 January 2018 (accessed 15 January 2018).</ref>
 +
| SDS UCO in 1990s.
  
As a person Christine appears to have been quite was sociable and would go the pub with people after meetings and protests.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15"/> She got close to leading activists in LAA and was part of various cliques within the scene,<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'Tanya', 31 Jan 2016.</ref> and attended at least two sets of weddings of London-based campaigners.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> Paul Gravett described her as:<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
According to Mitting (Nov 2017):<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
:: She could be a little short-tempered and aloof, but once you got to know her, she was friendly. She didn't totally blend into the background but was willing to give opinions, sometimes forcibly. She was definitely willing to speak up and had stuff to say.
+
:: HN23 was deployed against one group and reported on other groups in the 1990s. The nature of the deployment gave rise to risks to HN23's life and safety which, to an extent which cannot be precisely quantified, remain. They are more fully set out in the closed note which accompanies these reasons. Nothing short of anonymity in respect of real and cover name could obviate the risks. I would not be justified in running them. It is unavoidable that the evidence which HN23 can give will be given in a closed session.
  
However, several people noted that she came across as a bit strange and not always easy to get on with, partly because she could be secretive or moody, albeit she was generally nice at the same time.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/><ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/><ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> One activist who met her in Streatham said Christine came across as a 'lurker'.<ref>Undercover Research Group: email from 'Tony', 14 January 2018.</ref> The pattern appears that she kept aloof from people in general, unless she wanted to get particularly close to certain individuals or small groups. It was noted more than once that she focused on people intensely, latching onto a person, but also that she was ready to drop them abruptly to move on to others.  
+
An application for restriction order over real and cover names had been made; supporting evidence supplied to Inquiry,<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/> and published on '''4 January 2018''': [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN23-Restriction-Order.pdf Open application for restriction order] [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN23-Risk-Assessment.pdf Open risk assessment] and a heavily redacted [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN23-Impact-Statement.pdf Open impact statement].  
  
One prominent activist, 'Shirley', who had previously been targeted by the SDS undercover [[Andy Coles]], recalled how whenever she encountered Christine, the undercover focused on her:<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'Shirley', an animal rights activist, 15 January 2018.</ref>
+
The Risk Assessment reveals that N23 is not a core participant in the Inquiry, and that he has previously been the subject of a misconduct investigation, which concluded with no case to answer. He says he has not been in sexual relationships. 'There was always an assumption of anonymity, but never a formal guarantee or assurance.' The increased risk of the cover or real name confirmed is assessed to be 'critical ... resulting in a life threatening injury, and more likely death, and the only security measure left would be immediate extraction and re-location.'  
:: She was super-friendly, really smiley and made a lot of eye-contact. She made a point of being really keen and interested in me, despite the fact I wasn't encouraging it. She would question me about what sort of demonstrations and other protests I'd been on or was planning to go to. Her beeline for me every time we met became so obvious, that jokes were made about it.
 
  
Christine is known to have pointed a finger of suspicion once at a well-known activist, saying she didn't trust them,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> but this does not appear to have been something she did regularly.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
In their Impact Statement, N23 says he is not on any form of social media and has actively avoided being on it as a consequence of his role withing the SDS. He is also trying to prevent any photograph being put online leading back to his family and himself. He is worried the press will turn up, and worried what friends and family will think about the fact that he could not talk about the work he was doing:
 +
::I am worried that they will not understand the reasons for this and will see it as a betrayal which will affect both friendships and relationships with family. Had I believed that there was a risk of my identity becoming known, I would not have taken on the role.
  
As with many other undercovers, she was quite camera shy in general,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> and on protests she would cover her face with a placard if she thought she would appear in a shot.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
+
'''Material relating to HN23 for the hearing of 5 February 2018''' was submitted by the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180201-MPS-submissions-for-hearing-on-5-Feb-2018.pdf Metropolitan Police], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180118-GNM-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf The Guardian], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180119-Francis-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf Peter Francis] and the [NPSCPs https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180122-NPNSCPs-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf].
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N24
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Extension sought to be deal with in a future tranche.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS Management. [[N81]] stated to Op. Herne: 'I was informed, at the height of the Macpherson Inquiry, that my reporting was going straight to Sir Paul Condon’s desk each morning via N24, and N127 (SDS Sgt) passed on to me from N24 congratulations from the Commissioner for your excellent reporting...' (Ellison, p. 232).<ref name="ellison.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN25
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN26
 +
| ''[[Christine Green (alias)|Christine Green]]''
 +
| Ruling: restrict real name, release cover name (Dec 2017).<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17"/> Her cover name was confirmed 20 February 2018 following exposure by ''The Guardian'' and the ''Undercover Research Group''.<ref name="ucpi.covernames">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', updated 20 February 2018. See also their tweet of same day: [https://twitter.com/ucpinquiry/status/965919766924988416 Cover name confirmed: "Christine Green" - groups: Animal Liberation Front; London Animal Action, West London Hunt Saboteurs. 1994-1999], ''Twitter.com'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018)</ref>  
 +
| SDS UCO (1994-1999) into animal rights groups. For full details see under her [[Christine Green (alias)|profile]].
  
==Occupation and vehicle==
+
Core participant; represented by Slater & Gordon.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N27
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| SDS Undercover. Ellison cites Lambert's interview with Operation Herne as saying: "N27 (also deployed into a different left-wing group) and would have come across Peter Francis, certainly both were at Welling…" (Ellison, p. 214).<ref name="ellison.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN33
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Extent of restriction sought unclear; MPS to clarify.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
|
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN35
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/><ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN34
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Real name to be published.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS Management / back office staff. No restriction order application made.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N40
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-To: Neither real name or cover name to be published (Nov 2017).<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/> The Restriction order application is listed to be heard in open hearing on 5 February 2018.<ref name="ucpi.pr.15Jan2018"/>
 +
| SDS UCO. Mentioned in relation to how information from the SDS, particularly on the identities of protestors, was passed on to the rest of the police (Herne II, 13.4, 24.1.3).<ref name="herne.2"/>
  
Christine told a number of people that she was a courier delivering parcels, which was the reason she had a van<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> and mobile phone. Her employer was apparently based on the south side of the Thames, near the National Film Theatre.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> However, when offered courier work by friends, she was reluctant to take their business.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/>
+
In November 2017, Mitting stated:
 +
:: HN40 was deployed against two groups in the last decade of the existence of the SDS ''[1998-2008]''. If the true identity were to be discovered by members of them HN40 would be at real risk of serious violence by them or their associates. Nothing in the nature of the deployment or in what is known of HN40’s conduct of it could justify running that risk.
 +
:: For reasons which can only be, and are, explained in the closed note accompanying these reasons, publication of the cover name would be likely eventually to lead to the discovery of the real name. That is not a risk which I am prepared to run. Even if Article 3 of the European Convention is not, on the facts, engaged, Article 8 is; and the interference with HN40’s right to respect for private and family life which would be occasioned by both the risk and occurrence of violence would not be justified under Article 8(2). Careful thought will, in the future, need to be given to the manner in which the evidence of HN40 will be received by the Inquiry.
  
She had two vehicles during her deployment, the first a small white panel, (two-seater<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>) estate-car sized van, followed by a red one of similar size that was unmarked.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17">Undercover Research Group: phone call with a London hunt sab, 18 May 2017.</ref><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> One person recalled that it used to have lots of boxes in the back that smelled of curry.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> She would use it regularly for going to demonstrations and meetings.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/>
+
'''Documents published 4 January 2018:''' [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN40-Restriction-Order.pdf Open application for restriction order], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180103-HN40-Risk-Assessment.pdf Open risk assessment], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN40-Medical-Report.pdf Open medical evidence (gisted)], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN40-Impact-Statement-December-2015.pdf Open impact statement (Dec. 2015)] and [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN40-Impact-Statement-August-2017.pdf Open impact statement (Aug. 2017)], the latter two both heavily redacted.
  
She had no landline, but did have a mobile phone - then only just coming in as a thing people had - being one of the first people in the animal rights scene to have one.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> She was generally quick to answer it and would also use it while driving.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Her numbers are known to have been 0802 251 354, followed by 0966 144 331.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
The Risk Assessment reveals that HN40 is not a core participant in the Inquiry and that there is no evidence of misconduct.
 +
:: N40 was given assurances as regards anonymity, and was also given an assurance of a favourable posting after N40s deployment. To N40's mind, these assurances were absolute and made in the presence of a family member.
 +
::Members of the group(s) and/or their associates were involved in serious violent crime during the deployment.
 +
::The deployment included one occasion when N40 was prosecuted in cover name.
 +
::N40 gave examples of where images of N40 while deployed are likely to exist.
 +
In their Impact Statement, N40 gives a detailed account of what he was promised, how isolated the SDS deployment was from any other police work, and how the MPS let him down afterwards. N40 is diagnosed with PTSD and says his health has deteriorated significantly between the two Impact Statements (Dec 2015 and Aug 2017).
  
Like many other police undercovers, she was a very good driver. She would drive hunt sabs' vehicles when on those protests, but when at other demonstrations she preferred to take her own van, saying that she 'didn't want to rely on other people or to get stuck'.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> However, when LAA hired or borrowed a minibus to take people to a protest, she was one of the drivers they called on.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref>London Animal Action did not get its own minibus until late 1997. It is not recalled if she drove it, however. Source: interview with Paul Gravett, ''vide infra''.</ref>
+
'''Material relating to HN40 for the hearing of 5 February 2018''' was submitted by the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180201-MPS-submissions-for-hearing-on-5-Feb-2018.pdf Metropolitan Police], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180118-GNM-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf The Guardian], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180119-Francis-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf Peter Francis] and the [NPSCPs https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180122-NPNSCPs-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf].
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN41
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): restriction order over both real and cover names.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/>
 +
| SDS UCO deployed against two groups in the 1970s and 1980s, of which the principle target group no longer exists. No known allegation of misconduct, and according to Mitting 'given the nature of the deployment and the personal circumstances of HN41, it is very unlikely any plausible allegation of misconduct could be made'. In 60s and married.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
She claimed her boss was ringing her on her phone constantly. Later, after he supposedly had died of a brain tumour, she passed on carpet tiles to fellow activists, saying they had come from his office.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
+
Mitting also notes that there was a 'real, but unquantifiable risk to the personal safety of HN41 if the real or cover name were to be published', and it would 'be neither necessary or proportionate to run that risk.' HN41 was apparently also promised lifetime anonymity to which Mitting also states: 'HN41 was entitled to rely on that promise when undertaking the deployments referred to. In this case, it is a relevant factor.'<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
==Targets &amp; activities==
+
Mitting also added that open evidence from HN41 can be provided under his cypher, and protective measures used if they are required to give open oral evidence. Publication of real or cover name would interfere with the private life / physical integrity of HN41 so not justified under Article 8(2).<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
For the first part of her deployment she had a London focus,<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15">Undercover Research Group: interview with Brendan McNally, 16 October 2015.</ref> subsequently moving to interests further afield, particularly swapping her attention from fur campaigns to hunt sabbing (short for sabotaging) in 1997.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N43
 +
| [[Peter Francis]]
 +
| Confirmed.
 +
| SDS UCO, active 1993-1997 in Youth against Racism in Europe and Militant / Socialist Party.  
  
===London Animal Action===
+
Mentioned in Herne I (3.5, 3.6) though not by real name; his identity can be inferred as he was the only former undercover who provided a video interview to ''the Guardian''.<ref name="herne.1"/> Peter Francis confirmed this was his cypher in a tweet of 23 January 2018.<ref>Peter Francis, [https://twitter.com/realspycop/status/955788147090251776 I really do hope I actually was a #Spycops or all those years of counselling were a total waste of money! Wow just imagine if it turns out I wasn't!! My totally unwanted Police anonymity number was N43], ''Twitter.com'', 23 January 2018 (accessed 23 January 2018).</ref>
  
[[Image:LAA_General_Meeting_Agenda_(13Oct1998).jpg|thumb|200px|Agenda for the General Meeting of London Animal Action, 13 October 1998. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]
+
On 25 January 2018, the Inquiry revealed that Francis had used three cover identities, 'Peter Johnson', 'Peter Daley' and 'Peter Black'. This was the first public revealing of the alias 'Peter Johnson', a name taken from that of a dead child. The Inquiry noted that it ' has been in touch with Peter Johnson’s close relatives who have made it very clear that they want the media to respect their privacy and not to seek to contact them by any means'.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20180125-press-release-Francis.pdf Press notice: No restriction sought over cover identities of Peter Francis], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 25 January 2018 (accessed 28 January 2018).</ref>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N45
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-To: cover name can be published, but not real name (Nov 2017).<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO & Management. Currently in 70s they were deployed against groups in the 1970s, from which there is no known allegation of misconduct. Later had an administrative role in SDS in 1982-1983 which involved collation & internal distribution of intelligence reports, but 'not the tasking of undercover officers or target group selection.'<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
  
Christine appears to have turned up in late 1994<ref name="met.apology"/><ref name="ucpi.covernames"/>, at an anti-fur picket against Noble Furs, at 3 Burlington Place, just off Regent Street in central London. She said she was passing by when she saw the protest, and it having sparked her interest in the issue joined in.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> This campaign was active October 1994 and January 1995 (see below) so allows the start of her deployment to be placed between October-December 1994,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> most likely being in November (see note above on use of cover identity).
+
Mitting noted (Nov 2017):<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
:: Only immediate family members are aware of HN45’s deployment. They are concerned about the damage to HN45’s reputation which might result from association in the real name with other now notorious undercover officers and from lies which might be told by others about HN45. HN45 undertook the role of an undercover officer in the expectation that identity would not be revealed. In respect of real identity, this expectation should be fulfilled unless it is in the public interest that it should be set aside – for example, if it were necessary to do so to permit an accusation of misconduct to be determined. It is not. Further, reputation is an aspect of HN45’s private life to which respect must be shown. Interference with it is not necessary to fulfil the terms of reference of the Inquiry.
 +
:: The same considerations do not apply to the cover name. I accept, as claimed, that HN45 understood that the cover name would not be revealed publicly. I also accept, as contended, that it is unlikely that any member of any of the groups encountered by this officer, will be able to give evidence about the deployment because of the elapse of time and the death of the principal target. I cannot, however, exclude the possibility that disclosure of the cover name may prompt such evidence and that it may be necessary to receive it to fulfil the terms of reference of the Inquiry. I am satisfied on the basis of the risk assessment dated 10 July 2017 that the risk that disclosure of the cover name would lead to the identification of HN45 by real name is nil or negligible. In those circumstances, the balance of factors requires that the cover name is published.
  
At this point the undercover [[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]] was still deployed into animal rights groups in north London. Early on, Christine focused on people he knew, going out for meals with prominent activists in the group.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
Closed reasons were also provided. On 4 January 2018 [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/20171221-HN45-Restriction-Order-CL.pdf Open application for restriction order] was released, but not Impact statement or Risk Assessment.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN48
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N52
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| SDS sergeant, who in 1998 received the memo from Bob Lambert on the meeting between Richard Walton and N81 (Ellison Review, p. 229).<ref name="ellison.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N53
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/>
 +
| SDS Management. Authored a series of internal memos in 2002 in relation to a joint operation with the National Criminal Intelligence Service known as Op. Wisdom - in relation to the use of the 'Jackal run' process of using a deceased person's identity to obtain passports. "N53 explained that he believed that between 1968 and 2002 there had been one hundred and two (102) SDS officers who had been provided with covert identities. N53’s documentation stated that the majority of these UCO’s would have used a deceased child’s identity." (Herne I, 5.4 & 6.2).<ref name="herne.1"/> Mentioned as an ex-SDS Detective Inspector in relation to material being passed onto other units: Another ex-Detective Inspector, N53, told Herne: "The SDS retained nothing that would betray its identity" (Ellison, p. 201).<ref name="ellison.1"/> Briefly mentioned in relation to computerisation of SDS / Special Branch records circa 1998 (Herne II, 13.1).<ref name="herne.2"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN56
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Extent of restriction sought unknown; MPS to clarify.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
|
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| [[HN58]]
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Fluid situation. Currently Mitting minded-to restrict both real and cover names.<ref name="ucpi.pr.20Dec2017"/>  
  
From then on she became active in the city-wide group, London Animal Action (LAA), an umbrella organisation for many of the animal rights-related campaigns in the city, and which helped provide transport for protests further afield. Christine attended many of the different types of protests organised through LAA,<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15">Undercover Research Group: interview with Brendan McNally, 16 October 2015.</ref> particularly those relating to fur.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> However, on demonstrations she tended to stay on the periphery of things, and it is believed she was not arrested on LAA related protests.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
+
Initially Mitting minded to restrict both cover and real name (Aug 2017).<ref name="ucpi.pr.3Aug17"/> This position changed to considering publishing both cover and real name by separating the two; further submissions invited (Oct 2017).<ref name="upci.pr.23Oct2017">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/20171023-press-release-SDS-anonymity-and-ROA-1974.pdf Supplementary ‘Minded to’ note on anonymity, updated and additional hearing dates, directions to the Metropolitan Police Service], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', 23 October 2017 (accessed 23 October 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).</ref> This changed again in November 2017, with the then minded-to suggesting publishing real name but not cover name - with further submissions invited and possibly a short closed hearing to take place.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>. Following the hearing of 21st November, Mitting said a closed hearing would take place before he made a ruling.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17"/> This hearing took place by 20 December 2017, after which Mitting stated he was 'minded-to' restrict both the real and cover name of HN58.<ref name="ucpi.pr.20Dec2017"/><ref name="mitting.directions.20Dec2017"/>
 +
| SDS UCO &amp; manager - was DCI in charge of unit 1997-2001 (considered a managerial position). Now aged over 60.<ref name="ucpi.HN58.20Dec2017">Sir John Mitting, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171220-HN-58-Minded-To-Note.pdf On the application of HN58 for a restriction order in respect of real and cover name], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.</ref><ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/> Further details of their applications, etc. may be found on the [[HN58]] page.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN59
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|  Real name to be given 'when evidence relating to them is published before hearings'.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/>
 +
| Back office staff. No application to restrict real name was made.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN60
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/><ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN61
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-To: real name to be published (15 Jan 2018)<ref name="ucpi.pr2.15Jan2018"/>
 +
| SDS back office staff / manager only.<ref name="ucpi.pr2.15Jan2018"/> No application for a restriction order was made.<ref name="mindedto3.mitting.15Jan18"/>
 +
|
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN64
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-To: restrict both cover & real names (Nov 2017)<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO in the 1990s where they were deployed against one group and reported on others.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
  
Several campaigners described her as being involved in everything to do with London Animal Action,<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> steadily becoming prominent in it<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> - right up until her exit in late 1999.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15">Undercover Research Group: email from 'Damien Clark', 23 November 2015.</ref> This included attending pretty much all public meetings, then being held at the 1A Community Centre on Rosebury Avenue, EC1, and also the more private planning ones, making herself useful by taking on administrative tasks<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
Mitting noted in Nov 2017:<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
The deployment posed risks to HN64’s life and safety which, to an extent which cannot be precisely quantified, remain. The risks are explained in the closed note which accompanies these reasons. Nothing short of anonymity in respect of both real and cover names could obviate those risks. I would not be justified in running them. It is unavoidable that the evidence of HN64 will be given in closed session.
  
She became trusted enough to be provided a key to its office space at 5 Caledonian Road,<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> home to Housmans bookshop and PeaceNews - following in the footsteps of undercover Matt Rayner in this.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> As part of helping with administration, she was one of those who handled LAA's post, which needed to be picked up from its private BM mail box.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Minutes of the London Animal Actions' planning meeting of 5 May 1997 note that Christine Green agreed to be a signatory for LAA's bank account, replacing Matt Rayner who had been treasurer of the group until he went abroad. As such she played an increasing role in the group's finances, likely being the ''de facto'' treasurer by the end of her time with them.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/><ref name="pg.e.Jan2018">Undercover Research Group: emails from Paul Gravett, January 2018.</ref>
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN66
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| 15 Jan 2018, granted more time to provide the Inquiry with information in relation to their restriction order application.<ref name="ucpi.pr2.15Jan2018"/> Full application delayed so minded to decision cannot yet be reached.<ref name="mindedto3.mitting.15Jan18"/>
 +
|
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N67
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| SDS UCO (1981-1984). Used dead child identity; said at time of deployment there was no training manual but there was a 'best practice' reference folder (Herne I, 7.4 & 7.5).<ref name="herne.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN68
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Ruling (Dec 2017): real name cannot be published, cover name to be released.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO & managerial; deceased. Deployed against groups from 1968 to 1974. Managerial position in SDS 1982-84.<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
  
Christine was also one of those who helped edit the LAA newsletter, ''London Animal Rights News'' - a similar tactic to Andy Coles, who had edited its predecessor news-sheet for the London Animal Rights Coalition. Through this she had access to LAA's mailing lists.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> In late 1995 she suggested doing the mail-out for the London Animal Rights Newsletter from her house, picking them up in her van.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/><ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
Cover name to be published, however, Mitting states: "As in the case of the living officers cited it is unlikely that the publication of his real name would prompt the giving or production of evidence necessary to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. Evidence about the discharge of his managerial duties can be given by reference to his cypher. The identity of HN68 is known to those who can give such evidence. Publication of his real name would be likely to interfere with the right of his widow to respect for her private life under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (‘the European Convention’). It is unlikely that such interference would be justified under Article 8(2). The possibility that disclosure of his cover name might interfere with her right is nil or negligible. Closed reasons accompany this note."<ref name="ucpi.mitting.mindedto.3Aug17"/>
  
The minutes from the planning meeting of the 5th May 1997 also show the extent to which she had become a key and trusted campaigner in the group and the numerous aspects of its work she involved herself in.<ref name="laa.plng.mtg.5May97">Minutes of Planning Meeting Tuesday 5th May 1997, ''London Animal Action''.</ref> In addition to agreeing to be a bank signatory, she took on to reach out to the following groups:
+
The MPS have submitted an [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN68-Open-application-from-the-MPS.pdf application to restrict N68's real name], [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN68-Open-personal-statement-from-the-MPS.pdf a witness statement from his widow] and an [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN68-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf open risk assessment (Mark Veljovic)]. The above information on N68 comes from Mitting's 'Minded-To' note, and does not appear in the risk assessment.
* The McLibel campaign, supporting Helen Steel and Dave Morris being sued by McDonald's (a campaign also spied upon by Matt Rayner) - Christine and another prominent LAA campaigner volunteered to look into doing a joint march between LAA and McLibel. In the end, this never happened.
 
* The London Anti-Vivisection Action, a campaign within London Animal Action. Following a discussion at the meeting about so called 'home visits' to targets involved in vivisection and the heavy policing of recent events during World Day for Animals In Laboratories, 'Christine volunteered to contact Birnberg solicitors to try to ascertain more about the legal situation'.
 
* South London Animal Action. This campaigning group was being wound down, and its membership list and mail would be passed over to LAA. According to the minutes: 'Christine is meeting [the couple running SLAA] later this week to sort out how this will be done.'
 
  
Christine was present at a London Animal Action planning meeting in September 1999 meeting when it was agreed to write to a local north London campaign saying LAA no longer wanted to be associated with it due to incidents of racism among the protestors there. Christine was among those who said a stand should be taken against the racism. The next planning meeting, in October 1999 was attended by more people than usual because of the issue, Christine again present and being vocal against the racism.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
The restriction order application over HN68's real name was heard at the hearing of 21 November 2017,<ref name="ucpi.hearing.transcript.21Nov17">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/20171121-Anonymity-application-hearing-day-2-Draft-Transcript.pdf Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017], Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.</ref> and the [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/20171208-restriction-order-HN68.pdf restriction order] issued on 8 December 2017. In granting the order, Mitting followed the reasons set out in his minded-to note of 3 August 2017.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17"/>
  
===Anti-fur campaigns===
+
As he deceased, HN68 is not a core participant.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N69
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| SDS Chief Inspector (1986-1987). In his statement to Op. Herne stated '…new recruits were instructed on how to go about obtaining false birth certificates. They would obtain details of a deceased person of a similar age from Somerset House and then use those details to go about creating their legend.' (Herne I, 3.1)<ref name="herne.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN71
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): restriction order over both real and cover names.<ref name="ucpi.pr.25Jan18"/>
 +
| SDS UCO deployed against two groups in 1990s and 2000s.
  
London had been the focus of various anti-fur campaigns over the years. In the early 1990s, this had been led by the London Anti-Fur Campaign, one of the groups that had merged to form London Animal Action in late 1994. In response to fur making a return in fashion, LAA launched the Fur Free London Campaign in autumn 1994 as their flagship campaign, aiming to make London free of fur shops. The first of its targets was Noble Furs, where pickets took place from October 1994 to January 1995,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> at one of which Christine first made contact (see above).
+
Mitting states that if HN71's true identity was to be discovered then HN71 would be at 'real risk of serious violence by them or their associates. Nothing in the nature of the deployment or in what is known of HN71's conduct of it could justify running that risk.' There is some risk release of the cover name could lead to the real name. '[T]he intereference with HN71's right to respect for private and family life which would be occassioned by both the risk and occurance of violence would not be justified'.<ref name="mitting.mindedto4.25Jan2018"/>
  
[[Image:Philip_Hockley_Furs_campaign_update.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet on the Philip Hockley Furs campaign run by London Animal Rights. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN72 / N72
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Extension sought to deal with in a future tranche.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS. Provided evidence that N81's tasking to spy on the Lawrence family came from Commissioner Stevens (Ellison, p. 253; Herne II, 21.1.15 &amp; 21.2).<ref name="herne.2"/> Operation Herne told Ellison that N72 did not serve with SDS until after the Macpherson Inquiry so his account should be treated as hearsay; Stevens also denied this (Ellison, p. 253).<ref name="ellison.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N78
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Extent of restriction sought unclear; extension sought for MPS to supply application.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO. Joined Special Branch in 1986 and SDS in 1991. Deployed as an undercover into left-wing groups Summer 1991 to 1995, including some near the Lawrence campaign; had left the SDS by 1996 (Herne II, 12.2; Ellison, 6.4). Aware of Peter Francis' role; said he heard nothing indicating material to smear the Lawrences was being sought (Herne II, 21.1.14; Ellison, 6.3(p), 6.4). Considerable material from him covered in section 6.4 of the Ellison Review (Vol.1).<ref name="herne.2"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| [[N81|HN81 / N81]]
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Ruling: Real name cannot be published, cover name and group targeted will be done in time.<ref name=ucpi.ruling.5Dec17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO. Referred to extensively in the [[Ellison Review]] in relation to the targeting of the family of Stephen Lawrence.
  
A series of short, successful campaigns by Fur Free London then followed, resulting in the closure of Jindo Furs of Knightsbridge and Montana Furs ceasing to sell real fur. Other targets included Selfridges. In June 1995, the group started its long campaign against Philip Hockley at 20 Conduit Street, Mayfair, the most prestigious of the fur shops still open.<ref name="arkangel.20">[http://www.animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark20pt3.pdf Fur Wars... the Campaign Against Philip Hockley], ''Arkangel'', Issue 20, 1998.</ref>
+
On joining the SDS he received a home visit from two officers who affirmed he would have anonymity for the rest of their career. During his time undercover he would have twice-weekly meetings with his handlers, and following the end of his deployment he returned to Special Branch.<ref>David Reid, [https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HN81-Open-risk-assessment-from-the-MPS.pdf HN81 - Open Risk Assessment (redacted)], ''Metropolitan Police Service''28 June 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).</ref>
  
Christine is known to have attended many of these anti-fur related protests, particularly at the Philip Hockley shop<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> including one all-night vigil there.<ref name="rl.i.14Feb17"/> These protests happened every Saturday and occasionally also on weekdays; they were met with a regular police and private security presence, the police in particular seeking to move protest well away from the shop front. In July 1997, an injunction under the Protection from Harassment Act was taken out against the protestors, and multiple arrests for 'breach of the peace' took place during subsequent protests.<ref name="arkangel.20"/>
+
Details of N81's restriction order applications can be found at the [[N81_in_the_Undercover_Policing_Inquiry|N81 in the Undercover Policing Inquiry]] page.
  
Around this time, Christine moved away from doing anti-fur campaigning and switched to hunt sabbing, which was also mainly a weekend activity. By late 1997, she appears to have stopped doing fur protests altogether.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
+
N81 is a core participant and is represented by Slater & Gordon.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N85
 +
| [[Roger Pearce]]
 +
| Confirmed.<ref>[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/20170329-press-notice-Pearce.pdf No anonymity sought for Roger Pearce], Undercover  Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 29 March 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).</ref>
 +
| SDS UCO & manager. Head of Special Branch and Director of Intelligence for Metropolitan Police Service. See under profile for mentions of him in Herne I and the Ellison Review.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N86
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Extent of restriction sought unclear; extension sought for MPS to supply application.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS Head from 1993 to 1996, as Detective Chief Inspector; responsibilities included SDS recruitment & tasking. Author of a dcocument of 24 Sept 1993 referring to a 'new, violent anti-fascist group forming within Youth Against Racism'. Also authored the 1993/1994 SDS Annual Report which discussed left-wing campaigning around the death of Stephen Lawrence.<br>Left SDS for another post on 11 April 1996. On 21 April 1997 he took temporary control for six months of S Squad (the division which contained the SDS) due to illness of its Suptintendent.<br>Refused to provide a statement to Operation Herne. However, as he is central to the claims of Peter Francis regarding racism in the SDS and the tasking against the Lawrence family, N86 provided a statement for the Ellison Review in which he denied much of what Francis said. (Ellison 6.5 & 6.9(c)-(d); Herne II, 26.1.19)<ref name="ellison.1"/><ref name="herne.1"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN82
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN83
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| N88
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Minded-To (Nov 2017): cover name to be published (application to restrict refused), real name to be restricted.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS UCO. Deployed against community-based support groups in 1980s.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
  
====March 1996 Fur Day of Action====
+
Application to restrict both cover and real names made with accompanying risk assessement and personal impact statement (all unpublished).<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
  
[[Image:London_Animal_Rights_News_April_199621012018.jpg|thumb|200px|Front page of the April 1996 edition of London Animal Rights News covering the March 1996 'Fur Day of Action' by London Animal Action. Courtesy of Paul Gravett.]]
+
Mitting noted (Nov 2017): <ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 +
:: One of the issues which the Inquiry must explore is whether or not the deployment was justified and what, if anything, of legitimate interest to the police occurred during the deployment. It is unlikely, due in part to the passage of time, that HN88 will be able to give detailed evidence about the deployment. In that event, and in any event, the Inquiry will wish to obtain, if possible, evidence from those against whom HN88 was deployed. This task will be at least impeded if the cover name is not published.
 +
:: Publication of HN88’s real name is not necessary to permit this to occur. It would give rise to an interference with private and family life, including HN88’s economic activity which would not be justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention or fair to the officer. HN88 is concerned that if the cover name is published the real name might be identified. I am satisfied that the risk is so small as not to amount to a real risk and have therefore discounted it.
  
Christine was a key part of a small group which tracked Michael Hockley from his shop to his home address.<ref>Undercover Research Group: accounts from people present and involved in the March 1996 protest.</ref> This knowledge was made use of on 16 March 1996, when London Animal Action held a 'Day of Action Against the Fur Trade'. A hundred people from across the UK turned up for the protest, which focused on fur shops in London. A contemporary report in ''London Animal Rights News'' noted that Special Branch / Animal Rights National Index had apparently informed police on the day to expect around 60 protestors. There were various shops targeted, during which one arrest took place.<ref name="larn.12"/>
+
A closed note was also issued setting out further details.<ref name="mitting.mindedto2.14Nov17"/>
 
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
After the shops closed for the day, a large part of the protestors then made their way to Hockley's house in north west London. Interestingly the LARN report noted that police were waiting for protestors when they arrived at St. John's tube station, and:<ref name="larn.12">Fur trader resigns due to pressure from animal liberationists, ''London Animal Rights News'', April 1996, Issue 12.</ref>
+
| N89
:: Within five minutes several riot vans had arrived with blue lights flashing and sirens sounding. One copper stood in Hockley's front garden brandishing a small round riot shield. After ten minutes there were about a dozen riot vans, dog handlers, police range rovers and undercover officers to deal with the 75 or so protestors.
+
| ''unknown''
:: This mighty force of the TSG (Tactical Support Group) obviously wasn't enough to handle us, because they were shortly followed by a low-flying police helicopter hovering above his house.
+
|
 
+
| SDS UCO; infiltrated far right in 1990s and 'involved in public order situations where left and right attended'; contemporary of Peter Francis who would confide in N89.<ref name="ellison.1"/>
A line of police then pushed the protestors back from the house, and the group moved back to St. John's Station, reassembling to move on. There they were attacked by police, forcing them onto the tube trains. Six people were arrested during this protest and taken to Marylebone station, but all were later released without charge.<ref name="larn.12"/>
+
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 
+
| HN89
Another undercover officer, [[Matt Rayner]] was present at the protest at Hockley's house.<ref>Paul Gravett: email to Undercover Research Group, 5 February 2016.</ref> It is believed that Christine too was present at the house and also at a second 'Fur Day of Action' held in November 1996.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
+
| ''unknown''
 
+
| Minded-to (Nov 2017): real & cover name to be published.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
===Hunt Sabbing===
+
| SDS UCO. Deceased and no application made to restrict details.
 
 
[[Image:1990s HSA leaflet(front).jpg|thumb|200px|Front of a 1990s leaflet produced by the Hunt Saboteurs Association. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]
 
 
 
Being based in Streatham meant that Christine was geographically close to the Brixton hunt saboteur group, which had been targeted for infiltration by her predecessor [[Andy Coles]]. She tried to make a connection, including helping out with food at a benefit gig for the group.<ref name="tanya.i.31Jan16"/> However, she was not trusted enough to be welcomed into the group; as far as currently known, she never went out sabbing with the Brixton group.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/><ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
 
 
 
She then turned her attention to another prominent hunt sab group, the West London Hunt Sabs, which had previously been targeted by '[[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]]', and regularly have gone out with them, including when they joined up with other sab groups in the region such as Reading and Southampton.<ref name="m.p.4Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'M', a hunt saboteur, 14 February 2017.</ref> Christine went out with them regularly, both as a driver, but also actively taking part in the protests itself. She would be one of the protestors going into the field to actively prevent hunts from killing foxes using a variety of methods.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> Targets at the time would have hunts such as the Surrey Union.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
She was said to be confrontational when out hunt sabbing.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> During one protest against the Isle of Wight fox hunt in early March 1998 near Arreton, Christine was arrested along with eight other sabs for aggravated trespass (section 69, Criminal Justice Act). Charges against her were dropped, but pursued against the rest; their initial court appearance in March 1998 giving their details (other than hers) was reported in local press.<ref>Undercover Research Group: conversation with 'V', January 2018.</ref>
 
 
 
===South London Animal Action===
 
 
 
Christine was also involved in South London Animal Action (also known as South London Animal Aid), a Clapham based group.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> (When it wound down and merged into London Animal Action in 1997, Christine volunteered to pick up its material including mailing lists - see above.)
 
 
 
At the time, SLAA was active on a number of local campaigns such as against Battersea Zoo and fishing at Clapham Lake. The group also took part in national protests including those around live exports (including at Coventry, Brightlingsea and Shoreham) and Glaxo Wellcome in Stevenage; and attending protests against McDonald's and shark fin soup in London's Chinatown (as part of the Shark Protection League campaign).<ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark13pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 13, 1995.</ref><ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark14pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 14, 1995.</ref><ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark15pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 15, 1995.</ref> Furthermore, SLAA ran a vegan catering company, Green Marmoset, which provided food at events to raise money.<ref>[http://animalliberationfront.com/ALFront/Arkangel/Ark16pt1.pdf Local Group Reports], ''Arkangel'', No. 16, undated.</ref>
 
 
 
===Other activities===
 
 
 
Other known activities of Christine Green:
 
* Regularly drove people to the quarterly meetings of the Animal Rights Coalition, taking place in Coventry and elsewhere.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/>
 
* Often helped out at a well-known animal sanctuary in Kent.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'YJ', 23 Feb 2016.</ref><ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
 
* August 1999, took part in a protest at London Zoo held by London Animal Action.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> As protests were generally difficult due to local bye-laws and quickly moved on by the police, the protestors met up secretly elsewhere first. This time the protest, involving one person dressed up as a monkey in a cage, successfully went ahead and the police seemed content to let them carry on for as long as they wished.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
 
* Attended a meeting in Brighton in support of animal rights hunger striker Barry Horne.<ref name="bmcn.16Oct15"/> This was likely during the period of Horne's third hunger strike which lasted from 6 October to 13 December 1998.<ref name="mann.dusk"/>
 
* Participated in demonstrations outside circuses over the use of performing animals, possibly including Circus King when it visited east/north London.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
===Animal liberations===
 
 
 
Christine took part in animal rescues on several occasions. Once, following a demonstration at Hillgrove, a group of protestors stopped off at a notorious farm known for the cruelty towards animals. Christine had taken her van, and allowed it to be used to transport a number of hens taken from the farm. On another occasion, a horse being kept on a landfill site was rescued and transported in her van.<ref>Undercover Research Group: interview with James, January 2018.</ref>
 
 
 
She was also part of an Animal Liberation Front raid on the Crow Hill mink farm at Ringwood, Hampshire on 8 August 1998, in which up to 6,000 mink were released into the wild; the action was claimed in the name of the Animal Liberation Front.<ref name="met.apology">[http://news.met.police.uk/news/apology-to-hampshire-constabulary-re-actions-of-undercover-unit-295396 Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit], ''Metropolitan Police'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref> Though many were recaptured, a second raid a week later resulted in 1,000 being released once more.<ref>Guardian staff and agencies, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/1998/aug/17/animalwelfare.world 1,000 Mink freed in second raid], ''The Guardian'', 17 August 1998 (accessed Feb 2018)</ref> However, it is not known if the same group was involved. The raids recieved considerable mainstream media coverage at the time, and was subject to a large investigation by Hampshire Police, but nobody was arrested at the time.
 
 
 
Christine Green's involvement in the first raid of 8 August, was withheld by the Metropolitan Police from Hampshire Police at the time. In February 2018, following the public confirmation of Christine's role as an undercover, the Metropolitan Police publicly apologised to Hampshire police over this, and named her as a participant (see below).<ref name="met.apology"/>
 
 
 
==National protests==
 
 
 
Throughout her deployment Christine was active outside London, whether through hunt sabbing or taking part in the national campaigns then taking place - which regularly saw large-scale protests, often met with intensive policing operations. Much of her involvement was through London Animal Action, or South London Animal Action. 
 
 
 
===Live exports===
 
 
 
From 1994 to 1996, much of animal rights activism on a national level was dominated by protests against the live export of animals, particularly of calves being sent to Europe for veal. Following major ferry lines dropping the trade including at Dover, farmers switched a number smaller sites to transport the animals from. These included Coventry Airport, and the ports of Brightingsea in Essex and Shoreham in Sussex. These subsequently became the focus of major campaigns, with regular pickets attracting significant numbers of people. After the European Union banned the export of British cattle in March 1996, campaigning on the issue died down.<ref name="walls.2002">[http://www.socresonline.org.uk/7/1/walls.html 'The Campaign Against 'Live Exports' in the UK: Animal Protectionism, the Stigmatisation of Place and the Language of Moral Outrage'], ''Sociological Research Online'', Vol. 7, No. 1, 31 May 2002 (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref>
 
 
 
On at least one occasion, Christine drove London campaigners to the protest at Coventry Airport.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> These protests had begun in December 1994<ref>John Mullin &amp; James Erlichman, Airline to go on with live exports, ''The Guardian'', 23 December 1994 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref> and continued until the 4 May 1995. On 1 February 1995 protestor Jill Phipps was killed by a lorry at one of the demonstrations.<ref name="jp.org.uk">[https://web.archive.org/web/20070228122146/http://www.jillphipps.org.uk:80/history.htm JillPhipps.org.uk (memorial site)], 2007 (accessed via Archive.org).</ref>
 
 
 
Christine is known to have also attended the protests at Shoreham<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> and Brightlingsea,<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/> both of which saw very large protests throughout 1995. Those at Shoreham took place from October 1994 until live exports from there were abandoned in June 1995; while the Brightlingsea lasted from January to August 1995 when again they were victorious.<ref name="walls.2002"/><ref> See also [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Brightlingsea Battle of Brightlingsea], ''Wikipedia'', undated (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref> It was noted Brightingsea would have required her to go out of her way considerably, as it was not an easy place to get to from south-west London compared to other targets. She is thought to have been around for when campaigners there were actively snatched out of crowds by police.<ref name="s.p.15Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
===Vivisection breeders===
 
 
 
[[Image:Hillgrove_LAA_leaflet_WorldDay1998.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet produced by London Animal Action to advertise the 1998 World Day for Animals In Laboratories demonstration at Hillgrove Farm. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com]]
 
 
 
In 1996, the animal rights movement turned a significant part of its focus to anti-vivisection protests, targeting businesses breeding animals for experimentation in laboratories. A number of such campaigns were set up, particularly against Consort in Herefordshire - which bred beagles. On 19 April 1997, Christine drove protestors from London to a demonstration at Consort Beagles, held as part of the annual World Day for Laboratory Animals.<ref name="arspyc.whowere"/> Christine did not stay with the vehicle but joined the other protestors in the fields around the place.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> Despite a large police presence, the 500 protestors managed to breach fences and one pregnant beagle was briefly rescued.<ref name="mann.dusk">Keith Mann, From Dusk 'til Dawn: An insider's view of the growth of the Animal Liberation Movement. Puppy Pincher Press, 2007.</ref> 23 protestors were arrested following the clashes<ref>Roving Brief: 23 held in puppy demo, ''The Observer'', 20 April 1997 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref> - including two who had come in the vehicle driven by Christine.<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
After Consort closed in September 1997, campaigners turned their attention to Hillgrove Cats, the last remaining breeder of cats for vivisection in the UK, situated just outside Whitney in Oxfordshire. Boosted by a number of significant successes against breeders of animals for vivisection, Hillgrove Cats saw regular, large-scale protests, and a commensurately large police presence. The campaign lasted until August 1999, when the farm announced it was closing its breeding business.<ref>Hillgrove was within the Thames Valley Police area. It is notable that the Assistant Chief Constable for TVP at the time was [[Sara Thornton]], while heading up Oxford, also regularly targeted for Hillgrove related protests were [[Cressida Dick]] and [[Phil Gormley]]. Also commanding divisions at the time are [[John Donlon]] and [[Anton Setchell]].</ref>
 
 
 
[[Image:Hillgrove World Day 1998 leaflet.jpg|thumb|200px|Leaflet from Save The Hillgrove Cats campaign, advertising a demonstration on 17 March 1999 to mark World Day for Animals In Laboratories. Via https://larmstuff.tumblr.com/]]
 
 
 
The campaign which regularly held small-scale night time vigils was also notable for large monthly protests which saw considerable disturbances at the farm and in nearby Oxford city. These protest would attract sufficient interest that coaches were hired to transport people to them, some of which were driven by Christine's partner.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> Christine is known to have been present at both.<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
In particular, she was at the large protest of 18 April 1998, to commemorate World Day for Animals In Laboratories,<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> Considerable damage was done to the farm despite a large police operation which saw officers brought in from West Mercia and Gloucestershire police forces.<ref>Dave McGee, Assault and Cattery: thousands battle with police at breeding farm, ''Sunday Mirror'', 19 April 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> Five of those who were at the clashes of 18 April were arrested at a subsequent protest on 31 May 1998.<ref>Ten held at cat-farm demo, ''The Independent'', 1 June 1998 (accessed via Nexis).</ref> At that point, the police operation at the farm, led by Assist. Chief Constable Tim Davidson, had cost £&#189; million.<ref>Jamie Wilson, Clashes feared in cat farm protest, ''The Guardian'', 18 April 1998 (accessed via Nexis.com).</ref>
 
 
 
Christine may also have attended protest at Shamrock Farm,<ref name="Frank.p.25Jan2018"/> based at Small Dole, near Brighton and which imported primates for vivisection. It was the target of a successful campaign by Save the Shamrock Monkeys from 1998 to 2000.<ref name="mann.dusk"/><ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2000/mar/11/6 Monkey farm closes after demos], ''The Guardian'', 11 March 2000 (accessed 29 January 2018).</ref>
 
 
 
==Exit &amp; relationship==
 
 
 
A number of people have stated that around 1998, Christine began a relationship with a prominent sab and animal rights activist, Tom<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> though this has been questioned by others. In 1994, he had been sent to prison for several months for assaulting a hunt employee in Surrey, something he said was self-defense. He was active with Reading and West London hunt sabs, (the latter group targeted by Christine - see above). Christine is also recalled being seen with him at the 1998 World Day protest at Hillgrove, for which he had been a coach driver and at an LAA planning meetings in October 1999 (see above under the racism issue).<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
By this stage, Christine had been deployed into animal rights as an undercover for five years, and (in hindsight) the deployment was coming to an end. As with previous undercovers, she started mentioning that she was tired with activism<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/> and vanished from the animal rights scene in late 1999 with very little in the way of goodbye.<ref name="damien.p.23Nov15"/><ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/> The story she gave to some was her wealthy uncle in Cornwall had died and left her some money, which she was using for a six-month trip to Australia.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Both the Metropolitan Police and Undercover Policing Inquiry noted her formal deployment ended in 1999.<ref name="ucpi.covernames"/><ref name="met.apology"/>
 
 
 
After her supposed time away, Christine returned and contacted a few activist friends. Apparently in France, Tom traveled to see her there.<ref name="wlhsa.18May17"/> Though it is not clear when the actual relationship started, not long after 2000 they moved to Cornwall as a couple.<ref name="Guardian.Feb2018"/> There she took a job with a rape crisis centre, while Tom continued doing animal rights campaigning.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/><ref name="m.p.4Feb17">Undercover Research Group: interview with 'M', a hunt saboteur, 14 February 2017.</ref> Several people had chance encounters with the couple while they were living there. This included one in a Cornwall veggie cafe by someone who knew Tom from earlier animal rights campaigning, though not Christine. The campaigner recalled how Tom effectively blanked her greeting.<ref>Undercover Research Group: phone call with 'L', 21 January 2018.</ref>
 
 
 
In 2011, around the time the undercover policing scandal was breaking, the couple left Cornwall for rural Scotland, though their subsequent whereabouts are unknown.
 
 
 
==Suspicions and exposure==
 
 
 
There was some suspicion of Christine at the time of her deployment, with a few people thinking she was 'a bit funny'. Others animal rights activists in Streatham were also wary of her and it was noted that Christine tried to avoid them in turn.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Likewise, she struggled to get accepted by the Brixton Hunt sabs. She appears to be aware of some of the suspicion around her, having asked an activist if it was thought that she was an undercover cop.<ref name="yj.i.23Feb16"/> Others remember that she didn't quite fit in, but were not able to put a finger on why they felt that at the time.<ref name="pg.p.19Jan2018"/>
 
 
 
In 2013, Paul Gravett recognised that Christine fitted the pattern of several other SDS undercovers he had known - [[Bob Lambert]], ''[[Matt Rayner (alias)|Matt Rayner]]'' and [[Andy Coles]]. He began circulating his suspicions in October that year,<ref name="pg.e.Jan2018"/><ref name="bookfair2013">Reference to Christine Green and others was made by Paul Gravett in his talk at the October 2013 London Anarchist Bookfair, and in an email circulated by him a week beforehand, inviting people to attend. See [https://web.archive.org/web/20131204080638fw_/http://www.anarchistbookfair.org.uk/whatson.html 2013 Anarchist Bookfair Meetings], ''AnarchistBookfair.co.uk'', 2013 (accessed via Archive.org). Email of Paul Gravett enclosing original email of October 2013.</ref> and her cover name was subsequently published online in February 2014.<ref name="bjj.22Feb2014"/><ref name="arspyc.whowere"/>
 
 
 
Following the exposure of ''Andy "Van" Davey'' as an undercover in May 2017, attention turned to Christine. Concrete evidence was uncovered by both ''The Guardian'' and the Undercover Research Group, which confirmed she had been a serving police officer.<ref>Undercover Research Group: research conducted by various people, 2017.</ref> This was publicly revealed by ''The Guardian'' in February 2018.<ref name="Guardian.Feb2018">Rob Evans & Severin Carrell, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/18/police-spy-christine-greening-long-term-relationship-activist-tom-frampton-after-quitting-covert-role Met police spy has long-term relationship with activist after quitting covert role], ''The Guardian'', 18 February 2018 (accessed February 2018).</ref>
 
 
 
This was subsequently confirmed by the Undercover Policing Inquiry who added her to the list of confirmed cover names on its website on 20 February 2018.<ref name="ucpi.covernames">[https://www.ucpi.org.uk/cover-names/ Cover names], ''Undercover Policing Inquiry'', updated 20 February 2018. See also their tweet of same day: [https://twitter.com/ucpinquiry/status/965919766924988416 Cover name confirmed: "Christine Green" - groups: Animal Liberation Front; London Animal Action, West London Hunt Saboteurs. 1994-1999], ''Twitter.com'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018)</ref>. The following day, the Metropolitan Police, as part of their apology to Hampshire Police over the Ringwood mink farm raid, also confirmed Christine Green had been one of their SDS officers.<ref name="met.apology"/>
 
 
 
==Metropolitan Police apology==
 
 
 
On Tuesday, 20 February 2018, two days after ''The Guardian'' story broke, Metropolitan Police issued a public statement:<ref name="met.apology"/>
 
 
 
:: <strong>Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit</strong>
 
:: The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) has formally apologised to Hampshire Constabulary for an incident regarding the actions of the former undercover unit - the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS).
 
:: During the investigation into the SDS carried out by Operation Herne the MPS found information about the deployment of an undercover officer known as 'Christine Green'. Christine Green infiltrated the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and London Animal Action between 1994 and 1999.
 
:: It appears from the available evidence that Christine Green was authorised by her then line management, potentially up to the rank of Detective Chief Superintendent, to participate in a criminal act that took place on the night of 8 August 1998. This was when ALF activists released a large number of mink from a fur farm - Crow Hill Farm - in Ringwood, Hampshire.
 
:: A decision was made by the SDS not to share Christine Green's involvement or the knowledge the MPS had about the role of the ALF with Hampshire Constabulary, who carried out a criminal investigation at the time. In 2014, the MPS disclosed the former officer's role to Hampshire Constabulary. Neither the MPS nor Hampshire Constabulary could share this more widely at that time in view of the risk of identification of the former officer.
 
:: At this stage there is no evidence that the officer was involved in the second release of mink two weeks later. She resigned from the MPS in August 2000.
 
:: The MPS has informed the Public Inquiry into Undercover Policing of this matter. Following the Chairman Sir John Mitting's ruling regarding the release of the former officer's cover name, the MPS agreed that it was in the public interest that the role of the MPS in this incident be made public.
 
:: Assistant Commissioner Helen Ball, in charge of Professionalism in the MPS, said: ''"The MPS has apologised to Hampshire Constabulary for the impact these decisions had on their ability to bring those responsible to justice.''
 
:: ''"The precise circumstances of the decision to authorise an undercover officer to participate in this criminal act will be fully explored as part of the Public Inquiry process. I would like to be clear that the decision making surrounding this incident would simply not happen in today's Metropolitan Police Service.''
 
:: ''"It appears that the SDS allowed this incident to go ahead, as they saw it, in the interests of preventing more serious crime in the longer term. The scale of the release was unforeseen by the SDS at the time, but once the impact became clear they still did not inform Hampshire Constabulary of the officer's involvement.''
 
:: ''"It is not possible to say what direct impact the role of Christine Green's involvement had or if different policing decisions could have averted the damage.''
 
:: ''"I do understand that this decision making from 20 years ago will cause significant concern to the public, especially those people directly affected by the events in 1998. The MPS will be honest about our past and accept criticism where it is due.''
 
:: ''"Today, undercover policing is extensively supervised, including by the Investigatory Powers Commissioner and Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire and Rescue Services. We work within this framework to use undercover policing tactics appropriately for the benefit of the public. We have a continuing responsibility to reassure the public about the ethics and integrity of modern policing."'
 
:: A referral was made to the then Independent Police Complaints Commission in April 2014 with regards to the role and conduct of Christine Green. The IPCC decided a local investigation should be carried out - this was conducted by Operation Herne under the supervision of then Derbyshire Chief Constable Mick Creedon. An investigation was carried out within the frameworks available at that time and a file was submitted to the CPS in December 2015. In February 2016 the CPS advised there was insufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction.
 
:: The work of Operation Herne remains ongoing.
 
:: The Public Inquiry published the former officer's cover name on Tuesday, 20 February. A restriction order has been granted over her real name.
 
 
 
The same day the Undercover Policing Inquiry also named 'Christine Green' on their webpgage as the officer known under the cipher 'HN26'.<ref name="ucpi.covernames"/>
 
 
 
The above press release was unusual in that it broke with the Metropolitan Police's policy of not naming former undercovers who had not already self-identified, as part of their policy of '[[Neither Confirm Nor Deny]]' (NCND). Up until then, Christine's role in the Ringwood mink liberation was not public knowledge.
 
 
 
The press release also noted that the Ringwood release had been subject to a complaint and police investigation in 2014, but that the Crown Prosecution Service had said in 2016 that there was little prospect of conviction.
 
 
 
The Metropolitan press release was picked up by many media outlets with national newspapers and BBC radio carrying the story, including covering the issues that had been raised by the mink liberation back in 1998.<ref>Harley Tamplin, [http://metro.co.uk/2018/02/20/police-covered-undercover-officers-role-releasing-6000-mink-farm-7327833/ Police covered up undercover officer’s role in releasing 6,000 mink from farm], ''The Metro'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref><ref>Conrad Landin, [https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/police-admit-undercover-cop-broke-the-law-in-fur-farm-raid Police admit undercover cop broke the law in fur farm raid], ''Morning Star'', 21 February 2018 (accessed 21 February 2018).</ref><ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-hampshire-43133682 Ringwood mink fur farm raid sanctioned by police], ''BBC Online'', 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018).</ref>
 
 
 
Hampshire police also put out their own response:<ref>[https://www.hampshire.police.uk/news/general/statement-hampshire-constabulary-following-apology-metropolitan-police/ Statement from Hampshire Constabulary following apology from Metropolitan Police], Hampshire Constabulary, 20 February 2018 (accessed 21 February 2018).</ref>
 
 
 
:: <strong>Statement from Hampshire Constabulary following apology from the Metropolitan Police</strong>
 
:: Hampshire Constabulary has today received an apology from the Metropolitan Police following the release of the cover name of former Special Demonstration Squad officer ‘Christine Green’ as part of the Undercover Policing Inquiry, as well as an acknowledgement that we were unaware of any of these practices taking place in our force area.
 
:: I wanted to share with you the statement issued by our force lead in this area, Chief Superintendent Darren O’Callaghan regarding an incident that happened in the New Forest area in 1998.
 
:: ''“In August 1998, Hampshire Constabulary investigated an incident of criminal damage at Crow Hill Farm near Ringwood. During this incident, 6,000 mink were released into the New Forest and the Animal Liberation Front claimed responsibility. Following an investigation by Hampshire Constabulary, and based on the information available at the time, no individuals were identified as being responsible and no charges were brought.''
 
:: ''“In 2014, Hampshire Constabulary was made aware of the involvement of an undercover Metropolitan Police Special Demonstration Squad officer using now discredited tactics during the incident at Crow Hill Farm. On the basis of this information, we conducted a full review of our original investigation. However, due to the length of time that had passed, the lack of tangible evidence and no suspects being identified, in consultation with the Crown Prosecution Service, it was agreed that there was no realistic chance of prosecution. Prior to this disclosure, Hampshire Constabulary was unaware of the presence of the officer during this crime, or the tactics being employed by the Metropolitan Police.''
 
:: ''“Once this new information became known and in the interests of openness and transparency, Hampshire Constabulary sought permission to inform the affected parties in this case, however we were notified that the crime and the tactics used were subject to the Undercover Policing Inquiry and therefore bound by the confidentiality of this legal process.''
 
:: ''“We continue to fully co-operate with the Inquiry.”''
 
 
 
The Friday that week (23 February), Christine had released a statement to ''The Guardian''.<ref>Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/23/ex-police-spy-christine-green-berates-met-for-revealing-role-in-mink-release Ex-police spy berates Met for revealing her role in mink release], <em>The Guardian</em>, 23 February 2018 (accessed 23 February 2018).</ref> In this, she was highly critical of Metropolitan Police's senior officers, saying the should hang their heads in shame and that in revealing her participation in the Ringwood mink liberation their behaviour was 'scandalous', and that in releasing her name but not those officers who had authorised her to take part in the raid 'seems like doubled standards to me'.
 
 
 
:: That the current senior management team at the Metropolitan police has chosen to expose my role, knowing the vilification and furore that would follow in the ‘trial by media’ whilst being fully aware of my ill-health issues, is scandalous. It is the Metropolitan police, not I, who should be holding its head in shame.
 
 
 
The article also revealed that she had quit the Metropolitan Police in 2000, shortly after her deployment came to an end, and that she has had a 'great deal of therapy and counselling over the years' due to her time undercover, as her 'duplicity, whilst doing my job to the best of my ability, has had a long-term damaging effect on my physical and mental health'.
 
 
 
She also offered an apology:
 
:: In her statement, she offered her heartfelt apology to “those activists who I was closest to and who befriended me, opening their lives and homes to me”. She said she had “made some of the best friends anyone could ever want, people who without hesitation put their liberty and sometimes their life on the line for me. I am certain they know who they are.”
 
 
 
==Further reading and resources==
 
 
 
* Rob Evans and Severin Carrell, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/18/police-spy-christine-greening-long-term-relationship-activist-tom-frampton-after-quitting-covert-role Met police spy has long-term relationship with activist after quitting covert role],''The Guardian'', 18 February 2018.
 
* Undercover Research Group, [http://undercoverresearch.net/2018/02/18/christine-green-yet-another-spycop-animal-rights/ Christine Green: yet another #spycop in animal rights], 18 February 2018.
 
* Metropolitan Police, [http://news.met.police.uk/news/apology-to-hampshire-constabulary-re-actions-of-undercover-unit-295396  Apology to Hampshire Constabulary re actions of undercover unit], 20 February 2018.
 
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/20/police-admit-officers-role-in-mass-release-of-mink-by-protesters Met admits police spy’s role in mass release of mink by protesters], <em>The Guardian</em>, 20 February 2018.
 
* [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-hampshire-43133682 Ringwood mink fur farm raid sanctioned by police], ''BBC Online'', 20 February 2018.
 
* Conrad Landin, [https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/police-admit-undercover-cop-broke-the-law-in-fur-farm-raid Police admit undercover cop broke the law in fur farm raid], ''Morning Star'', 21 February 2018.
 
* Rob Evans, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/feb/23/ex-police-spy-christine-green-berates-met-for-revealing-role-in-mink-release Ex-police spy berates Met for revealing her role in mink release], <em>The Guardian</em>, 23 February 2018.
 
  
 +
''Note from URG:'' Not clear if this is the same person as N89, mentioned in Ellison.
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN95
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN96
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
|
 +
| 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.<ref name="ucpi.directions.11Jan2018"/>
 +
|- style="vertical-align:top;"
 +
| HN99
 +
| ''unknown''
 +
| Real name to be published<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
| SDS Management / back office. No application for restriction made.<ref name="explan.note.cti.14Nov17"/>
 +
|}
  
 
==Notes==
 
==Notes==
 
<references />
 
<references />
 +
 +
[[Category: UndercoverResearch]], [[Category: Undercover Policing Inquiry]]

Revision as of 11:53, 3 March 2018


URG logo 1.png

This article is part of the Undercover Research Portal at Powerbase: investigating corporate and police spying on activists.


Part of a series on the
Undercover
Policing Inquiry
N Officers list
Description: A list of N & HN cyphers used to designate individual officers in the Inquiry and by Operation Herne (Part 1)

Police officers cited in the Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) are generally designated by a cypher / nominal starting with N or HN followed by a number. The practice of assigning these cyphers was begun in by the Metropolitan Police inquiry Operation Herne which investigated the activities of the Special Demonstration Squad undercovers. It was subsequently adopted by Mark Ellison for his Review and the UCPI, both of which draw heavily on the material assembled by Operation Herne. The practice was also taken up by Operation Elter, investigating the National Public Order Intelligence Unit. The system appears to have changed in 2017, when the 3 August 2017 rulings and direction of the new Inquiry Chair, John Mitting, began using the 'HN' label, though the associated numbers appear to be unchanged.[1]

Due to the number of offices and associated details, the list has been split into several pages. This is page 1, covering N officers with cypher number up to 99.

  • Updated 27 January 2018

N Officers (1 - 99)

Cypher Name Status Notes
HN1 Likely to be Matt Rayner (alias) Minded-To: real name cannot be published.[2] Deployed against animal rights groups 1992-1997; cover name already in public domain and there 'are allegations about his conduct which require to be publicly ventilated to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. Publication of his real name is not necessary to permit this to be achieved. It would carry significant risks to his physical safety and well-being and the well-being of his family.' This would interfere with Article 8 Right and if the risk did materialise the result would be 'substantial'. Even if the risk didn't materialise, the 'interference would still be significant'. Mitting also said full reasons could not be set out openly and a closed note expanding on them would also be provided.[2]
HN2 unknown Full name and cover name to be published as no application for restriction order made.[2][3]

It had previously been noted that the UCPI needed further details before making a decision and had been awaiting NH2 to appoint a legal representative.[1][4]

SDS UCO. Application from MPS over restriction on publishing real name only; officer not in position to confirm whether wider restriction is to be sought over the cover name, and open version of material relating to HN2 has yet to be agreed.[5]
Mentioned in Herne 1 as a former SDS undercover and later a cover officer, now retired:[6]
  • 3.4: "According to N2 efforts would be made to research the existence of close family members. Names that were too unusual or too common would be discounted, as too would cases where the deceased had died in unusual or memorable circumstances. In preference, children were chosen that would have died between four (4) and eight (8) years of age and would be of broadly the same age as the UCO."
  • 4.4: "... he found himself in a situation where he had penetrated an organisation and was then asked by the group to help trace a mole among them."
HN3 unknown Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.[7][8]
N5 John Dines (a.k.a. John Barker) Confirmed.[9] SDS UCO
HN7 unknown Subject to final restriction order on real and cover name, made on 4 Sept 2017.[1].[3] SDS UCO. Deployed in the late 1980s and early 1990s to three groups. Unconnected with his undercover deployment he sustained a significant head injury while a police officer. This injury and an unrelated condition have caused significant mental and personal problems, subject to a report by Prof. George Fox - who concludes there is a 'significant' ('highly likely to occur') risk of suicide if HN7's real or cover name were published.[10]

A separate ruling without hearing granted HN7 anonymity, based on medical evidence.[1] "[Mitting] has therefore made a final determination based on medical evidence which cannot be properly disputed."[5] Mitting in his ruling on anonymity states the risk to suicide is one he is not prepared to take, and even if that risk were not to materialise, notes "the mental distress which would be occasioned to him would amount to a significant interference in with his right to respect for his private life" under Article 8 human rights and "The need to arrive at that truth in relation to his deployment is unlikely to provide that justification. There is likely to be a good deal of other open evidence of similar and contemporaneous deployments from which conclusions can be drawn".[10] See also Open application for restriction order for HN7 and the NPSCP's objection in response to the granting of the order

N9 unknown 15 Jan 2018, granted further time to provide the Inquiry with information being sought in relation to their restriction order application.[11][12] An SDS officer mentioned by N81 in his interview: "N9 later told me that it was quite usual for SDS management to arrange meetings between operatives and outside persons at the management’s homes. This was because such persons would not be able to attend SDS safe houses." (Ellison, p. 232).[13]
N10 Bob Lambert Confirmed.[14] SDS UCO & manager. Role in meeting between Richard Walton and N81 discussed in Herne II[15] and the Ellison Review.[16]

In March 2016 a restriction order application and supporting documents were filed on his behalf seeking some restriction on personal details being released by the Inquiry: Open Application, Personal Statement (open version), Draft Order. In October 2016, Pitchford issued a 'Minded-To' indicating he was willing to grant most of the order sought. Objections were to be received by 3 November 2016, but no final order is readily found on the Inquiry website.

Core participant; represented by Slater & Gordon.

HN12 unknown Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): grant restriction over real name; no application to restrict their cover name submitted which will be published once pre-publication checks have been made.[7][8] SDS UCO 1982-85, when deployed into two left wing groups successively. During this time he was arrested, prosecuted and fined for a minor offence under his cover name. Had a 'fleeting sexual encounter with a female activist'. According to Mitting, his deployment was unremarkable and gave rise to no known allegation of misconduct.[8]

Currently in 60s and married. According to a January 2018 Minded To from Mitting, HN12 and his wife have serious health conditions; concerned that an intermittent condition he suffers from may be triggered or exacerbated if his real name is published, and is also concerned that such publication may have an impact on his wife. Mitting states that publication of real name is not necessary, and 'publication of his cover name, which will occur, will suffice to prompt evidence from those with whom he interacted, if they have any to give'. While publication of his real name would interfere with his Article 8(2) rights to private and family life.[8]

HN13 unknown 15 Jan 2018: 'Minded-to' grant restriction order over real name; no application in relation to cover name which will be published in due course.[11] SDS UCO. Deceased. Infiltrated the Communist Party of England (Marxist-Leninist) from 1974 to 1978. Twice prosecuted for public order offences in his cover name and convicted once. No known allegation of misconduct.[12]

Survived by widow, now in early 70s. She claims her husband was assured of lifelong confidentiality and would not have become an undercover officer otherwise. She wishes that her husband's memory, she and her family should be left in peace, and that a restriction order granted in both real and cover name. Mitting however notes there is a 'sterile corridor' preventing HN13's real name being discovered from his cover name and even if it was breached the risk to the widow etc. is negligible. Thus is no good reason preventing publishing of the cover name which may may permit those he targeted to come forward. As some risk of interference in private life of widow if real name published, that shall be restricted.[12]

N14 Jim Boyling Confirmed.[14] SDS UCO. In March 2016 a restriction order application and supporting documents were filed on his behalf seeking some restriction on personal details being released by the Inquiry: Open Application, Draft Order. In October 2017, Pitchford issued a 'Minded-To note indicating he would grant the order. Objections were to be received by 3 November 2016, but no final order is readily found on the Inquiry website. Mentioned in passing in Herne 1 (para. 2.1).[6]

Core participant; represented by Slater & Gordon.

HN15 unknown Mitting minded to refuse restriction orders over real & cover names. Closed hearing to be held to consider this.[2] Previously, it was noted that the UCPI needed more details before making a decision.[1][4] On 20 December 2017, Mitting noted, that following closed hearings: 'The application for a restriction order in respect of HN15's real and cover names is refused. Reasons will be published in due course.'[17] SDS UCO. Mentioned by Lambert as an SDS UCO who 'would have involvement in Stephen Lawrence campaign issues' (Ellison page 214).[16]

No application from MPS, but in March 2016 NH15's lawyer submitted an application to restrict real and cover names. The lawyers have since notified the Inquiry that a supplement to the application may be made on receipt of a final risk assessment from the MPS. The Inquiry has also received additional evidence, but is awaiting the further application before publishing anything.[5] March 2016 application documents: personal statement (gisted), open application, draft order and risk assessment (gisted).

In November 2017, Mitting noted:[2]

I am minded to refuse to make a restriction order in respect of either real or cover name. A closed hearing is required to permit HN15 to make submissions in support of either or both applications. If I were to state the reasons for the decisions which I am minded to make openly and/or if HN15 were to make submissions openly it would so undermine the applications as to deprive them of purpose.

The closed hearing in relation for this was held by the 20 December 2017; an Inquiry press release stated that Mitting had decided to refuse the application to restrict the release of both cover and real names of the officer and a ruling to this effect would be released in the New Year.[18]

Represented by Slater & Gordon.

HN16 unknown Ruling: cover name to be released; real name to be restricted.[19] SDS UCO

N16 is a core participant and represented by Slater & Gordon.

N17 unknown Minded-to: neither real or cover name can be published.[2] SDS UCO, targeting right wing groups.[2] Mentioned by Lambert as a contemporary of Peter Francis (early/mid 1990s) who infiltrated far right groups (Ellison, p. 214).[16]

Mitting stated in his Minded-To:[2]

HN17 is no longer a serving police officer. HN17 was deployed against a number of groups in the last 15 years of the existence of the SDS. If the true identity were to be discovered by members of them HN17 would be at real risk of serious violence by them or their associates. Nothing in the nature of the deployment or of what is known of HN17’s conduct of it could justify running that risk.
For reasons which can only be, and are, explained in the closed note accompanying these reasons, publication of the cover name would be likely eventually to lead to the discovery of the real name [emphasis added]. That is not a risk which I am prepared to run. Even if Article 3 of the European Convention is not, on the facts, engaged, Article 8 is; and the interference with HN17’s right to respect for private and family life which would be occasioned by both the risk and occurrence of violence would not be justified under Article 8(2).
Careful thought will, in the future, need to be given to the manner in which the evidence of HN17 will be received by the Inquiry.

An application for restriction order over real and cover names had been made; supporting evidence supplied to Inquiry,[3] but has not been published.

HN19 unknown Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): grant restriction over real name; no application to restrict their cover name submitted which will be published once pre-publication checks have been made.[7] SDS UCO, from 1981 to 1985 he was deployed into two left wing groups which no longer exist 'as such'. Was arrested and cautioned for unlawful bill posting during deployment. No known allegation of misconduct during his deployment, which appears otherwise unremarkable according to Mitting. Was newly married when deployed. In 60s and married.[8]

Mitting states in his Jan 2018 'Minded To', that publication of real name is not necessary, and publication of his cover name will suffice to prompt any whom he interacted with to come forward to give evidence about his deployment. Has no concerns for his physical safety, but 'is concerned to avoid the intrusion into his and his wife's private and family life which might result from publication of his real name. Thus, in Mitting's view publication of his real name would interfere with his Article 8(2) rights to private and family life.[8] [8]

HN20 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
HN21 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
HN23 unknown Minded-To: Neither real or cover names can be released (Nov 2017).[2] The Restriction order application is listed to be heard in open hearing on 5 February 2018.[21] SDS UCO in 1990s.

According to Mitting (Nov 2017):[2]

HN23 was deployed against one group and reported on other groups in the 1990s. The nature of the deployment gave rise to risks to HN23's life and safety which, to an extent which cannot be precisely quantified, remain. They are more fully set out in the closed note which accompanies these reasons. Nothing short of anonymity in respect of real and cover name could obviate the risks. I would not be justified in running them. It is unavoidable that the evidence which HN23 can give will be given in a closed session.

An application for restriction order over real and cover names had been made; supporting evidence supplied to Inquiry,[3] and published on 4 January 2018: Open application for restriction order Open risk assessment and a heavily redacted Open impact statement.

The Risk Assessment reveals that N23 is not a core participant in the Inquiry, and that he has previously been the subject of a misconduct investigation, which concluded with no case to answer. He says he has not been in sexual relationships. 'There was always an assumption of anonymity, but never a formal guarantee or assurance.' The increased risk of the cover or real name confirmed is assessed to be 'critical ... resulting in a life threatening injury, and more likely death, and the only security measure left would be immediate extraction and re-location.'

In their Impact Statement, N23 says he is not on any form of social media and has actively avoided being on it as a consequence of his role withing the SDS. He is also trying to prevent any photograph being put online leading back to his family and himself. He is worried the press will turn up, and worried what friends and family will think about the fact that he could not talk about the work he was doing:

I am worried that they will not understand the reasons for this and will see it as a betrayal which will affect both friendships and relationships with family. Had I believed that there was a risk of my identity becoming known, I would not have taken on the role.

Material relating to HN23 for the hearing of 5 February 2018 was submitted by the Metropolitan Police, The Guardian, Peter Francis and the [NPSCPs https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180122-NPNSCPs-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf].

N24 unknown Extension sought to be deal with in a future tranche.[3] SDS Management. N81 stated to Op. Herne: 'I was informed, at the height of the Macpherson Inquiry, that my reporting was going straight to Sir Paul Condon’s desk each morning via N24, and N127 (SDS Sgt) passed on to me from N24 congratulations from the Commissioner for your excellent reporting...' (Ellison, p. 232).[16]
HN25 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
HN26 Christine Green Ruling: restrict real name, release cover name (Dec 2017).[19] Her cover name was confirmed 20 February 2018 following exposure by The Guardian and the Undercover Research Group.[22] SDS UCO (1994-1999) into animal rights groups. For full details see under her profile.

Core participant; represented by Slater & Gordon.

N27 unknown SDS Undercover. Ellison cites Lambert's interview with Operation Herne as saying: "N27 (also deployed into a different left-wing group) and would have come across Peter Francis, certainly both were at Welling…" (Ellison, p. 214).[16]
HN33 unknown Extent of restriction sought unclear; MPS to clarify.[3]
HN35 unknown Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.[7][8]
HN34 unknown Real name to be published.[3] SDS Management / back office staff. No restriction order application made.[3]
N40 unknown Minded-To: Neither real name or cover name to be published (Nov 2017).[2] The Restriction order application is listed to be heard in open hearing on 5 February 2018.[21] SDS UCO. Mentioned in relation to how information from the SDS, particularly on the identities of protestors, was passed on to the rest of the police (Herne II, 13.4, 24.1.3).[15]

In November 2017, Mitting stated:

HN40 was deployed against two groups in the last decade of the existence of the SDS [1998-2008]. If the true identity were to be discovered by members of them HN40 would be at real risk of serious violence by them or their associates. Nothing in the nature of the deployment or in what is known of HN40’s conduct of it could justify running that risk.
For reasons which can only be, and are, explained in the closed note accompanying these reasons, publication of the cover name would be likely eventually to lead to the discovery of the real name. That is not a risk which I am prepared to run. Even if Article 3 of the European Convention is not, on the facts, engaged, Article 8 is; and the interference with HN40’s right to respect for private and family life which would be occasioned by both the risk and occurrence of violence would not be justified under Article 8(2). Careful thought will, in the future, need to be given to the manner in which the evidence of HN40 will be received by the Inquiry.

Documents published 4 January 2018: Open application for restriction order, Open risk assessment, Open medical evidence (gisted), Open impact statement (Dec. 2015) and Open impact statement (Aug. 2017), the latter two both heavily redacted.

The Risk Assessment reveals that HN40 is not a core participant in the Inquiry and that there is no evidence of misconduct.

N40 was given assurances as regards anonymity, and was also given an assurance of a favourable posting after N40s deployment. To N40's mind, these assurances were absolute and made in the presence of a family member.
Members of the group(s) and/or their associates were involved in serious violent crime during the deployment.
The deployment included one occasion when N40 was prosecuted in cover name.
N40 gave examples of where images of N40 while deployed are likely to exist.

In their Impact Statement, N40 gives a detailed account of what he was promised, how isolated the SDS deployment was from any other police work, and how the MPS let him down afterwards. N40 is diagnosed with PTSD and says his health has deteriorated significantly between the two Impact Statements (Dec 2015 and Aug 2017).

Material relating to HN40 for the hearing of 5 February 2018 was submitted by the Metropolitan Police, The Guardian, Peter Francis and the [NPSCPs https://www.ucpi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/20180122-NPNSCPs-subs-HN23-HN40-HN241-HN322-HN348.pdf].

HN41 unknown Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): restriction order over both real and cover names.[7] SDS UCO deployed against two groups in the 1970s and 1980s, of which the principle target group no longer exists. No known allegation of misconduct, and according to Mitting 'given the nature of the deployment and the personal circumstances of HN41, it is very unlikely any plausible allegation of misconduct could be made'. In 60s and married.[8]

Mitting also notes that there was a 'real, but unquantifiable risk to the personal safety of HN41 if the real or cover name were to be published', and it would 'be neither necessary or proportionate to run that risk.' HN41 was apparently also promised lifetime anonymity to which Mitting also states: 'HN41 was entitled to rely on that promise when undertaking the deployments referred to. In this case, it is a relevant factor.'[8]

Mitting also added that open evidence from HN41 can be provided under his cypher, and protective measures used if they are required to give open oral evidence. Publication of real or cover name would interfere with the private life / physical integrity of HN41 so not justified under Article 8(2).[8]

N43 Peter Francis Confirmed. SDS UCO, active 1993-1997 in Youth against Racism in Europe and Militant / Socialist Party.

Mentioned in Herne I (3.5, 3.6) though not by real name; his identity can be inferred as he was the only former undercover who provided a video interview to the Guardian.[6] Peter Francis confirmed this was his cypher in a tweet of 23 January 2018.[23]

On 25 January 2018, the Inquiry revealed that Francis had used three cover identities, 'Peter Johnson', 'Peter Daley' and 'Peter Black'. This was the first public revealing of the alias 'Peter Johnson', a name taken from that of a dead child. The Inquiry noted that it ' has been in touch with Peter Johnson’s close relatives who have made it very clear that they want the media to respect their privacy and not to seek to contact them by any means'.[24]

N45 unknown Minded-To: cover name can be published, but not real name (Nov 2017).[2] SDS UCO & Management. Currently in 70s they were deployed against groups in the 1970s, from which there is no known allegation of misconduct. Later had an administrative role in SDS in 1982-1983 which involved collation & internal distribution of intelligence reports, but 'not the tasking of undercover officers or target group selection.'[2]

Mitting noted (Nov 2017):[2]

Only immediate family members are aware of HN45’s deployment. They are concerned about the damage to HN45’s reputation which might result from association in the real name with other now notorious undercover officers and from lies which might be told by others about HN45. HN45 undertook the role of an undercover officer in the expectation that identity would not be revealed. In respect of real identity, this expectation should be fulfilled unless it is in the public interest that it should be set aside – for example, if it were necessary to do so to permit an accusation of misconduct to be determined. It is not. Further, reputation is an aspect of HN45’s private life to which respect must be shown. Interference with it is not necessary to fulfil the terms of reference of the Inquiry.
The same considerations do not apply to the cover name. I accept, as claimed, that HN45 understood that the cover name would not be revealed publicly. I also accept, as contended, that it is unlikely that any member of any of the groups encountered by this officer, will be able to give evidence about the deployment because of the elapse of time and the death of the principal target. I cannot, however, exclude the possibility that disclosure of the cover name may prompt such evidence and that it may be necessary to receive it to fulfil the terms of reference of the Inquiry. I am satisfied on the basis of the risk assessment dated 10 July 2017 that the risk that disclosure of the cover name would lead to the identification of HN45 by real name is nil or negligible. In those circumstances, the balance of factors requires that the cover name is published.

Closed reasons were also provided. On 4 January 2018 Open application for restriction order was released, but not Impact statement or Risk Assessment.

HN48 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
N52 unknown SDS sergeant, who in 1998 received the memo from Bob Lambert on the meeting between Richard Walton and N81 (Ellison Review, p. 229).[16]
N53 unknown Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.[7] SDS Management. Authored a series of internal memos in 2002 in relation to a joint operation with the National Criminal Intelligence Service known as Op. Wisdom - in relation to the use of the 'Jackal run' process of using a deceased person's identity to obtain passports. "N53 explained that he believed that between 1968 and 2002 there had been one hundred and two (102) SDS officers who had been provided with covert identities. N53’s documentation stated that the majority of these UCO’s would have used a deceased child’s identity." (Herne I, 5.4 & 6.2).[6] Mentioned as an ex-SDS Detective Inspector in relation to material being passed onto other units: Another ex-Detective Inspector, N53, told Herne: "The SDS retained nothing that would betray its identity" (Ellison, p. 201).[16] Briefly mentioned in relation to computerisation of SDS / Special Branch records circa 1998 (Herne II, 13.1).[15]
HN56 unknown Extent of restriction sought unknown; MPS to clarify.[3]
HN58 unknown Fluid situation. Currently Mitting minded-to restrict both real and cover names.[18]

Initially Mitting minded to restrict both cover and real name (Aug 2017).[1] This position changed to considering publishing both cover and real name by separating the two; further submissions invited (Oct 2017).[25] This changed again in November 2017, with the then minded-to suggesting publishing real name but not cover name - with further submissions invited and possibly a short closed hearing to take place.[3]. Following the hearing of 21st November, Mitting said a closed hearing would take place before he made a ruling.[19] This hearing took place by 20 December 2017, after which Mitting stated he was 'minded-to' restrict both the real and cover name of HN58.[18][17]

SDS UCO & manager - was DCI in charge of unit 1997-2001 (considered a managerial position). Now aged over 60.[26][4] Further details of their applications, etc. may be found on the HN58 page.
HN59 unknown Real name to be given 'when evidence relating to them is published before hearings'.[7] Back office staff. No application to restrict real name was made.[8]
HN60 unknown Jan 2018: more time granted 'to provide the Chairman with information in order for him to make a decision'.[7][8]
HN61 unknown Minded-To: real name to be published (15 Jan 2018)[11] SDS back office staff / manager only.[11] No application for a restriction order was made.[12]
HN64 unknown Minded-To: restrict both cover & real names (Nov 2017)[2] SDS UCO in the 1990s where they were deployed against one group and reported on others.[2]

Mitting noted in Nov 2017:[2] The deployment posed risks to HN64’s life and safety which, to an extent which cannot be precisely quantified, remain. The risks are explained in the closed note which accompanies these reasons. Nothing short of anonymity in respect of both real and cover names could obviate those risks. I would not be justified in running them. It is unavoidable that the evidence of HN64 will be given in closed session.

HN66 unknown 15 Jan 2018, granted more time to provide the Inquiry with information in relation to their restriction order application.[11] Full application delayed so minded to decision cannot yet be reached.[12]
N67 unknown SDS UCO (1981-1984). Used dead child identity; said at time of deployment there was no training manual but there was a 'best practice' reference folder (Herne I, 7.4 & 7.5).[6]
HN68 unknown Ruling (Dec 2017): real name cannot be published, cover name to be released.[19] SDS UCO & managerial; deceased. Deployed against groups from 1968 to 1974. Managerial position in SDS 1982-84.[4]

Cover name to be published, however, Mitting states: "As in the case of the living officers cited it is unlikely that the publication of his real name would prompt the giving or production of evidence necessary to permit the Inquiry to fulfil its terms of reference. Evidence about the discharge of his managerial duties can be given by reference to his cypher. The identity of HN68 is known to those who can give such evidence. Publication of his real name would be likely to interfere with the right of his widow to respect for her private life under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (‘the European Convention’). It is unlikely that such interference would be justified under Article 8(2). The possibility that disclosure of his cover name might interfere with her right is nil or negligible. Closed reasons accompany this note."[4]

The MPS have submitted an application to restrict N68's real name, a witness statement from his widow and an open risk assessment (Mark Veljovic). The above information on N68 comes from Mitting's 'Minded-To' note, and does not appear in the risk assessment.

The restriction order application over HN68's real name was heard at the hearing of 21 November 2017,[27] and the restriction order issued on 8 December 2017. In granting the order, Mitting followed the reasons set out in his minded-to note of 3 August 2017.[19]

As he deceased, HN68 is not a core participant.

N69 unknown SDS Chief Inspector (1986-1987). In his statement to Op. Herne stated '…new recruits were instructed on how to go about obtaining false birth certificates. They would obtain details of a deceased person of a similar age from Somerset House and then use those details to go about creating their legend.' (Herne I, 3.1)[6]
HN71 unknown Minded-to (25 Jan 2018): restriction order over both real and cover names.[7] SDS UCO deployed against two groups in 1990s and 2000s.

Mitting states that if HN71's true identity was to be discovered then HN71 would be at 'real risk of serious violence by them or their associates. Nothing in the nature of the deployment or in what is known of HN71's conduct of it could justify running that risk.' There is some risk release of the cover name could lead to the real name. '[T]he intereference with HN71's right to respect for private and family life which would be occassioned by both the risk and occurance of violence would not be justified'.[8]

HN72 / N72 unknown Extension sought to deal with in a future tranche.[3] SDS. Provided evidence that N81's tasking to spy on the Lawrence family came from Commissioner Stevens (Ellison, p. 253; Herne II, 21.1.15 & 21.2).[15] Operation Herne told Ellison that N72 did not serve with SDS until after the Macpherson Inquiry so his account should be treated as hearsay; Stevens also denied this (Ellison, p. 253).[16]
N78 unknown Extent of restriction sought unclear; extension sought for MPS to supply application.[3] SDS UCO. Joined Special Branch in 1986 and SDS in 1991. Deployed as an undercover into left-wing groups Summer 1991 to 1995, including some near the Lawrence campaign; had left the SDS by 1996 (Herne II, 12.2; Ellison, 6.4). Aware of Peter Francis' role; said he heard nothing indicating material to smear the Lawrences was being sought (Herne II, 21.1.14; Ellison, 6.3(p), 6.4). Considerable material from him covered in section 6.4 of the Ellison Review (Vol.1).[15]
HN81 / N81 unknown Ruling: Real name cannot be published, cover name and group targeted will be done in time.[19] SDS UCO. Referred to extensively in the Ellison Review in relation to the targeting of the family of Stephen Lawrence.

On joining the SDS he received a home visit from two officers who affirmed he would have anonymity for the rest of their career. During his time undercover he would have twice-weekly meetings with his handlers, and following the end of his deployment he returned to Special Branch.[28]

Details of N81's restriction order applications can be found at the N81 in the Undercover Policing Inquiry page.

N81 is a core participant and is represented by Slater & Gordon.

N85 Roger Pearce Confirmed.[29] SDS UCO & manager. Head of Special Branch and Director of Intelligence for Metropolitan Police Service. See under profile for mentions of him in Herne I and the Ellison Review.
N86 unknown Extent of restriction sought unclear; extension sought for MPS to supply application.[3] SDS Head from 1993 to 1996, as Detective Chief Inspector; responsibilities included SDS recruitment & tasking. Author of a dcocument of 24 Sept 1993 referring to a 'new, violent anti-fascist group forming within Youth Against Racism'. Also authored the 1993/1994 SDS Annual Report which discussed left-wing campaigning around the death of Stephen Lawrence.
Left SDS for another post on 11 April 1996. On 21 April 1997 he took temporary control for six months of S Squad (the division which contained the SDS) due to illness of its Suptintendent.
Refused to provide a statement to Operation Herne. However, as he is central to the claims of Peter Francis regarding racism in the SDS and the tasking against the Lawrence family, N86 provided a statement for the Ellison Review in which he denied much of what Francis said. (Ellison 6.5 & 6.9(c)-(d); Herne II, 26.1.19)[16][6]
HN82 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
HN83 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
N88 unknown Minded-To (Nov 2017): cover name to be published (application to restrict refused), real name to be restricted.[3] SDS UCO. Deployed against community-based support groups in 1980s.[3]

Application to restrict both cover and real names made with accompanying risk assessement and personal impact statement (all unpublished).[3]

Mitting noted (Nov 2017): [2]

One of the issues which the Inquiry must explore is whether or not the deployment was justified and what, if anything, of legitimate interest to the police occurred during the deployment. It is unlikely, due in part to the passage of time, that HN88 will be able to give detailed evidence about the deployment. In that event, and in any event, the Inquiry will wish to obtain, if possible, evidence from those against whom HN88 was deployed. This task will be at least impeded if the cover name is not published.
Publication of HN88’s real name is not necessary to permit this to occur. It would give rise to an interference with private and family life, including HN88’s economic activity which would not be justified under Article 8(2) of the European Convention or fair to the officer. HN88 is concerned that if the cover name is published the real name might be identified. I am satisfied that the risk is so small as not to amount to a real risk and have therefore discounted it.

A closed note was also issued setting out further details.[2]

N89 unknown SDS UCO; infiltrated far right in 1990s and 'involved in public order situations where left and right attended'; contemporary of Peter Francis who would confide in N89.[16]
HN89 unknown Minded-to (Nov 2017): real & cover name to be published.[3] SDS UCO. Deceased and no application made to restrict details.

Note from URG: Not clear if this is the same person as N89, mentioned in Ellison.

HN95 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
HN96 unknown 11 January 2018, directions issued for any application for restriction orders to be submitted by 30 & 31 January 2018 for MPS and Designated Lawyers Team respectively.[20]
HN99 unknown Real name to be published[3] SDS Management / back office. No application for restriction made.[3]

Notes

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 Press Release: 'Minded to' note, ruling and directions in respect of anonymity applications relating to former officers of the Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).
  2. 2.00 2.01 2.02 2.03 2.04 2.05 2.06 2.07 2.08 2.09 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.16 2.17 2.18 In the matter of section 19 (3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note 2, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017)
  3. 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 Counsel to the Inquiry's Explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded-To' Note (2) in respect for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 14 November 2017 (accessed 15 November 2017).
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 John Mitting, In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad ‘Minded to’ note, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
  5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 David Barr & Kate Wilkinson, Counsel to the Inquiry's explanatory note to accompany the 'Minded to' note in respect of applications for restrictions over the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
  6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 Mick Creedon, Operation Herne Report 1: Covert Identities, Metropolitan Police Service, July 2013.
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 Press Notice: Decisions relating to anonymity applications: Special Demonstration Squad, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 25 January 2018 (accessed 25 January 2018).
  8. 8.00 8.01 8.02 8.03 8.04 8.05 8.06 8.07 8.08 8.09 8.10 8.11 8.12 8.13 Sir John Mitting, In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005. Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and Special Demonstration Squad - 'Minded To' Note 4, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 25 January 2018 (accessed 25 January 2018).
  9. No anonymity sought for N5, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 20 December 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
  10. 10.0 10.1 John Mitting, In the matter of section 19(3) of the Inquiries Act 2005 Application for restriction order in respect of HN7 Ruling (Ruling in respect of HN7), Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 3 August 2017 (accessed 5 August 2017).
  11. 11.0 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 Press notice - ‘Minded-to’ anonymity: Special Demonstration Squad Officers (HN13, HN296, HN304, HN339, HN340, HN354, HN356/124, HN61, HN819, HN109, HN9, HN66), Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 January 2018 (accessed 15 January 2018).
  12. 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 Sir John Mitting, Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: 'Minded to' note 3, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 January 2018 (accessed 15 January 2018).
  13. Mark Ellison, The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review - Volume 1: Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case, Gov.UK, March 2014.
  14. 14.0 14.1 The Chairman’s ‘Minded to’ note on applications for restriction orders in respect of two former undercover police officers, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 20 October 2016 (accessed 5 August 2017).
  15. 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 15.4 Mick Creedon, Operation Herne: Report 2 - Allegations of Peter Francis, Metropolitan Police Service, March 2014.
  16. 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 16.4 16.5 16.6 16.7 16.8 16.9 Mark Ellison, Possible corruption and the role of undercover policing in the Stephen Lawrence case, Stephen Lawrence Independent Review, Vol. 1, Gov.UK, March 2014
  17. 17.0 17.1 Sir John Mitting, Directions following closed hearings for HN15, HN58 and HN104, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 20 December 2017 (accessed 3 February 2018 via UCPI.org.uk).
  18. 18.0 18.1 18.2 Press Notice: Decisions relating to anonymity applications: Special Demonstration Squad - HN15, HN58 and HN104 "Carlo Neri", Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.
  19. 19.0 19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 Sir John Mitting, Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstration Squad: Ruling, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 5 December 2017 (accessed 9 December 2017).
  20. 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 20.4 20.5 20.6 20.7 Applications for restriction orders in respect of the real and cover names of officers of the Special Operations Squad and the Special Demonstrations Squad: Directions, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 11 January 2018 (accessed 11 January 2018).
  21. 21.0 21.1 15 January 2018 Press notice: Hearing on restriction orders in respect of HN23, HN40, HN241, HN322 and HN348, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 15 January 2018 (accessed 15 January 2018).
  22. Cover names, Undercover Policing Inquiry, updated 20 February 2018. See also their tweet of same day: Cover name confirmed: "Christine Green" - groups: Animal Liberation Front; London Animal Action, West London Hunt Saboteurs. 1994-1999, Twitter.com, 20 February 2018 (accessed 20 February 2018)
  23. Peter Francis, I really do hope I actually was a #Spycops or all those years of counselling were a total waste of money! Wow just imagine if it turns out I wasn't!! My totally unwanted Police anonymity number was N43, Twitter.com, 23 January 2018 (accessed 23 January 2018).
  24. Press notice: No restriction sought over cover identities of Peter Francis, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 25 January 2018 (accessed 28 January 2018).
  25. Supplementary ‘Minded to’ note on anonymity, updated and additional hearing dates, directions to the Metropolitan Police Service, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 23 October 2017 (accessed 23 October 2017 via UCPI.org.uk).
  26. Sir John Mitting, On the application of HN58 for a restriction order in respect of real and cover name, Undercover Policing Inquiry", 20 December 2017.
  27. Transcript of hearing of 21 November 2017, Undercover Policing Inquiry, 21 November 2017.
  28. David Reid, HN81 - Open Risk Assessment (redacted), Metropolitan Police Service28 June 2017 (accessed via UCPI.org.uk).
  29. No anonymity sought for Roger Pearce, Undercover Policing Public Inquiry (UCPI.org.uk), 29 March 2017 (accessed 3 August 2017).

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